HISTORY 



BORDER WARS 



TWO CENTURIES 



EMBRACING A 



NARRATIVE OF THE WARS WITH THE INDIANS 
FROM 1750 TO 1874. 



ILLUSTRATED 



COMPILED AND WRITTEN FROM THE MOST RELIABLE SOURCES, 
BY 

CHARLES RICHARD TUTTLE, 

AUTHOR OF " THE ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN/ 



CHICAGO: 
PUBLISHED BY C. A. WALL & COMPANY, 

105, 107 & 109 MADISON STREET. 
1874. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the j-ear 1874, 

By CHARLES R. TUTTLE, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 






# 



A'i' 



N^ 



PREFACE 



This Volume is simply what its title page indi- 
cates — a history of the Border Wars of the United 
States from the fall of Canada, in 1759, to and 
including the Indian troubles in the far West in 
1874. The narrative opens with a brief history of 
the Indian Nations east of the Mississippi, and a 
short description of the outposts of both the Eng- 
lish and French colonies as they appeared at the 
close of the French war. Then follows, in consider- 
able detail, an account of the Pontiac War, which in 
its desolating march spread the horror of murder and 
massacre from the Carolinas to the most northern 
lake fort. From this desperate struggle the reader is 
conducted through the tempests of Border Warfare 
in its furious march across the Continent, from the 
Alleghanies and the lakes to the dangerous lava-cave 
ambuscades of the Modocs, in Arizona, and the wilds 
of the Pacific slope. At the proper point the narra- 
tive is interrupted to give place to a brief history of 
the Indian tribes, and a description of the outposts 
of civilization west of the Mississippi. 

In the course of the history the reader is presented 



4 PREFACE. 

with interesting and authentic sketches of the lives ol 
Chiefs Pontiac, Brant, Tecumseh, Black Hawk, Cap- 
tain Jack, and 'the great Indian warriors who have 
figured conspicuously in Border Warfare in North 
America ; the various treaties that have been made 
and broken, the boundary lines that have been agreed 
upon and invaded ; in short, all the events that have, 
for the time, either prevented or promoted these 
wars, are fully and truthfully represented, so that the 
reader, after carefully perusing this Volume, will, in 
the absence of any opinion expressed by the author, 
be able to judge intelligently for himself of the merits 
of the treatment which the native tribes have received 
at the hands of the United States government. 

The demand for this work cannot be questioned. 
There is not a single person interested in the history 
of the United States who has not felt the want of a 
reliable History of the Wars between his country and 
the Indians ; and it is with a view to supply this want 
that this book is presented to the public. It has been 
compiled and written from the most reliable sources, 
and, it is confidently believed, w^ill be found complete, 
authentic and interesting. The various books, publi- 
cations and reports which have been consulted, and 
to which the perfection of this Volume is largely 
indebted, require something more than a passing 
notice in this introduction. In compiling and writing 
a volume such as the followino-, where most of the 



materials used have been, in some way, connected 
with other books, it is impossible, in the course of the 
narrative, to give proper credit to the authors con- 
sulted ; and, in order that the reader may know to 
what extent books heretofore published have contrib- 
uted to the perfection of this work, I take this 
opportunity of making the necessary explanation. 

Mr. Francis Parkman deserves the first mention. 
From his valuable works on the Indians and Indian 
wars east of the Mississippi, has been gathered the 
materials which make up the first part of this book, 
and it is only necessary to make this reference to 
establish the authenticity of my history of the Pontiac 
war, for there is no more able, complete, or interesting 
narrative of this terrible border war than that given 
by Mr. Parkman, whose writings are justly regarded 
as an ornament to American literature. 

In that part of the narrative which gives an account 
of Harmar's, St. Clair's and Harrison's campaigns 
against the Indians, Including Tecumseh's war, I have 
gathered much from the works of Messrs. James H. 
Perkins and J. M. Peck — a volume originally com- 
piled by the former and revised by the latter — 
entitled "The Western Annals." I have frequently 
given this volume credit in the course of the narra- 
tive ; but, in addition, I wish to make this acknowl- 
edgment here. 

My account of the Black Hawk war is materially 
dependent upon Mr. Upham's valuable little book 



which is entirely devoted to the Hfe of this wayward 
chief. In this volume, the author takes occasion, and 
I think, justly, to censure the acts of the United 
States authorities for needlessly irritating the Sacs 
to this bloody onset. 

In the brief account of the Indian tribes west of 
the Mississippi, which precedes my history of the 
Indian wars in the same territory, Mr. Charles De 
Wolf Brownell is the most valuable contributor. His 
standard work, entitled the " Indian Races of North 
and South America," has been freely consulted, and, 
although the usual credit is given in the proper 
places, I cannot fail to mention it here. 

In my account of the adventures of Colonel John 
C. Fremont, and Christopher Carson, I have freely 
used the official reports of the former, the " Life and 
Explorations of Fremont," and other volumes, but I 
shall not undertake to enumerate all the official 
reports and documents which have contributed to the 
thrilling catalogue of wars and adventures west of 
the Mississippi, which constitutes the last part of this 
book. It will suffice to say that some five or six hun- 
dred of these have been diligently consulted and 
always with good results. 

A description of the principal battles during the 
conquest of Mexico, which has been thrown in to 
relieve the general current of Indian warfare, is 
largely dependent upon a neat little volume entitled 
"The Mexican War and its Heroes." I have no 



PREFACE. 7 

means of knowing the name of the author of this 
volume, since it has not been attached to its pages. I 
ought also to mention " The Life and Adventures of 
Kit Carson," by Col. DeWitt C. Peters, which came 
into my hands a few days before this volume was 
given to the publishers. It is a deeply interesting, 
strictly authentic work, that reflects scarcely less 
honor upon the name of the famous mountaineer 
than credit upon his biographer. Several important 
passages in this work have their origin in the labors 
of this author. The brief account of the Seminole 
war, which closes this volume has been compiled and 
written from Mr. Joshua R. Giddings' valuable book 
entitled, " The Exiles of Florida," a neat little work 
of surpassing interest. 

I wish to claim for myself only the earnest labor 
of a compiler, and in presenting this book to the 
public, I do so in the belief that the materials have 
been so arranged as to constitute the most complete 
and satisfactory history of the wars with the Indians 
of the United States and Territories that has yet 
been written. 

CHARLES R. TUTTLE. 
Chicago, March, 1874. 



HISTORY OF 



The Border Wars, 



CHARTER I. 

The Indian Tkibes of the Lake Region — General Character- 
istics — Tribal Divisions — Mode of Government — Myths and 
Legends — Their Eloquence and Sagacity — Dwellings, Vil- 
lages AND Forts — The War Path — Festivals and Pastimes — 
Religious Faith. 

Before entering upon an account of the scenes and incidents 
of the Border Wars of the Northwest, I will give the reader a 
faint glimpse of the condition of the Indian tribes of the lake 
region about the date at Mdiicli our narrative commences — 
1700. The territory east of the Mississippi was occupied, 
excepting where the whites had intruded tlieir colonial settle- 
ments, by three great families, differing from each other by a 
radical peculiarity of language. They were called the Iroquois, 
Algonquin and Mobilian nations. The Mobilians embraced the 
confederacy of the Greeks and the Choctaws, but as they took 
no active part in the ensuing narrative, I will avoid any details 
of their history. But the Iroquois and the Algonquin nations, 
being conspicuously identified with the last great struggle of 
the savages against civilization, demand a closer attention. 

Foremost in eloquence, war and intellect stood the Iroquois. 
To use their own words, they " were a mighty and warlike 
(9) 



10 THE LIVES OF PO>"nAC A^"D TI':CUMSEH : 

people," and they extended their conquests from Quebec to the 
Caroh'nas, on the seaboard, and to the Mississippi on the west. 
Everywhere in this broad country they established their name 
and power, and, indeed, throughout the country they were the 
terror alike of whites and Indians. In the south they had 
conquered the Delawares, and were, at this time, forcing them 
to a heavy tribute; in the north, they had completely subjected 
the Wyandots, and prohibited them the use of arm's; in the 
west they exterminated the Eries, and in the east •' a single 
Mohawk war cry was sufficient to terrify all the Indians in 
^ew England.'" 

But the Indians were not alone in terror of the Iroquois. 
All Canada trembled beneath their infuriated onset. More 
than once Champlain fled with his troops to the forts for 
refuge, leaving his pursuing conquerers to destroy and plunder 
the defenseless French settlements. Certainly the history of 
such a powerful nation should not be slighted, yet to trace it 
beyond the dark border of the discovery is beyond the power 
of human penetration. 

As we glance at them in 1700, we find their central govern- 
ment located within the present limits of the state of iS'ew 
York, where, in thfe Yalley of the Onondaga, the chiefs of the 
several tribes of this great family held their civil and military 
councils for many generations. The Iroquois nation consisted 
of, first five, and, at a later period, six tribes, called the 
Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, the Sen- 
ecas and the Tuscaroras. These tribfes were bound together by 
a loose confederacy, being, in a small measure, subject to a 
general congress, but each tribe had its own organization, and 
independent tribal government. Each tribe had several 
sachems, who, with the subordinate chiefs and principal men, 
regulated all its civil and military affairs; but when foreign 
powers were to be consulted, or important treaties made, all 
the sachems of the several tribes convened in general assembly 
at the great council house — the Iroquois capitol — in the val- 
ley of the Onondaga. Here the Congressmen of the Six 
Illations were received, the great council fire kindled, treaties 
made and difficulties settled. Here the simple Iroquois 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 11 

sachem sat and listened to the eloquent speeches of the leadinir 
chiefs, who spoke their honest sentiments in accordance witli 
the most ancient usages of their nation. 

When Jacques Cartier first visited the St. Lawrence he found 
the savages of the Six Kations occupying the country along 
the north bank of the river, and, as early as 1535, he discov- 
ered a town of the Huron-Iroquois, consisting of about fifty 
huts, near the present site of the city of Montreal. This vil- 
lage was situated in the midst of large fields of Indian corn, 
and must, even at this early day, have been a place of consid- 
erable importance, or, to use tlie words of another, " the 
metropolis of the neighboring country." 

Mr. Stone, in his able writings on the Indians of the Six 
Nations, gives the following description of this village: "It 
was surrounded by palisades or trunks of trees set in a ti-iple 
row. The outer and inner ranges of palisades inclined till 
they met and crossed near the summit, while the upright row 
between them, aided by transverse braces, gave to the whole 
an abundant strength. Within were galleries for the defend- 
ers, rude ladders to mount them, and magazines of stone to 
throw down on the heads of the assailants. A single entrance 
was secured with piles and stakes, and every precaution adopted 
against sudden attack or seige. The town consisted of about 
fifty oblong houses, each fifty feet in length by twelve or fif- 
teen in breadth, built of wood and covered with bark. Each 
house contained small chambers built round an open court in 
the centre, in which many fires were kindled. Tlie inhabitants 
were devoted to husbandry and fishing, and the lands in the 
vicinity were well cultivated." 

According to the history of Cartier's voyage, the Indians of 
Hochelaga — now Montreal — were unusually civilized, for bar- 
barians, and greatly in advance of their nation a century after- 
wards; but in 1600 no trace of this village could be found. 

According to their own traditions the people of the Six 
Nations originally came from the north, but they date the 
period of their migration a long number of centuries back. 
Cusick, the Tuscarora author — and the only Indian who has 
written upon the subject — dates the event more than five hun- 



12 TIIE LIVES OF PONIIAC AND TECUMSEII : 

dred years before the discovery by Columbus, but his writings- 
are not generally accepted. The tradition of the Senecas, the 
fifth of the Six Nations, is that the original people of their 
Nation broke forth from the earth, from the crest of a moun- 
tain at the head of Canandaigua Lake. The mountain which 
gave them bir'th is called Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh, or the great 
hill, and for this reason the Senecas are sometimes called the 
great hill people, and, I believe, this was their original title, 
Tlie Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh has been held, by them, sacred as 
being their birth-place. It was for many years the place of 
holding the councils of this tribe, and was the hallowed place 
of their religious services. 

As with the Senecas so with all the tribes of the Six Nations. 
They have no written history of their origin, nor can one now 
be produced. 

One of the principal supports to the confederacy of the Six 
Nations, and one of the strongest ties which bound them 
together was the system of toteinshij>. In the Six Nations 
there were eight totemic clans. 

The Iroquois believed that Taounyawatha, the God of Waters, 
had descended to the earth to teach them the arts of savage 
life. They claimed further that this God, seeing the evils by 
which their various tribes were beset, urged them to form a 
great confederacy for their common good and defence. But 
before the people could be collected together this Messenger 
took his flight, promising, however, that another should be 
sent to instruct them in the principles of the proposed league. 
"And accordingly," says the glowing pen of Francis Park- 
man, " as a band of Mohawk warriors were threading the fu- 
neral labyrinth of an ancient pine forest, tliey heard, amid its 
blackest depths, a hoarse voice chanting in measured cadence; 
and following the sound, they saw, seated among the trees, a 
monster of so hideous an aspect that, one and all, they stood 
benumbed with terror. His features were wild and frightful. 
Be was encompassed by hissing rattlesnakes, which. Medusa- 
like, hung writhing from his head; and on the ground, around 
him were strewm implements of incantation, and magic vessels 
formed of human skulls. Eecovering from their amazement, 



OR, THE P.OUDER WAR? OF I'AVO CENTURIIiS. 13 

the warriors could perceive that in the mystic words of the 
<ihant, which he still poured forth, were couched the laws and 
principles of the destined confederacy. The tradition further 
declares that the monster being surrounded and captured, was 
presently transformed to human shape; that he became a chief 
of transcendent wisdom and prowess, and to the day of his 
death ruled the councils of the united tribes." The last of the 
presiding sachems at the councils at Onondaga inherited from 
him the honored name of Atotarho. Such, according to 
[ndian tradition, is the origin of the great Iroquois confeder- 
acy. But if the reader is shocked with this preposterous 
legend, what must be said of their tradition regarding the 
epoch which preceded the auspicious event of their union. In 
these evil days, according to the same authority, the scattered 
and divided Iroquois were beset with every form of peril and 
disaster. Giants, cased in armor of stone, descended on them 
from the mountains of the north. Huge beasts trampled 
down their forests like fields of grass. Human heads, w^ith 
streaming hair and glaring eyeballs, shot through the air like 
meteors, shedding pestilence and death throughout the land. 
The waters of Lake Ontario were troubled. From the bosom, 
of the boisterous lake a horned serpent of mighty size rose up 
almost to the clouds. The people fled from before his awful 
presence, and would not have escaped his open jaws had not the 
thunder bolts of the skies driven him down into his watery 
home at the bottom of the lake. Around the infant Seneca vil- 
lage on Mount Genundewahguah, already spoken of, a two- 
headed serpent coiled himself, of size so monstrous that the per- 
ishing people could not ascend his scaly sides, and perished in 
multitudes. At length the monster was mortally wounded by 
the magic arrow of a child, and, writhing in the agonies of 
death, he uncoiled himself from the mountain home of the 
Senecas, and rolled into the lake below, lashing its black waters 
into a bloody foam, and allowing the few remaining wretclied 
Indians to flee from the place of their long and disastrous con- 
finement. The serpent sank to the bottom of the lake, and 
disaj^peared forever. 

According to the fancy of the Iroquois, the Spirit of Thun- 



14 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

der dwelt under the Falls of Niagara, and when, amid the 
blackening shadows of the approaching storm, or the sharp, 
quick flashes of the lightning, they heard his broad, deep voice 
peal along the heavens, they " hid themselves from the face of 
the angry Spirit." 

These legends, although unworthy of much consideration, 
are grand evidences of the superior intellectual powers of the 
people of the Six Nations. It is true that their imaginations 
were assisted by the dismal voice of the wind, the unfathoma- 
ble darkness of the gathering thunder storm, or the low, deep 
sound of the tossing lake waters; but, even in view of these 
mysteries, their traditions, when compared with those of other 
nations, grandly demonstrate the power and capacity of the 
Iroquois mind. But with all their intellectual superiorit}', the 
arts of life among them had made no advance from a barbarous 
condition. Their implements of war, and other products of 
their genius, were not very flattering to them. There was a 
rough, unfinished appearance to everything artificial around 
them. Their huts, pottery and the conveniences of life com- 
bined to attest their untidy inactive genius. Although behind 
their race in these things, they were largely in advance of it as 
husbandmen. Their beautiful fields of Indian corn and squashes 
and the ancient apple-orchards which grew around their settle- 
ments, captivated the invading army of Count Frontenac 
in 1696. 

Their dwellings and M'orks of defense, although rough, were, 
however, well adapted to their wants, and were good evidences 
of their great industry. But these, which were scattered along 
the St. Lawrence and around Lake Ontario, were leveled to the 
ground, never to rise again, in 1687, by De Nonville, and, nine 
years, later by Frontenac. 

" Along the banks of the Mohawk, among the hills and hol- 
lows of Onondaga, in the forests of Oneida and Cayuga, on the 
romantic shores of Seneca Lake, and the rich borders of the 
Genesee, surrounded by waiving maize fields, and encircled 
from afar by the green margin of the forests, stood the ancient 
strongholds of the confederacy." The little villages were sur- 
rounded by palisades, and were otherwise well fortified with 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 15 

ma2:azines of stones, and with water conductors, which were 
efficiently used in the event of a lire. 

In habits of social life the Iroquois were thoroughly savage. 
During the long winter evenings, men, women and children 
gathered near the log fires in their rude huts, and, while the 
cold storm was beating the lonely forest wdthout, the story- 
teller of the tribe recounted the history of his nation and deeds 
of ancient heroism. The curious pipe was passed from hand 
to hand, and, by the flickering firelight, each half-naked war- 
rior, wrought up by the superstitious narratives of the talker, 
seemed to pass the hours in pleasure. 

The war path, the race of political ambition, and the chase, 
all had their votaries among the people of the Six I^ations. 
When their assembled sachems had resolved on war, and when, 
from their ancient Council House a hundred light-footed mes- 
seno-ers were sent to the distant tribes to call them to arms, in 
tlie name of their great chief, then from Quebec to the Caro- 
linas, and from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, thousands of 
warlike hearts caught up the invitation with glad enthusiasm. 
By fasting and praying, by consulting dreams and omens, and 
by ancient usages, the warriors sought to ensure victory for 
their arms. When these singular performances had been con- 
cluded, they began their secret progress towards the defenseless 
white settlement. Soon followed the news of some bloody 
massacre which, exaggerated in its flight from settlement to 
settlement, was swiftly borne to the ears of the older New 
England towns. While these places were filled with excite- 
ment over the shocking tidings, the victorious warriors returned 
to their villages with the unfortunate captives, to celebrate 
their merciless triumphs. As they approach, the sound of the 
M^ar-whoop is heard, and hundreds of saVage women and chil- 
dren run out with sticks and stones to meet the company. 
Their hideous yelping, warns the prisoners of increasing dan- 
ger, but they have no power to turn back, and, resigning 
themselves to an awful fate, they regard a pelting from these 
foolish wretches, as necessary to prepare them for the tortures 
that must follow. And now the black arches of the forest 
grow blacker as the smoke, slowly curling upward from the 



16 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AKD TECUMSEH : 

fires of deatli, forms itself in clouds above them. With lire- 
brand and torch the excited multitude circle round their 
agonizing victim, until the slow tortures have ended in death, 
wlien the charred corpse is thrown to the dogs and the cruel 
ceremony is ended by clamerous shouts to drive away the 
spirit of the captive. Such were the most exquisite enjoy- 
ments of the cruel Indians of the Six Nations. 

Leaving this remarkable people, let us turn to the other 
members of the same great family. The Algonquin people 
occupied a large tract of territory surrounding the Six Nations. 
It was the Indians of this family who first greeted Cartier, as 
his little fleet ascended the St. Lawa-ance; it was Algonquins 
who welcomed the pioneer settlers of Virginia. They were 
Algonquins who, led on by Sassacus, Pequot and Phillip of 
Mount Hope, harrassed the settlements of the New England 
colonies; who under the great tree at Kensington, made the 
covenant of peace with William Penn; and when French mis- 
sionaries and fur-traders explored the Wabash and the Ohio, 
they found " their valleys tenanted by the same far-extended 
race." As civilization progressed, they were driven from these 
eastern strongholds, until only a few remnants of their once 
great and powerful nation were clustered around the Strait of 
Mackinaw. 

The Delawares were the most powerful tribe of the Algon- 
quin family. According to their traditions, they were the 
parent tribe from whence sprung all the other divisions of this 
people. They were called Delawares, probably from the fact 
that, when the European Colonists first visited that section of 
country, their lodges were found thickly clustered along the 
waters of the Delawai^e and its tributary streams. They were, 
in a small measure, an agricultural people, although they mainly 
dej^ended upon fishing and the chase as a means of subsistence. 
As already mentioned, they had been subjected by the fierce 
warriors of the Six Nations, and when the Quakers first came 
among them, they offered but few evidences of military skill or 
-courage. But as civilization pushed them westward, beyond 
the reach and power of the Iroquois, they revived their war- 
like spirits, and were soon found to be formidable enemies. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CICNTURIES. i J 

Durine: the old French War, they had so far recovered from 
the suppressed condition into which their enemies had forced 
them, that they resnmed the use of arms, and while their 
ancient conquerors espoused the cause of Canada, they became 
the fast and fierce allies of the English. At the beginning of 
the Eevolution, they publicly declared their emancipation from 
Iroquois bondage, M^hich was acknowledged by the Councils of 
the Six Nations; and ever since that period they have occu- 
pied a high position among the Indian nations of North 
America. Indeed, at a still later day, when the Iroquois peo- 
ple had disappeared from the border battle-tields, the American 
pioneer settlers found their most unconquerable enemies in 
the Delaware Indians. " Their war parties,"' says an eminent 
writer, "'pierced the fartherest wilds of the Rocky Mountains; 
and the prairie traveler would often meet the Delaware war- 
rior returning from a successful foray, a gaudy handkerchief 
bound about his brow, his snake locks fluttering in the wind, his 
rifle resting across his saddle-bow, while the tarnished and 
begrimed equipments of his half-wild horse bore witness that 
the unscrupulous rider had waylaid and plundered some unfor- 
tunate trapper." 

Next in order among the tribes of the Algonquin family 
were the bold Shawanoes. At an early day they occupied the 
Valley of the Ohio, but in 1672 they were defeated by the Six 
Nations, and fled to escape destruction. Following the Ohio 
down a little farther, the traveler would next come to the vil- 
lages of the Miamis, and the Twightwees. Their huts were 
clustered along the banks of the Wabash and its branches. 
They were also living in terror of the Iroquois when Europeans 
first came among them, but, as with the Delawares, they were 
liberated by the progress of Colonial power. The Illinois Indi- 
ans, who in the early days were located along the banks of the 
river which was given their name, were also of the Algonquin 
family, and, like their brothers, were sorely harrassed by the 
Iroquois. At one time their numbers exceeded twelve thou- 
sand, but so complete was the subjection and total their defeat, 
which they received at the merciless hands of the Six Nations, 
that they were reduced to a few small villages. The Illinois 
2 



18 THE LH^ES OF PONTIAC AND TECDMSEH : 

Indians were, perlia])s, the most licentious and slothful savages 
of the Algonquin family. Having lost their prestige as a 
warlike people, they sought to gratify their vicious natures by 
the most extravagant indulgences. They spent a greater part 
of the year in the pursuit of game with which the prairies of 
their country abounded in great plenty, but there were seasons 
when nearly all of them were gathered together at their prin- 
cipal village, merry-making, feasting, and, when liquor could 
be obtained, drinking to excess. 

The Ojibwas, Pottawatomies, Ottawas, Sacs, Foxes, Men- 
omonies and the Northern Knisteneaux were also members of 
this great family. They were scattered throughout the lake 
region in detached villages, and, in conimon with their kins- 
men, had, at an earlier period, fled from the eastern country to 
escape the fury of the Iroquois. The Ojibwas, Ottawas and 
Pottawatomies were bound together by a sort of confederacy, 
having for its object their common defense and mutual welfare. 
The former tribe, which was the most numerous of any of this 
confederacy, was located in the Lake Superior vicinity. They 
were a barbaric, rude people, living in a loose and imperfect 
state. Hunting and fishing were their favorite pursuits, and 
agriculture was but slightly encouraged. They were, withal, 
an improvident, recldess tribe. At one season they were feast- 
ing, with an abundance on every hand, and at another they 
were famishing. Yet, with all this uncertainty touching their 
supplies, they never manifested a single prudent trait. 

Thus I have hurriedly noticed the location and condition of 
the Six Nations and Algonquin family of Indians, at the period 
in which our narrative opens. The reader has, no doubt, 
already observed that of these two distinct families, the 
Iroquois were by far the most intellectual and elevated, never- 
theless some of the greatest warriors and orators belonged to 
the Algonquin nation. Even Pontiac and Teeumseh, the sub- 
jects of this work, boasted its blood and language. A point 
that has not failed to elicit attention, however, is that with the 
advance of Colonial power, the prestige of the Six Nations 
declined more rapidly than that of the tribes which they had 
conquered. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF 'nVO CENIUKIES. 19 

Before passing on to the opening events of the narrative, I 
will stop to glance, for a moment, at the Wyandotts and the 
Neutral Nation. These tribes, which originally belonged to 
the Iroquois family, occupied the peninsula between Lakes 
Huron, Erie and Ontario. The Wyandotts were a numerous 
people, inheriting all the high qualities of their brethren of 
the Six Nations. Their numbers at one time exceeded thirty 
thousand. They were both an agricultural and commercial 
nation. The products of their well cultivated corn-fields were 
exchanged to a considerable extent, for the fish which had been 
taken from the lakes and rivers by the surrounding tribes. 
Being more provident than their neighbors, the Ojibwas, they 
were generally well supplied with the necessaries, and not 
unfrequently called upon, in times of want, by the latter, to 
share their bounties with them. As a rule they responded 
with a generosity that was truly commendable. 

In 1649, during the long cold winter, when by their indus- 
try and consequent prosperity, they were lending material 
assistance to the half perishing tribes around them, they were 
incessantly harrassed and finally defeated by a numerous band 
of Iroquois warriors. These fierce Indians levelled all the 
principal Wyandot villages to the ground, and slaughtered 
men, women and children without mercy. The few conquered 
savages who survived this onslaught, fled in terror, and the 
whole tribe was dispersed and broken. Some of them fled to 
Quebec and others escaped into the Ojibwa country; but in 1680 
they again united, and formed a permanent settlement on the 
Detroit Eiver. 

The fate of the Neutral Nation was not unlike that of the 
Wyandots. The Senecas, a powerful tribe of the Six Nations, 
invaded their country and effected an easy conquest. Their 
habits of life and general characteristics were very similar to 
those of the Wyandots. 

Thus we have seen that several powerful tribes of North 
American Indians, during the last quarter of the seventeenth 
century, sank before the ai-ms of the Six Nations. Their con- 
quests extended to every adjacent tribe, and their bravest war- 
riors were sorely harrassing the infant colony of New France. 



'20 THK LIVES (»K PONTIAO AND I'EOLIMSEH : 

Like the Six Nations, the Algonquins liad their myths and 
legends. Being less intellectual, however, they did not assume 
that systematic type which characterized those of their enemies, 
but they were full of interest and shadowy landmarks of tlieir 
history. They had a faith more simple than that of the Iro- 
quois regarding the God of Thunder, which is another proof 
of their inferior intellectual scope. They believed that the 
thunder was a bird who built his nest on the pinnacle of 
towering mountains. 

The religious faith of the Indian tribes already mentioned 
was mixed and ambiguous. They beheld God in every part or 
feature of his creation, and yet, I do not think that they 
believed in a one Almighty Being, the Great Spirit, Lord of 
Heaven and Earth, until the missionaries came among them; 
but it cannot be said that with this important addition to their 
faith, their religious worship was increased. I should rather 
hold to the opinion that the highest intellectual state of the 
Indian race, and the loftiest conception of their minds, and, as 
a consequence, their most acceptable worship, date back beyond 
the advent of European civilization and Christianity. All evi- 
dence procurable on this subject points to this conclusion. The 
Indians never could understand the religious faith of either 
the Catholic or Protestant religion, and in every attempt to 
embrace either, they added additional testimony pointing to 
its utter inadaptability to their minds. The heart cannot 
embrace a doctrine which the mind is unable to comprehend. 
" Red Jacket," the Seneca chief and orator, at a later day set 
forth, in a very able manner, the difficulties which the Indian 
mind encountered in attempting to penetrate Christian doc- 
trine, in the following words, which he addressed to a mission- 
ary who had come to preach Christ and Him crucified to the 
inhabitants of a Seneca village: 

" Brother: Continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct 
us how to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to His mind, and, if we do 
not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be 
unhappy hereafter. You say that you are right and we are lost. How do 
you know this to be true ? We understand that your religion is written 
in a book. If it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the 
Great Spirit given to us, and not only to us, but why did He not give 



OK, THE liOKDKK WAI« oK TWo C1<:JSTUKIKS. 21 

to our forefathers the knowledge of that book, with the means of under- 
standing it rightly ? We only know what you tell us about it. How shall 
we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people? 
Yoia say that there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit. 
If there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about 
it? Why not all agreed, as you can all read the same book? We do not 
understand these things. We are told that your religion was given to your 
forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. We also have 
a religion, which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down 
tons — their children. We worship in that way. It teaches us to be 
thankful for all the favors we receive ; to love each other and to be united. 
We never quarrel about our religion. The Great Spirit has made us all, 
but he has made a great difierence between his white and red children. 
He has given us different complexions and different customs. To you he 
has given the arts. To these he has not opened our eyes. We know these 
things to be true. Since he has made so great a difference between us in 
other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different 
religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. 
He knows what is best for his children. We are satisfied." 



CHAPTEE II. 

The English in the West — Pontiac Standing in their Wat — He 
Consents to let them Occupy his Countby — The English take 
Possession op Detkoit. 

In this narrative of the Border Wars of the Northwest, 1 will 
first direct the reader's attention to the events which occurred 
immediately after the English relieved the western outposts of 
Canada or New France. But this can be more acceptably done 
by first pointing out some of the incidents connected with the 
surrender of these forts by the French to their conquerors. 

Canada had fallen. The long cherished hopes of the French 
to establish a permanent branch of Empire in the New World 
were now blighted, and their country, so recently full of prom- 
ise and prosperity, was now humbled at the foot of the English 
throne. The capitulation was completed, and it only remained 
for the English to take possession of their conquests. Well 
might the bravest soldier shrink from this hazardous task, for 
many of the strongholds to be occupied were not only still in 
the hands of the French, but surrounded by clouds of warlike 
savages, eager to visit death and destruction upon the enemies 
of the defeated colony. Indeed the Indians, who from the 
beginning of the Old French War, had been the faithful allies 
of the French, were already uniting against the "red coats." 
They beheld the approaching ruin of their race, and resolved 
on the foolish attempt of driving the English from the country. 

The forts yet to be occupied were Detroit, Michilimackinac 
and one or two others of less importance in the lake region. 
It was on the 12th of September, 1760, that Major Eogers 
received orders from Sir Jeffery Amherst to ascend the lakes 
with a detachment of rangers, and take possession of these 



OR, THE BORDKK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 23 

posts in the name of his Britannic Majesty. Accordingly he 
set out with two hundred soldiers in fifteen whale-boats, on the 
day following, and, after a troublesome journey, beset by 
storms and harassed by the severity of the weather, he reached 
the eastern end of Lake Erie. Here he was met by the depu- 
ties of the great Pontiac, chief of the Ottawas, and " lord and 
ruler of all that country." The chiefs ordered Rogers to halt, 
and commanded him to proceed no further until they had 
received permission from their Ottawa leader. 

At this point we will turn for a moment to glance at this 
wonderful man. Pontiac was the son of an Ottawa chief, and 
by his valorous deeds, matchless eloquence and great force of 
character, had become exceedingly popular and influential 
among all the tribes in the vicinity of the great lakes. The 
Ottawas, Ojibwas and Pottawatomies were, at this time, united 
under a confederacy of which he was both civil and military 
leader; but his authority extended far beyond these tribes, and 
was almost unbounded wherever his voice could be heard. He 
did not owe his greatness to the fact that he was the son of a 
chief, for among the Indians many a chief's son sinks into 
insignificance among the common rabble of his tribe, while the 
offspring of a common warrior may succeed to his place. Per- 
sonal merit, alone can win the respect and obedience of the 
Indians. In the eyes of his numerous followers, no other 
person possessed more of this than Pontiac. Courage, resolu- 
tion, wisdom and eloquence and good address had been the 
principal passports to his fame and distinction. His intellect 
was far-reaching, forcible and capacious. His energy and force 
of character, his great subtlety and craftiness, conspired to 
elicit the greatest admiration and respect from his wild and 
reckless followers. 

Although possessed of all these high qualities, Pontiac was 
a thorough savage, and, as we shall see, capable of deeds of the 
blackest treachery. He was now in his fiftieth year, and in the 
prime of life. His mental and physical powders were unim- 
paired, and he stood forth the giant of his tribe in both 
intellect and endurance. In short, he was in every respect 
qualified to lead his savage people into the bloody contest which 



24 THE LIVES OK PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

followed. When deeds of lofty magnanimity best suited his 
purpose, Pontiac could respond from the generosity of his own 
mature, while, from the same source, he could supply the foulest 
stratagems. 

During the long wars that had passed, he had been the con- 
stant friend and ally of the French, and had led his warriors 
to battle on many a hard-fought Held in the interests of this 
people against the English. He commanded the Ottawa braves 
at the memorable defeat of Braddock, and in this contest he 
fully set forth his rare military skill and great craftiness. He 
had served the French officers in various capacities, and espec- 
ially did he render them valuable aid as a leader of Indian 
warriors in the hour of their greatest peril. For these deeds 
he had received many marks of esteem from Montcalm, the 
brave commander of the French forces, who fell while defend- 
ing Quebec in 1759. 

Such was the man whose chiefs ^vere now standing in the 
pathway of the English, at the eastern end of Lake Erie. 

When the deputies had been assured by Eogers that their 
command would be respected, they returned to Pontiac, who 
soon after acconjpanied them on their return to the English 
camp. He greeted Eogers with two haughty questions, which 
were put in about the following language: "What is your 
business in this country? How dare you come here without 
my permission? " These stern demands had considerable effect 
upon the Major, but he concealed his emotions as far as possi- 
ble, and appeared to be undaunted. His reply to Pontiac was 
that the French had been defeated, and that Canada had fallen 
into the hands of the English, and that he was on his way to 
take possession of Detroit, and restore a general peace. The 
great chief listened with attention, but appeared to be dissat- 
isfied. His only reply was that he would consider the matter 
until morning, and then give them an answer. He ordered 
the English to proceed no further without his consent, and 
then withdrew with his chiefs to his own encampment. 

A dark and gloomy night followed. The rangers had met 
their enemies face to face, and now as the shades of night gath- 
ered about them they began to suspect treachery. The night 




PONTIAC, THE OTTAWA CHIEFTAIN. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURI1<XS. 25 

was black and stormy, and the winds sang mournfnlly over the 
restless bodies of the half perishing soldiers. The guard was 
doubled in numbers, and instructed to give the alarm at the 
first sight of danger; but Rogers was happily disappointed. 
The night passed in perfect tranquility, except in the troubled 
minds and hearts of the suffering rangers. 

With the dawn of the following day the clouds thinned and 
the weather became slightly improved. At an early hour 
Pontiac and his chiefs returned. The chief replied to the words 
of Rogers, saying that he was willing to live at peace with the 
English, and would suffer them to remain in his country only 
as long as they treated him with the respect and courtesy which 
his official station demanded. The Indian chiefs and Provin- 
cial officers then smoked the calumet together, and to the eye 
of the spectator a perfect harmony seemed to be established 
between them. But alas! it was doomed to a short existence. 
It would have been well had the English treated this powerful 
man with more respect; for by enraging him with insult, they 
brought an avalanche of savage warriors upon their defenseless 
settlements. 

On the fifteenth of November the detachment reached the 
western end of Lake Erie, and encamped at the mouth of the 
Detroit river. Here they were informed that the Indians of 
Detroit were in arms ready to give them battle, and that four 
hundred warriors lay in ambush not more than half a mile dis- 
tant. At this juncture Rogers turned to his new made friend 
for assistance. He requested Pontiac to send forward a depu- 
tation of his warriors to persuade the Indians to extend a 
peaceful reception to the English. The great chief complied, 
and, obedient to his word, the savages abandoned their designs. 
This accomplished the rangers continued their course towards 
Detroit. 

The whale-boats passed slowl}^ up the river until the rangers 
came within full view of the little fort and the Indian villages 
around it. They could see the French flag waving in the breeze 
over the ramparts of the fort, and, no doubt, they felt eager to 
supply its place by the Cross of St. George. Rogers landed 
his troops on the opposite side of the river, and pitched his 



26 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

tents upon the meadow. He then crossed the river with two 
officers and a few soldiers, and summoned the French garrison 
to surrender. In obedience '' the soldiers deliled upon the plain, 
and laid down their arms." The English flag was now unfolded, 
and in a few moments the British were in full possession of 
Detroit. 

The Indians, to the number of nearly two thousand, wit- 
nessed this singular transfer with wonder and amazement. 
Why so few Englishmen should thus quietly disarm so many 
Frenchmen, was, to their savage minds, a question not easily 
solved. To say the least, it was, in the Indian's way of viewing 
it, a grand demonstration of English prowess. The surrender 
had scarcely been completed when all the savages present sent 
up a burst of triumphant yells, as if to declare that their sym- 
pathies were already with the conquerors. 

Rogers took possession of Detroit on the 29th day of 
November, 1760. The French garrison was sent .down the 
lake as prisoners, while the Canadian inhabitants were allowed 
to enjoy peaceful possession of their farms and dwellings on 
the condition of swearing allegiance to the British crown. 
Forts Miami and Onatauon were next relieved, but Michili- 
mackinac and the adjacent posts were so far distant that, owing 
to the advanced season, they remained in the hands of the 
French till the following spring, when a small detachment took 
possession of them, and thus completed the work assigned to 
Major Rogers. 

The English were now in full possession of their conquests, 
the Indians alone remaining to dispute their possessions. 



CHAPTEE III. 

The Wilderness and its Inhabitants at the Close op the French 
War — Travel and Adventure — The Outposts op Civilization — 
" The Highways of the Wilderness. 

EvEET reader of American history will remember that, after 
the defeat of Braddock, the western tribes of Indians rose 
unanimously against the English. They had come to regard 
the " red coats " as intruders, and, misguided by the French, 
tliey believed the English had formed a design to drive them 
from the country. And now that their enemies had possessed 
themselves of Canada and the western outposts, the savage? 
began to discern the approaching ruin of their race. It was 
at this period that the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania 
felt the scourge of Indian war. The onslaught extended into 
Maryland and Virginia, and a wide- spread havoc desolated the 
border settlements. During the whole summer and autumn 
of 1755 the slaughter i-aged with increasing fury. The west- 
ern forests appeared to be alive with infuriated warriors, and 
day after day, and week after week, scalping parties sallied 
forth from its pathless depths, murdering women and children 
without mercy. The log cabin of the hard working pioneer 
disappeared in smoke and flame, while the frightened inmates, 
in attempting to escape the raging element, fell into the hands 
of the blood-thirsty savages. Thus continued the awful work 
of death and devastation, until, in 1T56, the Indians, under 
various influences, laid down the hatchet. In the following 
year a treaty of peace was concluded between these Indians 
and the colonists, which also had a good result. This treaty, 
however, did not embrace the Indians of the Ohio, who com- 
prised many of the bravest Delaware and Shawanoe warriors. 
and who still continued their murderous assaults until 1758j 
(37) 



28 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND '1'ECUMSEH: 

when, hearing of the advance of General Forbes, and seeing 
that the French cause was utterly hopeless they accepted terms 
of peace. The Six Nations, however, were still unfriendly. 
At the outbreak of the war, they had manifested some signs 
of friendship, but the disasters which had attended the first 
campaign gave them a very poor idea of British prowess. 
They became still more disgusted with the English, when, on 
the following year, they beheld their defeat at Oswego. It is 
said that many of them fought with the French in this battle. 
But, fortunately, success favored the Enghsh in the succeeding 
contests. Du Quesne and Louisburg were taken, and the fierce 
Iroquois, seeing these achievements, went over to the side of 
the conquerers, and from that day, fought in the interests of 
the English. This was one of their greatest mistakes, for, 
with the fall of Canada their doom was sealed. They no 
longer held the balance of power between the rival colonies, 
and, being lightly regarded as allies, they were left to their 
own limited resources. The numerous tribes of the west, 
however, arrayed themselves on the side of the French, and 
fought in the interests of Canada through the whole war. At 
its conclusion they retired into the forests, where they remained 
inactive until called to battle by the voice of the mightiest of 
warriors — Pontiac, the Ottawa chief. 

And now, before entering upon an account of that terrible 
contest, the Pontiac War, which makes the first part of our 
narrative, it will be proper to glance at that vast country which 
the Indians had resolved to wrest from the hands of their 
enemies. " One vast, continuous forest," says Francis Park- 
man, " shadowed the fertile soil, covering the land as tlie grass 
covers the garden lawn, sweeping over hill and hollow, in end- 
less undulation, burying mountains in verdure, and mantling 
brooks and rivers from the light of day. Green intervals 
dotted with browsing deer, and broad plains blackened with 
bufialo, broke the sameness of the woodland scenery. Unnum- 
bered rivers seamed the forest with their devious windings. 
Vast lakes washed its boundaries, where the Indian voyager, 
in his birch canoe, could descry no land beyond the world of 
waters. Yet this prolific wilderness, teeming with waste fer- 



OR, THE BORDKK WARS OK TWO (;I<;N TIIRIES. 29 

tility, was but a hunting ground and a battle Held to a few 
fierce hordes of savages. Here and there, in some rich meadow 
opened to the sun, the Indian squaws turned the black mould 
with theii' rude implements of bone or iron, and sowed their 
scanty stores of maize and beans. Human labor drew no 
other tribute from that inexhaustable soil." 

The population, consisting almost entirely of Indians, was 
so thin and scattered that sometimes one might travel for 
whole weeks without meeting a human form. Kentucky was 
but a " skirmishing ground for the hostile tribes of the north 
and south;" while in many parts of the lake region hundreds 
of square miles were inhabited only by wild beasts. At the 
close of the French War, the Indian population of the whole 
northwest did not exceed thirty thousand. Out of this num- 
ber there were not more than ten thousand fighting men. Yet 
this army, when detached and scattered after the Indian cus- 
toms of warfare, was all that the English could master. 

The condition of the savages had changed, although, per- 
haps, it was but little improved. Onondaga, the capital of the 
Iroquois, where their council fires had been kindled from 
time out of mind, was no longer a place of great importance. 
The ancient council house of bark was still to be seen, but its 
deserted appearance bespoke the fall of the Six l^ations. Their 
other villages presented a similar spectacle. Everywhere cIa^- 
ilization had worked evil for the savages. It was true that the 
use of firearms aided them in the chase, but all the advantage 
of the arts could not atone for the evils of rum. " High up 
the Susquehanna were seated the ISTorthcokes, Conoys, and 
Mohicans, with a portion of the Delawares. Detached bands 
of the western Iroquois dwelt upon the headwaters of the 
Alleghany, mingled with their neighbors, the Delawares, who 
had several villages upon this stream. The great body of the 
latter nation, however, lived upon the Beaver creeks and the 
Muskingum in numerous scattered towns and hamlets." In 
each village might have been seen one large building of better 
style than the rest. This was devoted to festivals, dances, and 
public meetings. 

Along the Sciota were the lodges of the Shawanoes. To the 



30 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

westward, along the banks of the Wabash and the Maumee 
dwelt the Mianias. The Illinois were scattered and degraded. 
Having early met the French traders, they became addicted to 
the habit of drinking, and soon sank from their native purity 
into a wretched degeneracy. There was no tribe in the whole 
lake region which adapted itself to the customs of civilization 
with better results than the AVyandot family. At this time 
their villages along the Detroit, and in the vicinity of San- 
dusky, presented a clean and tidy appearance. They were 
husbandmen of considerable industry, and their name ranked 
high in war and policy. 

The English settlements were scattered along the eastern 
seaboard on a narrow strip of land bordered on the west by a 
dense forest. At this' time Albany, N. Y., was, by far, the 
largest frontier town. It was from this place that traders or 
soldiers bound for the lake region, or the wilds of the great 
west, set out on their hazardous journey. These hardy adven- 
turers would embark in a canoe, ascend the Mohawk, pass the 
old Dutch town of Schenectady, Fort Hunter and Fort Herki- 
mer, finally reaching Fort Stanwix, at the head of the river 
navigation. They would then pass overland to Wood creek, 
carrying their canoes. Here they would embark, and by fol- 
lowing its winding course, arrive at the Eoyal Blockhouse. At 
this point they entered the waters of the Oneida. Crossing 
its western extremity, and passing under the wooden ramparts 
of Fort Brewerton, they would descend the river Oswego, to 
the town of the same name, on the banks of Lake Ontario. 
Here the vast navigation of the lakes would be open before 
them. 

The principal trail from the middle colonies to the Indian 
country was from Philadelphia westward, mounting the 
Alleghanies, and descending to the valley of the Ohio. As 
soon as peace had been established, after the war between the 
colonies, adventnrous fur traders hastened over the mountains, 
hoping to become rich in the traffic of the wilderness markets, 
and forgetting the dangers with which they were surrounding 
themselves. These pioneer merchants would transport their 
merchandise on the backs of horses, threading the forests and 



OU, THE BOKDEK WAKS OF TWO CKNTUKIES. 8L 

fording streams for manj miles into tlie unknown wilderness 
of the Indian country. They were a rough, bold, yet happy 
set of men, and often as fierce and as fond of war and adven- 
ture as the savages themselves. They wore but little dress. A 
blanket coat, or a frock of smoked deer skin, a rifle on the 
shoulder, and a knife and tomahawk in the belt, formed their 
ordinary equipment. The principal trader, " the owner of the 
merchandise, would fix his headquarters at some large Indian 
town, whence he would dispatch his subordinates to the sur- 
rounding villages, with a suitable supply of blankets and red 
cloth, guns and hatchets, liquor, tobacco, paint, beads and 
hawk's bills." This traffic was attended with every descrip- 
tion of irregularity. Eivalism, robbery and murder were fre- 
quent results; and, when it is considered that these adventurers 
were in a country where neither law nor morals had any foot- 
hold, such conduct will hardly be wondered at. 

A visit to the more remote tribes of the Mississippi valley 
was attended with still greater risk. No Englishman, how- 
ever, attempted this hazardous journey without losing his 
scalp, until several years after the conquest of Canada. The 
traveler bound to this region generally descended the Ohio in 
a canoe. " He might float," says Francis Parkman, " for more 
than eleven hundred miles down this liquid highway of the 
wilderness, and, except the deserted cabins of Logstown, a 
little below Fort Pitt, the remnant of a Shawnoe village at 
the mouth of the Sciota, and an occasional hamlet or solitary 
wigwam along the luxuriant banks, he would discern no trace 
of human habitancy through all this vast extent." The body 
of the Indian population lay to the north on the tributaries of 
this river, but scattering war parties were often to be encoun- 
tered in this region. The ti-aveler needed to exercise the 
greatest caution. If, perchance, he observed the blue smoke 
curling above the green bosom of the forest, betraying the 
camping ground of some ^ar party, his light canoe was drawn 
into some liiding place on the bank of the river. When 
darkness closed in, the adventurer would again embark and 
float along in safety. 

In the southern portion of the present state of Illinois we>e 



32 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

to be seen the old French outposts, Kaskaskia, Cahokia and 
Vincennes. From the latter the traveler could paddle his 
canoe up the Wabash until he reached the little village of 
Ouatauon. From this point a trail led through the forest to 
the Maumee, where stood Fort Miami. This is the spot where 
Fort Wajnie was afterwards built. From this Fort the trav- 
eler might descend the Maumee river to Lake Erie. Here he 
would have Sandusky on the right, or, further north, through 
the strait of Detroit, he would pass Fort Detroit, and enter 
the watery wastes of the northern lakes. Farther east, beyond 
the Alleghany, were Forts Presque Isle, Le Boeuf and 
Venango. 

I have thus briefly pointed out the western outposts of civil- 
ization as they were to be found soon after the conquest of 
Canada, or at the commencement of the Pontiac War. We 
vsdll now glance at the Indians in their military capacity, and 
Bee to what extent they were prepared to prosecute the war 
into which they were about to plunge. 



CHAPTER lY. 

The Indians Preparing for War — Pontiac and His Ambassadors 
— The Council at the River Ecorces — Plan for the Reduction 
OF Detroit — The Conspiracy. 

Although the Indians of the Nortliwest were poorly qual- 
ified to engage in a war with the English, they had good reasons 
for commencing it. A defeat could not be much worse than 
the insults to which they were every day subjected, and to stand 
quietly by and see their best hunting grounds invaded by English 
settlers, was not to be endured by Indian warriors who could 
boast as brave and sagacious a leader as Pontiac. The French 
missionaries and fur-traders who had formerly come among 
them, gave but little cause for alarm. These adventurers were, 
for the most part, satisfied with the proceeds of a traflic with 
the savages, or with telling them the story of the Cross; but 
it was not so with the English. He was essentially a husband- 
man, and for half a league around his little hut he claimed 
exclusive rights to the resources of the territory. When the 
Indian invaded these limits, he was treated with a haughty 
opposition, and ordered away. Thus the red men beheld the 
rapidly approaching ruin of their race, and hastened to avert 
it. Pontiac, whose penetrating mind could reach iartherest 
into the annals of coming events, warned those around him 
of the danger of allowing the English to make permanent set- 
tlements in their country, and counseled the tribes to unite, in 
one great eifort, against their common foe. He did not sup- 
port the common idea which prevailed among the infuriated 
Indians, of driving the English into the Atlantic ocean, for he 
well knew their military skill and power; but being persuaded 
by the French that the King of France M'as at that time 
advancing up the St. Lawrence with a mighty army, lie resolved 
3 (33) 



34 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

to lead his warriors to battle with a view to i-estoring the 
French power in Canada, and to check the English in their 
progress westward. 

Resolved on this course, Pontiac, at the close of the year 
1762, sent out deputies to all the tribes. " They visited the 
country of the Ohio," says Parkman, " passed northward to the 
region of the Upper Lakes, and the wild borders of the river 
Ottawa, and far southward to the mouth of the Mississippi. 
Bearing with them the belt of wampum, broad and long as the 
importance of the message demanded, and the tomahawk 
stained red in token of war, they went from camp to camp, 
and village to village. Whei'ever they appeared the sachems 
and old men assembled to hear the words of the great Pontiac. 
Then the head chief of the embassy flung down the tomahawk 
on the ground before them, and holding the war belt in his 
hand, delivered with vehement gesture, word for word, the 
speech with which he was charged." Everywhere the speech 
was received with approval, the hatchet taken up, and the 
auditors stood pledged, according to the Indian custom, to aid 
in the projected war. 

The onslaught was to begin in the folloAving month of May. 
Each tribe was to surprise the garrison in his own immediate 
neighborhood, slaughter the soldiers, and then with a united 
effort all were to turn against the defenseless frontier settle- 
ments. 

The reader will here be anxious to know the names of those 
nations who thus eagerly united under Pontiac against the 
English. With a few unimportant exceptions, they comprised 
the whole Algonquin family, the "Wyandots, the Senecas, and 
several tribes of the lower Mississippi, Of the Six Nations, 
the Senecas were the only nation who joined in the league. 
The other five nations remained neutral, it is said, through the 
iimely influence of Sir William Johnson. 

Although on the very eve of an outbreak, the savages con- 
cealed their design with impenetrable secrecy. They continued 
to visit the various forts, and to solicit tobacco, amunition and 
whisky in their usual manner. JSTow and then, enraged by 
English insolence, they would threaten the officers with the 



OB, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 35 

approaching slaughter, but beyond this, and with a single 
exception, tlie great conspiracy was unknown to the English 
until it burst forth in death and devastation. " On one occa- 
sion," says the author from whom I have just quoted, " the 
plot was nearly discovered. Early in March, 1763, Ensign 
Holmes, commanding at Fort Miami, was told by a friendly 
Indian, that the warriors in a neighboring village had lately 
received a war belt, with a message urging them to destroy 
him and his garrison, and that this they were preparing to do." 
The commandant summoned the Indians together and openly 
charged them with their design. They confessed to the truth- 
fulness of the report, declared that the plot had originated 
with a neighboring tribe, and promised to abandon it. Holmes 
communicated information of this affair to Major Gladwyn of 
Detroit, who regarded it merely in the light of an ordinary 
Indian outbreak, and, believing that it would soon pass away, he 
took no notice of it. With the approach of spring, the Indi- 
ans, returning from the chase, began to congregate in small 
parties around the different forts. They were unusually 
reserved, seldom going into the forts, and encamping a short 
distance from them, in the edges of the woods. They were 
now rapidly preparing to strike the blow so long meditated by 
Pontiac, and the hour of treachery and massacre was nio-h. 
They were by no means prepared for a successful war on their 
part, but, true to the Indian character, they loved the war-path, 
and all were now anxious to enter upon it. " While there wap 
little risk that they would capture any strong and well fortified 
fort, or carry any important position, there was, on the other 
hand, every reason to apprehend wide-spread havoc, and a 
destructive w^ar of detail. That the war might be carried on 
with vigor and effect, it was the part of the Indian leaders to 
work upon the passions of their people, and keep alive the 
feeling of irritation; to whet their native appetite for blood 
and glory, and cheer them on to the attack; to guard against 
all that might quench their ardor, or abate their fierceness; to 
avoid pitched battles; never to fight except under advantage, 
and to avail themselves of all aid which surprise, craft and 
treachery could afford." The English colonies, at this time, 



36 THE LIVES OF PON'nAC AND TECDMSEH; 

having just emerged from a long and costly war with Canada, 
were not in a position to meet this Indian outbreak without 
suffering largely from its consequences. Their little army was 
disorganized, and there remained hardly troops enough to gar- 
rison the feeble western outposts against which Pontiac's war 
was now to be desperately waged. Sir William Johnson stood 
at the head of this inadequate force. He was then ripe in mil- 
itary renown, and, withal, well qualified for the task which 
was thus unexpectedly thrust upon him. " The command," 
says an able writer, " could not have been intrusted to better 
hands, and the results of the war, lamentable as they were, 
would have been much more disastrous but for his promptness 
and vigor, and, above all, his judicious selection of those to 
whom he conlided the execution of his orders." 

At this period the western wilderness presented an interest- 
ing scene. Everywhere Indians were preparing for the war. 
The war dance was celebrated in a hundred villages, and chiefs 
and warriors, painted and adorned, stood ready for the onset. 
To begin the war, however, was reserved by Pontiac as his own 
special privilege. In the spring of 1763, his great conspiracy 
was mature, and he summoned the chiefs and warriors of all the 
tribes in the newly formed league to a war council. The sachems 
met on the banks of the Ecorces river, Detroit, near whither 
Pontiac had gone to welcome them. Band after band of 
painted warriors came struggling in until the forest was alive 
with restless savs;'£;es, for nearly a mile up and down the little 
stream. It \Jriib- irr^-^eed, an important event for the red man. 
At frequent ini.» -/als during the year iast p*^S8ed, he had heard 
the words of the great Ottawa f.hicfj as d«l'.vered by his depu- 
ties. Now they had met thiE woridifji ,:caB face to face. He 
who, through his diligent ambassadors had united all the tribes 
of the Algonquin family under a confederacy, equal in demo- 
cratic scope to that of the far-famed Six Nations, was now to 
speak to many of his subjects for the first time. He was to tell 
them, in true Indian eloquence, the story of their approaching 
ruin; he was to uncover the selfish policy of the English, and 
point to the only means by which they could revive their declin- 
ing prowess ; he was to stand forth before his savage auditors 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTDRIKt;. 87 

and verify, by matchless power of word and gesture, the thril- 
ling story of his greatness, wliich had been passed from village 
to village on the tongues of his light-footed messengers; he 
was this day to prove himself the mightiest among a thousand 
haughty, jealous savage warriors. Truly, the occasion was an 
exciting one for the assembled tribes. All waited patiently to 
hear the words of the famous Ottawa chief. 

This council took place on the 27th of April, 1763. " On 
that morning," says a reliable writer, " several old men, the 
heralds of the camp, passed to and fro among the lodges, call- 
ing the warriors in a loud voice to attend the meeting. In 
accordance with the summons, they came issuing from their 
cabins — the tall, naked figures of the wild Ojibwas, with quivers 
slung at their backs, and light war clubs resting in the hollow 
of their arms; Ottawas, wrapped close in their gaudy blankets; 
Wyandots, fluttering in painted shirts, their heads adorned 
with feathers and their leggins garnished with bells." All 
were soon seated in a wide circle upon the grass, row within 
row, a mighty and warlike assembly. Each savage countenance 
wore an expression of gravity. Pipes, with ornamented stems, 
were lighted and passed from hand to hand, until all had 
" smoked together in harmony." 

Then Pontiac came forth from his lodge, and walked forward 
into the midst of the council. He was a man of medium 
lieight, with a grandly proportioned muscular figure, and an 
address well calculated to win the admiration and respect of 
the savage heart. His complexion was rather dark for an 
Indian, and his features wore a bold and stern expression, while 
his bearing was imperious and peremptory. His only attire 
was that of the primitive savage — a scanty cincture girt about 
his loins, and his long, black hair flowing loosely at his back — 
excepting the plumes and decorations of the war dress. " Look- 
ing round upon his wild auditors," says Parkman, " he began to 
speak, with fierce gesture and loud, impassioned voice; and at 
every pause, deep gntteral ejaculations of assent and approval 
responded to his words." 

He gave a full and eloquent exposure of the English policy 
towards the Indians ; spoke of the French in high terms, and 



6b THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

contrasted them with the " red coats." He recounted the 
many insults which he and his followers had received at the 
hands of the British commandant at Detroit, and ably set forth 
the danger that would arise were the English allowed to con- 
tinue their settlements in the West. He said that their 
enemies had conquered Canada, and were now about to turn 
upon the Indians and slaughter them without mercy. Already 
their best hunting grounds had been invaded by their settlers, 
and, if this was "continued, it would not be long before they 
would be crowded from their homes altogether. Then he took up 
a broad belt of wampum, saying that he had received it from his 
great father, the King of France, in token that he had heard 
the voice of his red children, and was on his way to aid them 
in a war against the English, and to restore Canada to the 
French. When he had fully wrought upon their savage minds 
by setting forth all their grievances and complaints, and declar- 
ing tliat a desperate war was the only means by which they 
could be removed, he addressed himself to their superstitions, 
by telling the following curious story : " A Delaware Indian 
conceived an eager desire to learn wisdom from the Master of 
Life; but, being ignorant where to find him, he had recourse 
to fasting, dreaming and magical incantations. By these means 
it was revealed to him that by moving forward in a straight, 
undeviating course, he would reach the abode of the Great 
Spirit. He told his pui-pose to no one, and having provided the 
equipments of a hunter — gun, powdei'-horn, ammunition and 
kettle for preparing his food — he set forth on his errand. For 
some time he journeyed on in high hope and confidence. On 
the evening of the eighth day, he stopped by the side of a 
brook at the edge of a small prairie, where he begun to make 
ready his evening meal, when, looking up, he saw three large 
openings in the woods on the opposite side of the meadow, 
and three well-beaten paths which entered them. He was 
much surprised, but his wonder was increased when after it 
had grown dark, the three paths were more clearly visible than 
ever. Remembering the important object of his journey, he 
could neither rest nor sleep, and, leaving his fire, he crossed 
the meadow, and entered the largest of the three openings. He 



OK, THlu BORDER WARS OF TWO CEKTURIKS. 39 

had advanced but a short distance into the forest, when a bright 
flame sprang out of the ground before him and arrested his 
steps. In great amazement he turned back, and entered the 
second path, where the same wonderful phenomenon again 
encountered him; and now in terror and bewilderment, yet 
still resplved to persevere, he pursued the last of the three paths. 
On this he journeyed a whole day without interruption, when 
at length, emerging from the forest, he saw before him a vast 
mountain of dazzling whiteness. So precipitous was the assent 
that the Indian thought it hopeless to go further, and looked 
around him in despair; at that moment he saw, seated at some 
distance above, the figure of a beautiful woman arrayed in 
A\hite, who arose as he looked upon her, and thus accosted him: 
' How can you hope, encumbered as you are, to succeed in your 
design? Go down to the foot of the mountain, throw away 
your gun, your ammunition, your provisions and your clothing; 
wash yourself in the stream which flows there, and you will 
then be prepared to stand before the Master of Life.' The 
Indian obeyed, and again began to ascend among the rocks, 
while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at his 
faintness of heart, and told him that if he wished for success, 
he must climb, by the aid of one hand and one foot only. 
After great toil and suffering, he at length found himself at 
the summit. The woman had disappeared, and he was left 
alone. A rich and beautiful plain lay before him, and at a 
little distance he saw three great villages, far superior to the 
S(|ualid dwellings of the Delawares. As he approached the 
largest, and stood hesitating wliether he should enter, a man, 
gorgeously attired, stepped forth, and, taking him by the hand, 
welcomed him to the celestial abode. He then conducted liim 
into the presence of the Great Spirit, where the Indian stood 
confounded at the unspeakable splendor which surrounded 
him. The Great Spirit bade him be seated, and thus addressed 
him: 'I am the Maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, 
rivers and all things else. I am the Maker of mankind, and 
because I love you, you must do my will. The land on which 
you live I have made for you, and not for others. Why do 
you suflTer the white men to dwell among von ? My children, you 



40 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

have forgotten the customs and traditions of your forefathers. 
Why do you not clothe yourselves in skins, as they did, and use 
the bows and arrows, and the stone-pointed lances which they 
used? You have bouglit guns, knives, kettles and blankets 
from the white men, until you can no longer do without them ; 
and what is worse, you have drunk the poison lire-water which 
turns you into fools. Fling all these things away; live as 
your wise forefathers lived "before you. And as for these Eng- 
lish — these dogs dressed in red w^ho have come to rob you 
of your hunting grounds, and drive away the game— you must 
lift the hatchet against them. Wipe them from the face of 
the earth, and then you will win my favor back again, and once 
more be hapj^y and prosperous. The children of your great 
father, the King of France, are not like the English. Never 
forget that they are your brethren. They are very dear to me, 
for they love the red men, and understand the true mode of 
worshiping me.' 

" Tlie Great Spirit then instructed the Delaware in matters 
of religion, and bade him return to the earth and tell all that 
he had seen and heard." 

Such was the legend with which Pontiac closed his great war 
speech. All present listened to him with great interest, and 
at its close each warrior was eager to attack the British fort. 
But the Ottawa chief counseled them to desist for the present. 
He wished to establish order and method at the beginning, sO' 
as to insure success to their arms. He told them that on the 
second of the following month he would gain admittance to the 
fort at Detroit, with a party of his warriors, on pretence of 
dancing the calumet dance before the garrison; that they 
would observe the strength of the place, and summon another 
council immediately afterwards. 

On the day appointed Pontiac, with about forty Ottawa war- 
riors, appeared at the gate of the fort and asked admittance 
for the purpose of dancing the calumet before the garrison. 
A.t first Gladwyn refused, but, after considerable hesitation, he 
gave his consent, and the Indians were admitted. They imme- 
diately began the celebrated dance, and were soon surrounded 
by the soldiers who were highly amused with their perform 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 41 

auces. During the dance, some ten of the Indians who took 
no part in it, walked leisurely through the fort, observing 
everything it contained. At the conclusion of the dance, all 
withdrew peaceably. 

A few days after, a council was held in the Pottawatomie 
village. Here there had been erected a large bark structure 
for the purpose of public meetings, and in this more than a 
hundred warriors seated themselves, and began to pass the 
time-honored pipe from hand to hand. Pontiac soon appeared 
in their midst. He addressed himself to the assembled chiefs, 
urging them to take up arms against the English, and closed 
by submitting the following plan for the reduction of Detroit: 
" He would demand a council with the commandant concern- 
ing matters of great importance, and on this pretext he flattered 
himself that he and his principal chiefs would gain ready 
admittance within the fort. They were all to can-y weapons 
concealed beneath their blankets. While in the act of address- 
ing the commandant in the council room, Pontiac was to make 
a certain sign, upon which the chiefs were to raise the war- 
whoop, rush upon the officers present, and strike them down. 
The other Indians waiting meanwhile at the gate, or loitering 
among the houses, on hearing the yells and firing within the 
building, were to assail the astonished and half-armed soldiers, 
and thus Detroit would fall an easy prey." The plan was 
eagerly adopted. 



CHAPTEK Y. 

A Glimpse at Fort Detboit in 1763 — The Conspiracy — Thb 
Treachery op Pontiac — His Plot Revealed — The Savages 
Baffled — Murder of English Settlers— The Siege Com- 
menced — The Assault — Gladwtn Offers Peace — Pontiac 
Refuses — Departure of Major Campbell to the Ottawa 
Camp — His Warning. 

At this point I will interruiDt the narrative, and look in, for 
a moment, upon the little trading post of Detroit. This post, 
originally called Fort Pontchartrain, was established by La 
Matte Cadillac, in 1701. It continued to be a French trading 
post of considerable importance until its transfer to the Eng- 
lish, when, according to Maj. Eogers, it contained about twenty- 
live hundred inhabitants. The dwelKngs in the settlement 
extended for some distance up and down the western bank of 
the river. In the centre stood the little fort, containing about 
one hundred houses, and surrounded by a palisade. The settle- 
ment, at this time, extended for nearly ten miles along the 
river, and presented quite a tidy and comfortable appearance. 
Each dwelling had its orchard and garden, and both were 
enclosed together by a palisade of rounded pickets. Near the 
fort were three large Indian villages. The Pottawatomies were 
located a little below the fort on the same side of the river, and 
nearly opposite, on what is now termed the " Canada side," 
were the lodges of the Wyandots, and on the same side, at a 
considerable distance up the river was the home of Pontiac and 
his brave warriors. 

At the time of which I write, 1763, this post was garrisoned 

by British regulars and Provincial rangers. Its form was 

almost square, and the palisade which surrounded it was about 

twenty-five feet high. A block-house was erected over each 

(42) 



OK, THE BOKDEK VVAKS OK 'lAVO CIEATUKIKS. 4;] 

gateway. Besides the barracks, the only public buildings were 
a council house and a little church. The garrison consisted of 
about one hundred and twenty soldiers, with, perhaps, half as 
many fur-traders. Two small armed schooners, the Beaver and 
the Gladwyn, lay anchored in the stream, and several light 
pieces of artillery were mounted in the bastions. Such was 
Detroit in the spring of 1763, when Pontiac and his wild war- 
riors formed a plot for its reduction. 

" On the afternoon of the 6th of May," says Parkman, '^ a 
Canadian woman crossed over to the w^estern side and visited 
the Ottawa village to obtain from the Indians a supply of 
maple sugar and venison. She was surprised at finding several 
of the warriors engaged in filing off the muzzles of their guns, 
so as to reduce them, stock and all, to the length of about one 
yard." This woman reported what she had seen to the settlers 
who, in turn, communicated the information to Major Gladwyn, 
but he took no notice of it. 

But according to tradition, the commandant received infor- 
mation of 1»he design of Pontiac in another way. In the 
Pottawatomie village dwelt an Ojibwa girl, called Catherine, 
who was very beautiful. She had attracted Gladwyn's atten- 
tion, and he had become very intimate with her. On the 
afternoon of the sixth of May, she came to the fort, and visited 
Gladwyn's quarters, bringing with her a pair of slippers which 
he had requested her to make. She manifested something 
unusual in her manner, and Gladwyn pressed her to tell him 
the cause of it, and, after great reluctance, she unveiled the 
terrible conspiracy. "To-morrow," she said, "Pontiac will 
come to the fort with sixty of his chiefs. Each will be armed 
with a gun, cut short, and hidden under his blanket. Pontiac 
will demand to hold a council, and after he has delivered his 
speech, he will offer a peace belt of wampum, holding it in a 
reversed position. This will be the sign of attack. The chiefs 
will spring up and fire upon the oflicers, and the Indians in the 
street will fall upon the garrison. Every Englishman will be 
killed, but not the scalp of a single Frenchman will be taken." 

Whether this tradition be true or false, it is evident that the 
British commandant received secret information on the evening 



44 THK LIVES OF PONTIAU AKD TECUMSEH : 

of the sixth of May, that an attempt would be made on the 
seventh to capture the fort and slaughter the garrison. He 
summoned the officei'S to his room and told them what he had 
heard. The garrison was immediately ordered under arms, 
and all the officers prepared to spend the night upon the 
ramparts. During the whole night an anxious watch was 
maintained, but nothing disturbed the quiet of the little fort 
save the wild Indian yells, as they were borne on the night 
wind from the distant Ottawa camp-fires. 

At an earlier hour than usual on the following morning, the 
open space west of the fort was thronged with savages. They 
had, to all appearances, assembled for a general game of ball. 
"Warriors, men, women and children, adorned with all the gaudy 
finery of paint, beads and feathers, moved restlessly to and fro 
while the principal chiefs and warriors passed through the open 
gates into the fort. Presently the garrison observed a number 
of canoes crossing the river from the eastern shore. These 
contained the great Ottawa leader and his sixty braves, although 
to the eyes of the soldiers only three persons were visible in 
each. They had concealed themselves by lying flat in the bot- 
tom of the canoes, so as not to attract attention. 

The garrison now prepared itself for the emergency. At 
ten o'clock, Pontiac and his chiefs reached the fort, and 
thronged the gateway with their painted forms. They were 
admitted, for Gladwyn had resolved to teach them that he 
despised their hostility. As they entered, ranks of armed 
soldiers greeted them on either side, and everywhere they could 
read the total ruin of their plot. As the warriors passed along 
the narrow street towards the council house, the measured tap of 
of the drum indicated that all was ready within the fort to receive 
them. Eeaching the council house they found Major Gladwyn 
and his officers awaiting their arrival. Here, too, Pontiac 
found every one armed. After much reluctance, the warriors 
seated themselves, and their leader demanded to know why so 
many persons were standing in the street with their guns. 
The commandant replied that he had ordered the soldiers under 
arms for the purpose of exercise and discipline. 

After the usual delay, Pontiac rose, and, holding in his hand 



OE, THE BORDER ,vAKS OF TWO C]<:NTUKII';S. 45 

the wampum belt with wliich he was to have made the signal, 
he addressed Gladwyn, declaring that they were still friendly 
to the English, and that he had come with his chiefs to " smoke 
the pipe of peace and brighten the chain of friendship." The 
officers watched him with deep interest, for they feared that 
although he knew his designs had been detected, he might still 
attempt to accomplish them. It is said that at one time he 
raised the belt for the purpose of giving the fatal signal, but at 
that instant Gladwyn made a slight sign, whereupon a terrify- 
ing clash of arms, and the drum rolling the charge, sounded 
from the passage without. At this dreadful moment Pontiac 
stood like one confounded. Seeing the utter ruin of his plot, he 
sat down in despair. After the usual pause Gladwyn rose and 
made a very brief reply. He told the chiefs that they should 
be treated with friendship and protection as long as they 
deserved it, and threatened ample vengeance for the first act of 
aggression. The council then broke up, the gates of the fort 
were thrown open, and the warriors allowed to depart. 

Some writers have censured Gladwyn for not detaining the 
warriors, and in this way prevented the terrible war which fol- 
lowed, but as they had not, as yet, been guilty of open violence^ 
the commandant feared that, should he ari*est them, the act 
might be regarded as cowardly. On the other hand he was 
ignoraTit as to the real nature of the plot. Regarding it as an 
ordinary piece of Indian treachery, he supposed the whole affair 
would soon pass away or be forgotten. 

Pontiac, baffled in his wicked design, retired to his own 
village. No doubt the great chief was deeply mortified. 
Nevertheless he was determined to persevere. He first attempted 
to convince the English that the reports of his plot, which had 
been carried to their ears, were false. For this purpose he vis- 
ited the fort with three of his chiefs, taking with him the sacred 
calumet, or pipe of peace. Handing it to Major Gladwyn he 
said : " My father, evil birds have sung lies in your ears. We 
that stand before you are friends of the English. We love 
them as our brothers, and, to prove our love, we have come 
this day to smoke the pipe of peace." When the warriors left 
the council room, Pontiac presented Capt. Campbell with this 



46 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

highly-prized pipe, no doubt hoping- to persuade the command 
ant that he was sincere in his assurances of friendship. 

This done, he withdrew to the Pottawatomie village and 
summoned the chiefs to another council. Early on the follow- 
ing morning, the ninth of May, the common behind the fort 
was once more thronged Avith Indians, and Pontiac, advancing 
from among the multitude, walked up to the gate of the fort 
and demanded admission. The gate was barred against him. 
The great chief wished to know why he could not enter, and 
Gladwyn replied that as for as him (Pontiac) he might enter, 
but the multitude he had brought with him must remain out- 
side. Being again thwarted, the great chief turned from the 
gate, and walked rapidly away, manifesting signs of anger. In 
a few moments the garrison observed the warriors running, in 
great numbers, towards the house of a poor old English woman, 
who lived, with her famil}-, on the outskirts of the common. 
It was now plain that the work of slaughter had begun. The 
enraged warriors, reaching the wretched hut, beat in the doors, 
and rushed in, as if eager to commence their bloody work. A 
moment more and the shrill scalp yell told the story of the 
first massacre of the Pontiac war. The flow of English blood 
thus begun, increased day after day until the whole lake region 
was stained with human gore. The threatening clouds grew 
blacker. The anger of the Indians increased, and band after 
band of wild, ferocious warriors roved east and west, north 
and south, murdering every English man, woman and child 
whom fate brought in their pathway. The pen refuses to 
describe the scenes of horrifying massacre which followed. 
Death, torture, adventure, hair-breadth escape, cannibalism, 
treachery and untold suffering make up the heart- rending^ 
catalogue. 

Shocking as it may seem, it is my aim, in this narrative, to 
present these revolting outbursts of indiscriminate slaughter, 
each in their turn, as they appear in the long, dark annals of 
border warfare. 

The breath had scarcely left the bodies of this unfortunate 
family, when the blood-thirsty warriors, with bleeding scalps 
fluttering from their sides, rushed furiously towards the river. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURI1«. 47 

Here, leaping into their canoes, they pushed out into the stream 
and paddled vigorously in the direction of Isle au Cochon, 
where dwelt an Englishman by the name of Fisher. Having 
already observed the danger of his situation, he hid himself, 
' and when the warriors reached the Island he w^as not to be 
seen. They soon dragged him forth from his insecure abode, 
murdered him on the spot, and, lifting his scalp, they sent up 
a thousand triumphant yells, which were swaftly borne to the 
ears of the terror-stricken garrison, upon the lake breeze. 

Tradition relates a curious tale regarding the body of Fisher. 
On the day after his murder several Frenchmen of Detroit 
went over to the Island and buried the body. A few days 
after one of the party returned to the spot, where he beheld the 
death-cold hands of the dead man thrust above the ground in 
an attitude of eager entreaty. Having once more buried the 
corpse deep in the earth, he returned, filled with awe and won- 
der. A few days after he returned, with several Canadians, 
and found the hands of the murdered man protruding as 
before. They now hastened, horror stricken, to the priest, and 
related all that they had seen. The good father hastened to 
the spot and sprinkled it with holy water, and performed over 
it the neglected burial rites, and from thenceforth the body of 
the murdered Englishman slept in peace. This tradition, I 
believe, was preserved in the St. Aubin manuscript, and given 
as undoubted truth. 

It should be recorded that Pontiac bore no part in these 
brutal murders. Seeing his plan to capture the fort defeated, 
he strode oif from his warriors towards the river, in great 
anger. So enraged was the great chief that even his bravest 
followers dare not approach him. He embarked in his canoe, 
and, with a few vigorous strokes of his paddle, he crossed the 
river to his own village. As he neared the river's bank he 
shouted to the inmates of the village, and all came quickly out 
at the sound of his powerful voice. Pontiac pointed across the 
river, and " ordered that all should prepare to move the camp 
to the western shore, that the river might no longer interpose 
a barrier between his followers and the English." All labored 
diligently to obey him, and before evening everything was 



48 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

ready for embarkation. Meanwhile the warriors were arrivinj^ 
from their bloody work of murder, until at nightfall, nearly all 
had returned. 

They now prepared for the war-dance. Poiitiac, like a mad- 
dened lion, hideous with war paint, leaped into the centre of 
the ring, and with thrilling gesture and thundering voice, 
recounted his own martial exploits and denounced the Englisli. 
He was soon joined by nearly a thousand wild followers, who, 
l)y leaping and yelping, and cutting the air with their knives, 
and relating their own deeds of bravery, declared themselves 
ready to follow the great Ottawa war chief to battle against 
the English. "When this grand demonstration was over, the 
work of moving commenced, and when the morning dawned 
the whole Ottawa village was snugly settled down on the 
western bank of the Detroit river, just above Parent's Creek, 
afterwards appropriately called Bloody Run, on account of the 
terrible slaughter which it witnessed. 

But the work of death and massacre, meanwhile, continued. 
Two English officers, named Sir Robert Davers and Captain 
Robertson, had been waylaid and murdered near lake St. Clair 
and their scalps had been borne in triumph to the camp of the 
Ottawa chief. With the news of this massacre, the garrison 
also received information that Pontiac had been joined by an 
immense war party of the Ojibwas, who had come from Sagi- 
naw to assist in the reduction of Detroit. It was true, now, 
that the war had really begun, and Gladwyn, for the first time, 
realized his perilous situation. Every Englishman in the fort, 
no matter whether trader or soldier, was ordered under arms. 
Sleep was banished from every eye, and the nervous com- 
mandant himself walked the ramparts throughout the entire 
night. There was no sound of alarm until the dawn, when, 
breaking forth from the surrounding forests, came an avalanche 
of savage warriors, yelling the w^ar whoop, naked and j)ainted 
for the fight. There was no time to spare, Ottawas, Ojibwas, 
Pottawatomies, and Wyandots, all had united, and their 
chances of success were a great source of terror to the hapless 
garrison. The bullets rapped hard and fast against the palis- 
ades, as the soldiers hastened to their posts. The attack was 



OK, TIJE BOBDKR WAKS dF TWO CKNTUKITOS. 49 

kept up till noon, when the warriors, seeing the utter folly of 
their effort, retired, leaving the garrison once more in peace. 
During the assault five men were wounded in the fort, while 
the cautious savages had almost entirely escaped injury, 
although a steady fire was kept up by the soldiers. 

Gladwyn hastened to take advantage of this temporary 
cessation of hostilities. His garrison was in great want of 
supplies, and he opened negotiations for a peace with Pontiac. 
hoping to obtain necessaries under cover of it. For this pur- 
pose he dispatched the interpreter. La Butte, and two Canadi- 
ans, named Godfrey and Chapeton, to hold a council with 
Pontiac. On reaching the camp the deputation was received 
with great kindness by the Ottawa chief. La Butte informed 
him that the British commandant was ready to redress any 
real grievance of which he might complain. The two Cana- 
dians labored hard to dissuade Pontiac from pursuing the war, 
but to no purpose. He treated them with courtesy, but stood 
as firm as a rock in his determination to prosecute the siege. 
At length the cunning war-chief declared that he was in favor 
of a lasting peace, and desired to hold a council with the Eng- 
lishmen themselves, with a view to this end. To the Canadi- 
ans, Pontiac's proposition appeared to be fair, and they returned 
to the fort with information accordingly. At first Gladwyn 
suspected treachery, but Major Campbell was of the opinion 
that no danger need be apprehended, and urged the command- 
ant to comply with the request. After considerable reluctance 
Gladwyn complied, and Campbell left the fort, in company 
with Lieut. McDougal and several Canadians, among whom 
was the interpreter already mentioned. They had not gone 
twenty yards from the fort when they were met by a French- 
man, named Gouin, who informed them that they were advanc- 
ing into the lion's jaws, but Campbell, once set out on his 
mission, would not return. 
4 



CHAPTER VI. 

PoNTiAC's Treachery — Campbell and McDougal made Prisoners — 
Scarcity op Provisions in the Fort — Perilous Situation op 
THE Garrison — Continuation of the Siege — Pontiac Summons 
THE Garrison to Surrender — Gladwyn Refuses — Complaints 
of the French — Pontiac's Policy. 

Campbell and liis compainions passed up the river road, 
crossed tlie little bridge over Parent's Creek, and soon came in 
full view of the Ottawa village. As soon as the Indians 
observed their red coats on the summit of the little hill they 
sent up a burst of triumphant yells, as if they expected soon 
to shed more English blood, and there can be but little doubt 
that the officers would have been scalped, had not Pontiac 
stepped forward, and, by his imperious voice, commanded the 
savages to remain quiet. The great chief advanced and took 
Campbell by the hand and welcomed him; and then, turning 
round, led the way to his lodge, followed by the officers and the 
interpreter. The chief halted at the entrance of a large lodge, 
and, pointing to some mats at the farther end, he signalled the 
officers to enter. As soon as they had been seated the lodge 
was thronged with warriors. Campbell and McDougal were 
now in the hands of their enemies ; their lives depended alone 
upon the generosity of Pontiac. All the savages present were 
eager to kill them on the spot, but the Ottawa chief, perhaps, 
remembered that when he and his warriors were in the hands 
of the garrison, a few days previous, detected in their treach- 
ery, they were treated in mercy, and protected from injury and 
insult. The garrison waited, with much anxiety, the return of 
the officers, until quite late in the evening, when the interpreter 
returned to the fort w^ith the information that Campbell and 
McDougal had both been made prisoners by Pontiac. 
(50) 



OR, THE B0RJ:)ER WARS VP TWO CENTURIES. 51 

The Ottawa chief, resolved on continuing the war, inaugu- 
rated a regular system. Having secured the full co-operation 
of the AVyandots, he made an improved disposition of his forces. 
A detachment of the Pottawatomies were sent down the river 
a short distance, where they were to surprise and capture any 
reinforcements or supplies that might be advancing to the 
relief of the fort; others was ordered to conceal themselves 
in the woods in the rear of the fort, to prevent any advance 
from that direction; another band were directed to conceal 
themselves as near to the fort as possible, and to shoot do^vn 
any soldier or Englishman who might expose himself when no 
general attack was in progress. This work of detail and pre- 
paration wafi continued until the twelfth of May, when the 
warriors, under the immediate direction of Pontiac himself, 
surrounded the fort and made another desperate assault, which 
was continued, without intermission, from dawn till evening. 

Leaving the events outside, let us look in upon the condition of 
the little garrison. Their commander was now fully convinced 
that a general Indian outbreak had begun, and, in the face of 
the danger which presented itself on every hand, he was forced 
to ask the advice of those around him. Therefore, on the 
evening of the twelfth, all the officers in the fort met to con- 
sider what course of action was best to adopt. It was a des- 
perate moment. Only the darkness had forced the savages 
from the attack, and with the dawn of the following day, the 
assault would be resumed with increased vigor. Such, how- 
ever, was the conviction of the weary garrison. 

Major Gladwyn was a brave officer, well qualified for this 
emergency. Should the fort be taken, every Englishman 
within its palisade would be tomahawked; and, in the light of 
the probable success of the Indians in their attempt to capture 
the place, it would seem that there would be but one opinion 
in this council — that of the expediency of embarking and 
sailing for Niagara. Indeed, all, except the courageous Glad- 
wyn, advised this course; but that officer, although half con- 
vinced that the savages would succeed, was unwilling to desert 
his post. 

But there were other considerations of great importance, 



52 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

which, no doubt, had their weight in advising the garrison to 
abandon the fort. Their provisions were nearly exhausted, 
and, at the fartherest, would not last more than three weeks. 
In this short space of time, since a multitude of infuriated 
warriors had surrounded the place, there could be but little 
hope of succor. The danger of their situation was also 
increased from the fact that all the buildings within the fort 
" being of wood, and chiefly thatched with straw," might be 
set on fire at any moment, by burning missels. 

Perhaps there was no consideration which rendered their sit- 
uation so desperate as that the Indians would make a general 
rush against the fort and burn or cut their way through the 
palisades — a mode of attack which would be sure to accomplish 
the reduction of the weak fortification. This manner of 
attack was, however, foreign to every maxim of Indian war- 
fare. 

Eesolved to defend the fort while defence was possible, 
Gladwyn made the best possible disposition of his little gar- 
rison, and otherwise prepared to withstand the foe. Time 
passed on. Day after day the warriors continued the siege, 
and yet there were no signs of assistance for the hapless gar- 
rison. The provisions rapidly decreased. For many long 
days and nights no man attempted to sleep, except in his 
clothes, with his weapons by his side. 

When an opportunity presented itself, the soldiers ran out 
and leveled the outhouses to the ground, and removed every- 
thing that would serve as a shield or covering for the warriors. 
This done the Indians could find no shelter, and, being unwill- 
ing to expose themselves to the fire of the fort, they seldom 
approached very near to it. The two vessels that lay in the 
river guarded the north and south corners of the fort with their 
fire, and thus considerably strengthened Gladw^m's position. 
The Indians next attempted to set fire to the buildings within 
the fort by shooting arrows tipped with burning tow, upon 
their roofs, but the fort being well provided with water, their 
efibrts were futile. 

Pontiac next summoned the garrison to surrender. He said 
the ofiicers and soldiers would be allowed to embark in their 



OB, TliE BORDER WARS OF TWO (!KNTDRIES. 53 

vessels and depart uninjured, but in the event they refused to 
comply, and the fort should be taken, they would all be slaught- 
ered. Major Gladwyn's reply was short and decisive, and, it is 
believed, convinced Pontiac that his British foe was still firm, 
and determined to hold possession of the fort, " The attacks 
were now resumed with increased activity, and the assailants 
were soon after inspired by the arrival of a hundred and twenty 
Ojibwa warriors from Grand River." In the fort, every effort 
foi* its defense was put forth. The soldiers slept upon the ram- 
parts, and a constant vigilance was maintained. 

Meanwhile every possible effort was made to obtain a supply 
of provisions for the garrison. At length negotiations were 
opened with a Canadian named Baby, who, for ample consider- 
ation, supplied the fort with cattle, hogs and such other 
necessaries as he could command. These were carried from the 
east side of the river, where M. Baby resided, to the fort, in 
canoes, which crossed the river with their precious freight under 
cover of the darkness. Being thus supplied with food, the 
wearied garrison took new courage. 

About this time the Indians, who had hoped to capture 
Detroit by a single assault, were beginning to suffer for food. 
They had rushed into the war with a recklessness character- 
istic of their race, and were now sorely perplexed in their 
endeavors to continue the siege. Want gradually compelled 
them to apply to the Canadians for assistance, but this was 
granted only in cases where threatened violence advised it. 
Wlien this had become a source of trouble and annoyance to 
the Canadian settlers, they appointed a deputation from among 
their number, instructing them to visit the camp of Pontiacj 
and lay their grievances before him. This they did, meeting 
the Ottawa chief at the house where Capt. Campbell and Lieut. 
McDougal were confined. Wlien the sachems of the various 
tribes had been convened, one of the deputies rose and said: 
" You pretend to be friends of the French, and yet you plun- 
der us of our hogs and cattle. You trample upon our fields 
of young corn, and when you enter our houses you enter with 
tomahawk raised. When your Fi-ench father comes from Mon- 
treal with his great army, he will hear of what you have done? 



54 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECCM8EH : 

and, instead of shaking hands with you as brothers, he will 
punish jou as enemies." 

Pontiac replied in the following words: "We have never 
wished to do you harm, nor allow any to be done you; but 
among us there are many young men who, though strictly 
watched, find opportunities of mischief. It is not to revenge 
myself alone that I make w^ar on the English. It is to revenge 
you, my brothers. When the English insulted us they insulted 
you also. I know that they have taken away your arms, and 
made you sign a paper which they have sent home to their 
country. Therefore you are left defenseless ; and I mean now 
to revenge your cause and my own together. I mean to destroy 
the English, and leave not one upon our lands. You do not 
know the reasons from which I act. I have told you those only 
which concern yourselves; but you will learn all in time. You 
will cease then to think me a fool. I know, my brothers, that 
there are many among you who take part with the English. I 
am sorry for it, for their own sakes ; for when our father arrives, 
I shall point them out to him, and they will see whether they 
or I have most reason to be satisfied with the part we have 
acted. 

"• I do not doubt, my brothers, that this war is very trouble- 
some to you, for our warriors are continually passing and 
repassing through your settlement. I am sorry for it. Do not 
think that I approve of the damage that is done by them; and, 
as a proof of this, remember the war with the Foxes, and the 
part which I took in it. It is now seventeen years since the 
Ojibwas, of Michilimackinac, combined with the Sacs and 
Foxes, came down to destroy you. Who then defended you? 
Was it not I and my young men? Mackinac, great chief of all 
tliese nations said, in council, that he would carry to his village 
the head of your commandant; that he would eat his heart 
and drink his blood? Did I not take your part? Did I not 
go to his camp, and say to him, that if he wished to kill the 
French, he must first kill me and my warriors? Did I not 
assist you in routing them and driving them aw^ay? And now 
you think that I would turn my arms against you? No, my 
brothers; I am the same French Pontiac who assisted you 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 55 

seventeen years ago. I am a Frencliman and I wish to 
die a Frencliman; and I now repeat to you that you and 
I are one; that it is for both our interests that I should be 
avenged. Let me alone; I do not ask you for aid, for it is not 
in your power to give it. I only ask provisions for myself and 
men. Yet, if you are inclined to assist me, I shall not refuse 
you. It would please me, and you yourselves would b'e sooner 
rid of your troubles; for I promise you that as soon as the 
English are driven out, we will go back to our villages, and there 
await the arrival of our French Father. You have heard what 
I have to say; remain at peace and I will watch that no harm 
shall be done to you, either by my men or by the other Indians." 
Pontiac immediately took measures to prevent a continu- 
ance of the outrages, of which the Canadians complained. He 
also adopted a new policy in procuring supplies for his army. 
He visited the Canadian inhabitants personally, and, after 
inrpiiring into their financial conditions, informed each of 
the amount he would be required to donate. Without a 
single exception, the taxes so levied were paid to the Ottawp 
chiefs collectors, and by them carried to the Ottawa village 
at Parent's Creek. Pontiac, being compelled to repeat his 
demands for provisions, and wishing not to oifend the Freiich, 
adopted a singular mode of paying them. He issued prom- 
issory notes, drawn upon birch bark, and signed with the 
figure of the otter, the totem to which he belonged. It should 
be mentioned here, to the credit of Pontiac, that these notes 
were all faithfully redeemed. 



CHAPTEK YII. 

The Siege op Detroit — Fate op Cutler's Detachment — Bravery 
OP the Wyajstdots — Indian Carouse — Massacre and Murder — 
Horrible Fate op the Western Outposts — Fall op Sandusky, 
Fresque Isle, etc. — The Forests Growing Black with Indian 
Warriors. 

While Detroit was thus harassed and besieged, a strong 
detachment was advancing up the lake with general supplies 
for the western outposts. The garrison, being aware of its 
approach, was filled with anxiety for its welfare. Time passed 
on. Matters at Detroit continued to grow more alarming to 
the garrison every day. The warriors renewed the attack daily, 
and seemed to become more confident of success with every 
assault. Pontiac had sent messengers to M. l!^eyon, command- 
ant at the Illinois, earnestly requesting that a force of regular 
troops be sent to his assistance. Gladwyn, on his part, had 
ordered one of the vessels to proceed down the lake to meet 
the approaching convoy. The schooner set sail, but was 
becalmed at the entrance to Lake Erie, where she was com- 
pelled to lay for some time. While in this unfortunate situation 
a " multitude of canoes suddenly darted out upon her from the 
neighboring shores." In the prow of the foremost canoe sat 
Capt. Campbell, whom the Indians had placed there for the 
purpose of securing themselves against the fire of the English. 
But the resolute Captain called out to the crew to do their duty 
without regard to him. At this moment a stiflF breeze swept 
down the river, and the schooner sped on her course, leaving 
the disappointed warriors far behind. 

Matters continued at the fort without important change until 
the thirtieth of May, when at an early hour the garrison espied 
the long-expected convoy advancing slowly up the river. The 
(56) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CEMTURIES. 57 

garrison broke into three hearty cheers, for now, it would seem, 
their suiFerings were at an end. A cannon " sent its loud voice 
of defiance to the enemy and welcome to the approaching 
friends." But alas! the joyous faces of the soldiers and offi- 
cers grew deathly pale. Upon careful examination, the boats 
were found to be full of savages. The convoy had fallen into 
the hands of the enemy. The boats and supplies had been 
taken, and the soldiers of the detachment slaughtered or made 
captives. 

Eighteen boats were now approaching, and in each were two 
or more of the captured soldiers, acting as oarsmen, and guarded 
by several armed savages. Hundreds of warriors were also 
following the boats along the shore. In the foremost boat, it 
60 happened that there were four soldiers and only three Indi- 
ans. In the river, just opposite the fort, lay one of the British 
schooners, already mentioned, her companion having gone 
down the lake to hasten this very reinforcement. As the boat 
came near to this vessel, one of the soldiers seized the largest 
Indian and threw him overboard. The Indian held fast to his 
enemy's clothes, and, drawing himself up, stabbed him several 
times with his knife. The bleeding soldier gave way and was 
dragged overboard by the Indian. They were both borne swiftly 
down on the current of the river, and perished grappled in each 
other's arms. The two remaining Indians leaped out of the 
boat, and the prisoners seized the j^addles and pulled vigor- 
ously towards the schooner. The savages on the shore fired 
upon them, and several canoes were paddled swiftly in pursuit. 
The soldiers were struggling for life. They called aloud for 
aid, and strained every nerve to gain the vessel ; but their pur- 
suers were gaining rapidly upon them. In another moment 
one of the men was wounded. He dropped his paddle, falling 
to the bottom of the boat. Their chances of escape were now 
lessened, but they struggled on. As the savages were almost 
upon them, the report of a cannon burst from the side of the 
vessel, and the ball, passing close to the foremost canoe, cut the 
water into a line of foam. Being thus greeted the savages 
turned back in dismay. The prisoners soon reached the vessel^ 



58 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

and were greeted with rounds of hearty cheers. The other 
boats passed slowly up the river towards the Ottawa village. 

The soldiers who had thus escaped, now related the adven- 
tures and BuiFerings of their detachment. The following is 
their story, as told in the " History of the Conspiracy of Pon- 
tiac:" Lieut. Cuyler had left Fort Niagara as early as the 
thirteenth of May, and embarked from Fort Schlosser, just 
above the falls, with ninety-six men and a plentiful supply of 
provisions and ammunition. Day after day he had coasted 
along the northern shore of Lake Erie, and had seen neither 
friend nor foe amid those lonely forests and waters, when, on 
the twenty-eighth of the month, he landed at Point Pelee, not 
far from the mouth of the Piver Detroit. The boats were 
drawn on the beach, and the party prepared to encamp. A 
man and a boy went to gather firewood at a short distance from 
the spot, when an Indian leaped out of the woods, seized the 
boy by the hair and tomahaM^ked him. The man ran into 
€amp with the alarm. Cuyler immediately formed his soldiers 
into a semi-circle before the boats. He had scarcely done so 
when the Indians opened their fire. For an instant there was 
a hot blaze of musketry on both sides. Then the Indians broke 
out of the woods in a body, and rushed fiercely upon the centre 
of the line, which gave way in every part, the men flinging 
down their guns, running in a blind panic to the boats, and 
struggling with ill-directed efforts to shove them into the 
water. Five were set afloat, and pushed oflf from the shore, 
crowded with the terrified soldiers." 

Lieut. Cuyler, being thus deserted by his men, waded up to 
his neck in the- water and climbed into one of the retreating 
boats. The savages pushed two more afloat, and went in pur- 
suit of the soldiers, three boat loads of whom gave themselves 
up without resistance; but the remaining two, in one of which 
ivas Cuyler himself, made their escape. " They rowed all night 
and landed in the morning upon a small island. Between 
thirty and forty men, some of whom were wounded, were 
crowded into these two boats; the rest, about sixty in number 
being killed or taken. Cuyler now made for Sandusky, which, 
on his arrival, he found burned to the ground. Immediately 



OB, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 51» 

leaving tlie spot, he rowed along the south shore to Pres(|UL' 
Isle, from whence he proceeded to Niagara and reported his 
loss to Major Wilkins, the commanding ofhcer." 

But let us return to Detroit and to the Indian villages in its 
vicinity. The Indians who had thus interrupted the convoy 
and slaughtered or captured the soldiers, were the Wyandots. 
Among the supplies which they had captured was a large 
quantity of liquor, which they seized and carried to their vil- 
lages, which, throughout the following night, presented a beastly 
scene of drunkenness. What shall we say of the fate of the 
unfortunate soldiers taken prisoners in this affair? Tliey met 
their death during the drunken carouse on that same night. 
But it was more than death — more than torture. Thankful, 
indeed, were the three escaped soldiers — even he who was suf- 
fering from a severe wound — when, during that dark and 
gloomy night, while secure within the desolate fort, the moans 
of their dying comrades were borne to their ears on the breeze, 
from the distant camp-fires of the Wyandots. Not one was 
spared. No white man witnessed their fate; but, on the fol- 
lowing day, as the mangled corpses floated down on the clear 
waters of the Detroit, one after another, the horrified garrison 
beheld awful evidences of savage cruelty. In the ghastly train 
were many charred trunks, the result of the slow fires of death. 

There was but little time to reflect on this horrible massacre, 
for with the next day came the news of another — the fate of 
the garrison of Sandusky. Thus it will be seen, while that 
part of the work which Pontiac had intrusted to his warriors 
in neighboring villages was going forward with intoxicating 
success, he himself was, as yet, unable to capture Detroit, 
although assisted by his bravest warriors. The massacre at 
Sandusky was full of horror. Ensign Paully, commandant at 
this fort, was informed, on a certain day, that several warriors 
were waiting at the gate to speak with him. Most of them 
being well known to him, he gave orders to admit them. The 
Indians passed in, and, arriving at his quarters, they seized, 
disarmed and bound him. The next moment he heard the 
work of massacre without. Shrieks, yells, the firing of guns, 
and the hurried tramp of feet fell ominously upon his ears, A 



60 THE UVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

moment more, and he was led forth by his captors " to behold 
the parade ground strewn with the corpses of his murdered 
garrison." With the approach of night he was taken to the 
lake where several canoes lay in readiness. He was placed into 
one of them under a strong guard, and the little fleet pushed 
out upon the placid bosom of the waters. Looking back as 
the canoes were paddled away, Paully beheld '' the fort lately 
under his command, bursting on all sides into sheets of flame." 
While a number of warriors thus bore their captive to the 
lodge of Pontiac, a hundred warriors, adorned with the scalps 
of the slaughtered garrison, rushed madly through the margin 
of the woods, towards the same point. Thus every day the 
great Ottawa chief was gratified 'with the return of a band of 
his warriors loaded down with English scalps. On landing 
near the camp of Pontiac, Paully was surrounded by a crowd of 
savages, chiefly squaws and children, who pelted him with stones 
and sticks, and set up a burst of wild yells of triumph. The 
captive bore this with great fortitude, expecting the next act 
in the drama would find him bound to the stake and sur- 
rounded by the fuel of death, but he was happily disappointed. 
An old woman, whose husband had lately died, decided to 
adopt him in place of the dead warrior, which Paully gladly 
agreed to. Having been plunged in the river for the purpose 
of washing the white blood from his veins, he was conducted 
to the lodge of his volunteer wife, and from that day treated 
with all the respect due an Ottawa brave. It was through a 
letter from him that Gladwyn received the particulars of this 
horrible butchery. 

Amid all this gloom that was thickening around Detroit, 
and terrifying the hearts of the sleepless garrison, came the 
news that Pontiac's forces had been reinforced by two very 
strong bands of Ojibwa braves. The great chief now stood at 
the head of a thousand warriors, consisting of Pottawatomies, 
Wyandots and Ojibwas. This force was judiciously distributed 
under chiefs Ninivay, Takee, Wasson and Lekahos. All the 
warriors brought their families with them, and the number of 
savages congregated in the vicinity of Detroit, probably, 
exceeded four thousand. The siege of Detroit was continued 



OK, THE BORDER WAKS OF TWO CICNTUKIPX i')l 

day after day, and the situation of the garrison was rendered 
almost hopeless. With nearly every hour came the news of some 
disaster. The provisions were almost gone, and the clouds of 
infuriated warriors were growing blacker and blacker in the 
vicinity of Pontiac's village. 

On the fifteenth of June a number of Indians came to the 
fort, bringing with them four English prisoners, who proved 
to be the commandant of Fort St. Joseph, with three of his 
garrison. After some delay these were exchanged for several 
Indian prisoners who had been confined within the fort for 
some time. Again Gladwyn listened to the terrible account 
of massacre as brought to his ears by Ensign Schlosser, late 
commandant at Fort St. Joseph. The story ran thus: His 
post was situated at the mouth of the river St. Joseph, near 
the head of Lake Michigan, a spot which, for many years, had 
been the site of a Catholic mission. He had apprehended no 
danger, but on the twenty-fifth of May, early in the morning, 
he was informed that a large number of Pottawatomies had 
come to pay a visit to the Indian village near the fort. Close 
upon this intelligence he was informed that the savages were 
preparing to attack the fort. At this the commandant ran out 
of the fort, and crossing the parade, which was filled with 
Indians and Canadians, hastily entered the barracks. These 
were also filled with Indians, very insolent and disorderly. He 
ordered the gai-rison under arms, but he had no sooner turned 
away than he heard the terrifying scalp shriek, which notified 
him that the slaughter had already begun. In less than ten 
minutes the fort was plundered, eleven men were killed, and 
the commandant and three survivors made prisoners, and 
securely bound. The Indians then conducted the command- 
ant to Detroit, where he was released as already explained. 

Kext came the news of the massacre at Fort Michilimacki- 
nac, located on the extreme northern point of the southern 
peninsula of Michigan. This, of all the bloody narratives that 
shocked the trembling garrison of Detroit, was, perhaps, by far 
the most thrilling; but I will pass over it at present in order 
to give place to other reports of the war which were daily 
pouring in at Griadwyn's headquarters. In a succeeding chap- 



62 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

ter, the reader is conducted to the spot, and the awful tragedy 
enacted before him. 

Following this dreadful news came the report that Ouatanony 
a small fort on the Wabash, had been captured and the garri- 
son made jjrisoners. Following is the letter addressed to Major 
Gladwvn by the commandant of this post, giving a full account 
of its capture: 

" OuATANON, June 1st, 1763. 
"Sir:. I have heard of your situation, which gives me great pain; 
indeed, we are not in mucli better, for this morning the Indians sent for 
me to speak to me, and immediately bound me. When I got to their 
cabin I found some of my soldiers in the same condition. They told me 
Detroit, Miami, and all those posts were cut oif, and that it was a folly to 
make any resistance. They therefore-desired me to make the few soldiers in 
the fort surrender, otherwise they would put us all to death, in case one man 
was killed. They were to have fell on us and killed us all last night, but 
Mr. Maisongville and Lorain gave them wampum not to kill us, and when 
they told the interpreter that we were all to be killed, and he, knowing 
the condition of the fort, begged of them to make us prisoners. They 
have put us into French houses, and both Indians and French use us 
very well. All these nations say they are very sorry, but that they were 
obliged to do it by the other nations. The belt did not arrive liere till last 
night about eight o'clock. Mr. Lorain can inform you of all. I have just 
received the news of St. Joseph's being taken. Eleven men were killed 
and three taken prisoners with the officer. I have nothing more to say, 
but that I sincerely wish you a speedy succor, and that we may be able to 
revenge ourselves on those that deserve it. I remain, with my sincerest 
wishes for your safety. 

" Your most humble servant, Edw'd Jenkins." 

This letter was written by Mr. Jenkins while in the custody 
of the savages,- and just before his departure with them to the 
Illinois. Gladwyn had scarcely time to read this letter before 
the news of the loss of Fort Miami burst upon him. This post, 
standing situated on the river Maumee, was under the com- 
mand of Ensign Holmes. He suspected the treachery of the 
Indians, and was consequently on his guard, when on the 
twenty-seventh of May, a young Indian girl, with whom he 
had maintained an intimacy for some time, came and told him 
that a squaw, in a neighboring hut, lay dangerously ill, and 
urged him to come to her relief. Being moved by the girl's 
representations, he followed her out of the fort towards the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 63 

InJian village. He had not proceeded far when two guns 
flashed from behind some shrubbery, and he fell lifeless on the 
grass. The reports of the guns were heard in the fort, and the 
sergeant ran out to ascertain the meaning of the shooting. He 
was immediately taken prisoner, and surrounded by a score of 
savages. The terrified soldiers of the garrison were now sum- 
moned to surrender the fort, and the Indians having promised 
to protect their lives, they readily complied. They were all 
taken prisoners. 

The tall of Presque Isle is next in order. News of this dis- 
aster reached Gladwyn on the twentieth of June, and, two days 
after a horde of savages passed by the fort with scalps flutter- 
ing from their sides, on their way to the Ottawa village. They 
were on their way to the great chief, to present him with the 
scalps of the unfortunate soldiers of Presque Isle. This fort 
was under the command of Ensign Christie, a brave and gal- 
lant officer. Hostile Indians were discovered in the vicinity 
of the fort on the flfteenth of June. As soon as the garrison 
had been aware of the enemy's presence, they retired into 
the blockhouse, abandoning the main body of the fort. But, 
at this point, in order that the reader may better understand 
the different phases of the attack, I will give a very brief 
description of the fort. Presque Isle stood near to the site of 
the present city of Erie, on the southern shore of Lake Erie. 
At one of its angles was a large blockhouse two stories high, 
and substantially built of massive timber, the dimensions of 
the upper story exceeding that of the lower by several feet. 
'^ The roof being covered with shingles, might easily be set on 
fire; but to guard against this, there was an opening at the 
summit, through which the garrison, partially protected by a 
covering of plank, might pour down water upon the flames. 
This blockhouse stood on a projecting point of land, between 
the lake and a small brook which entered neai-ly at right angles. 
Unfortunately, the bank of the brook rose in a high, steep 
ridge, within forty yards of the blockhouse, thus aflbrding a 
cover for assailants, while the bank of the lake oflered similar 
facilities on another side." 

The Indians who had now assailed the fort, crowded together 



64 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

in great numbers, under cover of the rising ground, and kept 
up a brisk fire. Thej not only sent their bullets into everj 
loop-bole and crevice, but shot fire-arrows upon the roof, and 
threw balls of burning pitch against the wall. Several times 
the building took fire, and as often the flames were extin- 
guished. " The Indians now rolled logs to the top of the 
ridges, where they constructed three strong breastworks, from 
behind which they could discharge their shot and throw their 
fire-balls with still greater efiect. Some of them tried to dart 
across the intervening space, and shelter themselves in the 
ditch which surrounded the fort, but all of these were killed 
or wounded in the attempt. Bafiled in this efifort, the Indi- 
ans began to throw up earth and stones, behind one of the 
breastworks, for the purpose of undermining the blockhouse — 
a plan that would be sure of success, and against which there 
could be no resistance offered. But there was no time to reflect 
on this new danger, for now, another more horrible threatened 
them. The barrels of water which had been used for extin- 
guishing the flames were now exhausted, and there was no way 
to procure water without going out of the blockhouse, and this 
could not be done without incurring certain death. The only 
alternative was to dig a well within the blockhouse. The floor 
was torn up and work commenced immediately. A few of the 
soldiers stood at the loop-holes discharging their muskets to 
keep the savages in check, while the others labored with des- 
perate energy to procure water by sinking a well. Before any 
signs of water made an appearance, the roof was again on fire, 
and the last drop of water within the blockhouse was poured 
down to extinguish it. In a moment more the cry of fire was 
again raised, when a soldier, at the risk of his life, leaped upon 
the roof, and tore away the burning shingles, and thus extin- 
guished it. It was now evening. The little garrison had 
fought hard all day and hoped that, as the darkness set in, they 
would be temporarily relieved, but they were doomed to a sor- 
rowful disappointment. The guns flashed all night long from 
the Indian intrenchments. However, before the night passed, 
the diggers had finished their well. This was an important 
accomplishment, for, with the dawn of the following day, 



OK, THE BOBDEK WAKS OF TWO CENTUKIES. 65 

flames burst forth from the deserted liouse of the command- 
ant, which stood near to the blockhouse. The flames ascended 
high and became hotter and hotter. The corner of tlie block- 
house grew black, and, at length, burst into a sheet of flame. 
With this a hundred Indian yells pealed forth in triumph, and 
the naked warriors stood ready to tomahawk the wretched sol- 
diers as fast as they were driven forth. But still the garrison 
held out. Passing up water from the well which now held an 
ample supply, they poured it down upon the flames, and soon 
extinguished them. By this time the burning house, from 
which the flre had caught, settled into smouldering embers, so 
that nothing further was apprehended from tli^t source. 

The soldiers were now quite exhausted, but still they con- 
tinued their defense, " toiling and fighting without pause, where 
the close and heated atmosphere was clogged with the smoke 
of gunpowder." The contest was continued throughout the 
second day and extended into midnight. It was a long and 
hopeless struggle. At about twelve o'clock on the second 
night, the garrison heard a voice call out in French from the 
enemy's entrenchments, warning the garrison that further 
resistance would be useless since full preparations had been 
made for setting fire to the blockhouse, both above and below 
at the same time. Christie, the commandant, then inquired 
if there was any one among them who could speak English, 
whereupon a man in Indian dress, appeared from behind the 
breastworks, and said that if the garrison gave themselves up 
their lives should be spared, but if they continued, they would 
all be burned alive. Christie, having resolved to hold out as 
long as a shadow of resistance could be maintained, told him 
to persuade the Indians to wait tiU the following morning for 
his answer. They assented, and suspended their fire, and 
while some of the garrison watched, the rest sank exhausted 
into a deep sleep. On the following morning the commandant 
sent out two of his soldiers under pretext of treating with the 
Indians, but, in truth, to learn the real situation. On reaching 
the breastwork, the soldiers made a signal by wjiich Christie 
knew that the representations of the Englishman were correct. 
The soldiers told the chiefs that their commandant desired two 
5 



QQ THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

of their principal men to meet him midway between the block- 
house and the breastwork. They appeared as requested, and 
Christie went out and delivered them formal possession of the 
little fort, which he had so ably defended, on the conditions, 
however, that he and his garrison should be allowed to depart 
unmolested. Notwithstanding this stipulation, the fort was no 
sooner surrendered, than the whole garrison were surrounded, 
seized and made prisoners. They were sent as such to the 
Ottawa village near Detroit, when Christie soon after made his 
escape in safety to the fort. 

The next to share this hon-ifying fate were the neighboring- 
forts of Le Boeuf and Venango. These posts were poorly 
garrisoned, and fell an easy prey to the savages in their vicinity. 
But still farther south, around Fort Pitt, and along the whole 
frontier, clouds of warriors were animating the forests with 
their restless forms and hideous yells, preparing to burst forth 
in an indiscriminate slaughter upon the English settlements. 
In the course of the narrative these points will receive proper 
attention. Leaving the the fort of Detroit and the camp of 
Pontiac, for a little season, let us turn onr attention to Michil- 
imackinac, and observe the events that were transpiring there. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Description of Fort Michilimackinac — The Indians in the 
Vicinity — Preparations for the Massacre — The Warning — 
Adventures of English Traders — The Night Before the 
Slaughter. 

Before giving an account of the terrible massacre at Fort 
Michilimackinac, I will briefly run through a description of 
that distant outpost. It was situated on the northern extrem- 
ity of the southern peninsula of Michigan, standing upon the 
margin of the lake at the eastern end of the Strait of Mackinaw. 
A little beyond the fort was a cluster of white Canadian 
houses, roofed with bark and protected by fences of strong, 
round pickets. As one entered the gate of this fort he would 
see beyond him an extensive square area, surrounded by high 
palisades. Numerous houses, barracks, and other buildings 
formed a smaller square within, and in the vacant space which 
they inclosed, appeared the red uniforms of the British soldiers, 
the gray coats of the Canadians and the gaudy Indian blankets, 
mingled in confusion. Such was Fort Michilimackinac in 
1763. Although buried in a dense wilderness, it was one of 
the oldest outposts in the lake region. The Jesuits had estab- 
lished a mission there as early as 1671, and in the following 
year the French established a military post in the same place. 
Besides this fort there were two others in the vicinity called 
Green Bay and the Saut Ste. Marie. These were also founded 
at an early day, and, although considerably smaller, were, in 
general characteristics, similar to Michilimackinac. The latter 
contained thirty families within the palisade enclosure, and 
about as many more without. This post was important chiefly 
for being the centre of the fur trade. During the greater part 
of the year, the garrison and the settlers were completely iso- 
(67) 



68 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

lated — cut off from all connection with the outer world; and, 
indeed, the three posts last mentioned were so remote from 
each other, and the journey from one to the other attended 
with so many dangers, that often, through the whole winter all 
intercourse between them was entirely cut off. The Indians 
in this section were the Ojibwas and Ottawas, between whom 
the territory was nearly equally divided. The principal village 
of the Ojibwas contained over a hundred warriors, and was 
located upon the picturesque Island of Mackinaw, which has, 
in late years, become a favorite summer resort. The same 
nation had another large settlement at Thunder Bay. The 
largest northern village of their brethren, the Ottawas, was 
situated at L'Arbre Croche, at the eastern end of the strait on 
the margin of Lake Michigan. This place, at the period of 
which I am writing, was the seat of the old Jesuit mission of 
St. Ignace, originally established by the great and good Mar- 
quette, on the northern side of the Straits. It is said of the 
Ottawas that they had become partially civilized, while on the 
other hand, their neighbors, the Ojibwas, " were not, in the 
least degree, removed from their primitive barbarism." These 
tribes, as also all of the neighboring Indians, were hostile 
towards the English. Most of their warriors had fought on 
the side of France in the late war, and now, being goaded to 
fury by the indignant Canadians, they were ready to raise the 
tomahawk against any Englishman who might venture within 
their territory. At this period Fort Michilimackinac was in 
the hands of the French settlers, the French garrison having 
been withdrawn in accordance with the capitulation of Mon- 
treal, and the^Euglish garrison having not yet arrived. I wiU 
here cite an incident or two, illustrating the state of feeling 
which prevailed among the Indians and French at this place 
soon after the close of the war between the English and French 
colonies. In the autumn of 1761, an Englishman named 
Alexander Henry, in company with one or two others, came to 
Michilimackinac for the purpose of trading with the Indians. 
On the way these Englishmen were more than once warned to 
turn back, and told that they they would meet certain death if 
they pursued their journey. At length, to insure safety, Mr. 



OR, THE BORDEK WAKS OF TWO CENTUKIFS. 69 

Henry assumed the disguise of a Canadian voyageur. At 
length his canoes, laden with goods, reached the distant forest 
fort, but he received a cold greeting from the French inhabit- 
ants. They said everything they could calculated to alarm and 
discourage him. Soon after his arrival, he was notified that a 
band of Ojibwas were on their way from their village to pay 
him a visit. But this did not disturb him. It was an Indian 
custom to pay such visits to a new-comer with a view of receiv- 
ing presents, and Henry believed that by distributing a few 
articles among them, they would depart in peace. Following 
is an account of the affair in Mr. Henry's own language: "At 
two o'clock in the afternoon, the Ojibwas came to the house, 
about sixty in number, and headed by Minavavana, their chief. 
They walked in single file, each with his tomahawk in onp 
hand and scalping knife in the other. Their bodies were naked 
from the waist upward, except in a few examples, where blank- 
ets were thrown loosely over their shoulders. Their faces were 
painted with charcoal, worked up with grease; their bodies 
with white clay, in patterns of various fancies. Some had 
feathers thrust through their noses, and their heads decorated 
with the same. It is unnecessary to dwell on the sensations 
with which I beheld the approach of this uncouth, if not 
frightful assemblage. The chief entered first and the rest fol- 
lo^ved without noise. On receiving a sign from the former, 
the latter seated themselves on the floor. Minavavana appeared 
to be about fifty years of age. He was six feet in height, and 
had in his countenance an indiscribable mixture of good and 
evil. Looking steadfastly at me, where I sat in ceremony, witi^ 
an interpreter on either hand, and several Canadians behind 
me, he entered at the same time into conversation with 
Campion, inquiring how long it was since I left Montreal, and 
observing that the English, as it would seem, were brave men, 
and not afraid of death, since they dared to come, as I had 
done, fearlessly among their enemies. The Indians now 
gravely smoked their pipes, while I inwardly endured the tor- 
tures of suspense. At length the pipes being finished, as well 
as a long pause, by which they were succeeded, Minavavana, 
taking a few strings of wampum in his hand began the following 



70 THE LIVES OF POI^IAC AND TECUMSEHt 

speech: ' Eiiglislmian, it is to you tliat I speak, and I demand 
your attention. Englishman, you know the French King is 
our father; he promised to be such, and we, in return, prom- 
ised to be his children. This promise we have kept. 
Englishman, it is you that have made war with this our 
father. You are his enemy, and how, then, could you have 
the boldness to venture among us his children. You know 
that his enemies are ours. Englishman, we are informed that 
our father, the King of France, is old and infirm, and that 
being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he has 
fallen asleep. During his sleep you have taken advantage of 
him, and possessed yourselves of Canada. But his nap is 
almost at an end. I think I hear him already stirring and 
inquiring for his children, the Indians; and when he does 
awake, what must become of you? He will destroy you 
utterly. Englishman, although you have conquered the 
French, you have not yet conquered us. We are not your 
slaves. These lakes, these woods and these mountains were 
letlb to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance, and we 
will part with them to no one. Your nation supposes that we, 
like the white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and 
beef; but you ought to know that He, the Great Spirit and 
Master of Life, has provided food for us in these spacious lakes 
and on these woody mountains. Englishman, our father, the 
King of France, employed our young men to make war upon 
your nation. In this warfare many of them have been killed, 
and it is our custom to retaliate until such time as the spirits 
of the slain are satisfied. But the spirits of the slain are to 
be satisfied in either of two ways. The first is by the spilling 
of the blood of the nation by which they fell; the other by 
covering the bodies of the dead, and thus allaying the resent- 
ments of their relations. This is done by making presents. 
Englishman, your king has never sent us any presents, nor 
entered into any treaty with us; wherefore, he and we are still 
at ^var, and until he does these things we must consider that 
we have no other father nor friend among the white men than 
the King of France. But for you, we have taken into consid- 
eration, that you have ventured your life among us, in the 



OK, THK UOKDKK WARS oK TWO CENTUKII<>. 71 

expectation that we should not molest jou. You do not come 
armed, with any intentions to make war. You come in peact; 
to trade with us, and to supply us with necessaries of which 
we are in much want. We shall regard you, therefore, as a 
brother, and you may sleep tranquilly without fear of the 
Ojibwas. As a token of our friendship, we present you this 
pipe to smoke.' As Minavavana uttered these words, an 
Indian presented me with a pipe, which, after I had drawn the 
smoke three times, was carried to the chief and after him to 
every person in the room. This ceremony ended, the chief 
arose and gave me his hand, in which he was followed by all 
the rest." , 

Mr. Henry made a suitabe reply, atW which the chief 
requested him to distribute some whisky among his men, 
which he did. After giving them a few presents, they departed 
to the great joy of the Englishman. They had Imi-dly disap- 
peared when Henry was summoned to meet two hundred 
Ottaw;a braves, in council near the fort. They had also come 
to pay him a visit. This time two other English traders — 
Goddard and Solomons — were also invited to be present. Obe- 
dient to the wishes of these new-comers, the Englishmen 
repaired to the house where they had seated themselves. Here 
they were informed tliat they must distribute their goods 
among the Indians on credit, on the promise of receiving pay 
in the following spring. The Ottawas threatened force in case 
of refusal. Being permitted to reflect on this demand till the 
following morning, the traders met together and resolved on 
resistance, and, accordingly, arming about thirty of their men 
with muskets, they barricaded themselves in the house occupied 
by Henry, and kept strict watch throng] lout the night. The 
Indians, however, did not disturb them. On tlie following 
day, several Canadians came to Henry and advised him to give 
up the goods, and saying that if he did not, both he and his 
companions would receive no mercy. The Englishmen would 
not listen to this advice. They kept possession of the house 
and their goods until evening, when, to their happy surprise, 
news came that a body of English troops were advancing to 
take possession of the fort. Another night of anxiety 



72 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AJMD TECUMSEHI 

but with the dawn of the following morning the Ottawas 
departed. Immediately after the boats of the English detach- 
ment were seen to approach the landing place. The fort was 
now strongly garrisoned by British soldiers, and Henry and 
his companions were, for a time, at least, protected in a peace- 
ful prosecution of the fur trade. But with the lapse of a few 
months the peril of their situation was without a parallel. 

Time passed on, when in the spring of 1763, Pontiac's light- 
footed messengers arrived at Michilimackinac. Bearing in 
their hands the war-belt of black and purple wampum, they 
appeared before the assembled warriors, flung at their feet a 
hatchet painted red, and delivered the speech according to the 
dictation of their Ottawa chief. The auditors, on every occa- 
sion, took up the blood-red hatchet, and thus pledged themselves 
to aid in the war. 

Late in the month of May, news was received among the 
Indians at Michilimacldmic, that Pontiac had already begun 
the war, and, anxious to win glory for themselves, the Ojibwas 
resolved to attack the British fort in their neighborhood with- 
out inviting their brethren at L'Arbre Croche to aid them. 
At this time the fort was garrisoned by about thirty-five sol- 
diers besides the officers. They had been warned, time and 
again, that the Indians were preparing to destroy them, but 
Captain Etherington, the commandant, refused to listen to any 
such reports. 

Mr. Henry, who was in , the fort at this time, received warn- 
ing of the approaching calamity in a curious way, and as his 
adventures enter largely into that part of the narrative imme- 
diately following, I will relate the circumstance here: An 
Ojibwa chief, called Wawatam, had become strongly attached 
to him. One morning he entered his house, and. placing 
before Henry, on the floor, a large present of furs and dried 
meat, delivered a speech to the following effect: Early in life, 
according to the ancient usage of his people, he had retired to 
fast and pray in solitude, that he might learn the future career 
marked out for him. In his visions and dreams on this occa- 
sion, it was revealed to him that, in after years, he should meet 
a white man who should be to him a friend and brother. As 



OK, TUK B()1>M)KK WAffS OK TWO CKNTUKI I'X 78 

soon as he had seen Henry, he Avas satisfied that he was the 
man to whom the Great Spirit had reference, and that the 
dream- was now fulfilled. Henry made an appropriate reply, 
gave some slight presents in return, smoked a pipe with the 
Indian, and, as Wawatam soon after left the fort, he soon for- 
got him. But had he then known that this singular man was 
to save him, in a near future, from a horrible death, he Mould 
liave been less careless about returning his avowed friendship. 
Many months had elapsed since the incident to which I have 
just made reference, occurred, when on the second of June, 
1703, Henry's door was opened vidthout ceremony, and the 
dark figure of Wawatam appeared. After thinking carefully 
for a few moments, Mr. Henry remembered him, invited him 
to a seat, and inquired as to the success of his winter's hunt. 
Without replying, Wawatam sat down, and manifested great 
surprise at finding the Englishman still in the fort. He said 
that on the day following, he w^as going to the Saut Ste. Marie, 
and that he wanted Henry to go with him. He next inquired 
if his friend had not heard bad news, and continued, that he 
himself "had been much disturbed by the singing of evil birds." 
Henry took but little notice of the Indian's warning, and 
Wawatam departed with a sad countenance. On the following 
morning Wawatam again returned, and pressed Henry to leave 
the fort. " When Henry demanded his reason for such 
urgency," says Parkman, "he asked if his brother did not 
know that many bad Indians, who had never shown themselves 
at the fort, were emcamped in the woods around it. To-mor- 
row, he said, they are coming to ask for whisky, and would all 
get drunk, so that it would be dangerous to remain." Wawa- 
tam continued to advise Henry to leave the fort and accompany 
him to the Saut, but to no purpose. The Indian, seeing that 
he could not induce his friend to escape the danger which 
threatened him, departed with tears in his eyes. On this same 
afternoon, Henry says that the fort was filled with savages 
moving about among the soldiers with many appearances of 
friendship. Many of them came to his store to purchase 
knives and hatchets. The squaws moved about within the 
fort, asking to see silver bracelets and other ornaments, not for 



74 THK LIVES OK FONTIAC AND TECUMiSEH. 

the purpose of purchasing them, but, as it afterward appeared, 
of learning where they were kept, that they might the more 
easily lay hands upon them when the slaughter began. Night 
came on and the Indians retired to their lodges. The garrison 
entered the barracks, and settled into a sound sleep, not know- 
ing that on the morrow many of them would fall beneath the 
tomahawk. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Massacre — The Game op Ball — Slaughter op the Garri- 
son — Indians Drinking the Blood op Englishmen — Hair- 
breadth Escape op an English Trader. 

On the following morning, the fourth of June, many Ojib- 
was came to the fort, inviting officers and soldiers to come out 
and see a grand game of ball, which was to be played between 
their nation and the Sacs. In a few moments the fort was 
half deserted. The gates were left wide open, and the soldiers 
were collected in groups under the shadow of the palisades 
watching the Indians play ball. They were all without arms, 
suspecting nothing. The game in which the Indians were 
engaged was called haggattaway. " At either extremity of the 
ground, a tall post was planted, marking the stations of the 
rival parties. The object of each was to defend its own post, 
and drive the ball to that of its adversary. Hundreds of lithe 
and agile figures were leaping and bounding upon the plain. 
Each was nearly naked, his loose black hair flying in the wind, 
and each bore in his hand a bat of a form peculiar to this 
game. At one moment the whole were crowded together, a 
dense throng of combantants, all struggling for the ball; at 
the next they were scattered again, and running over the 
ground like hounds in full cry." The participants yelled and 
shouted at the tops of their voices. Suddenly the ball soared 
high from the midst of the multitude, and fell near the pickets 
of the fort. " This was no chance stroke. It was part of a 
preconcerted stratagem to insure the surprise and destruction 
of the garrison. As if in pursuit of the ball, the players 
rushed towards the gate of the fort, and yelling the war-whoop, 
they snatched the hatchets which the squaws had concealed 
under their blankets. Some of the Indians sprang upon the 
(75) 



76 THE LIVES OF BJNTIAC AND TEClTMSEIi: 

spectators without, while others rushed into the fort, and, in a 
moment all was carnage and confusion. At the commence- 
ment, Etherington and Leslie were seized and led away from 
the scene of massacre." 

Mr. Alexander Henry., from whom I. have just quoted, gives 
the following account of the massacre and his adventures in 
connection with it: " I did not go myself to see the match 
which was now to be played without the fort, because there 
being a canoe prepared to depart on the following day for Mon- 
treal, I employed myself in writing letters to my friends; and, 
even when a fellow-trader, Mr. Tracy, happened to call upon 
me saying, that another canoe had just arrived from Detroit, 
and proposing that I should go with him to the beach, it so 
happened that I still remained to finish my letters, promising 
to follow Mr. Tracy in the course of a few minutes. Mr. 
Tracy had not gone more than twenty paces from my door, 
when I heard an Indian war cry, and a noise of general con- 
fusion. Going instantly to my window, I saw a crowd of 
Indians within the fort furiously cutting down and scalp- 
ing every Englishman they found ; in particular, I witnessed 
the fate of Lieut. Jamette. I had in the room in which I was, 
a fowling piece loaded with swan shot. This I immediately 
seized and held it for a few minutes waiting to hear the drum 
beat to arms. In this dreadful interval, I saw several of my 
countrymen fall, and more than one strnggling between the 
knees of an Indian who, holding him in this manner, scalped 
him while yet living. At length disappointed in the hope of 
seeing i-esistance made to the enemy, and sensible, of course, 
that no effort of my ow^n unassisted arm could avail against 
four hundred Indians, I thought only of seeking shelter amid 
the slaughter which was raging. [ observed many of the 
Canadian inhabitants of the fort calmly looking on, neither 
opposing the Indians nor suffering injury, and from this cir- 
cumstance I conceived a hope of finding security in their 
houses. Between the yard door of my own house, and that of 
Mr. Langlade, my next neighbor, there was only a low fence, 
over which I easily climbed. At my entrance I found the 
whole family at the windows, gazing at the scene of blood 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 77 

before them. 1 addressed myself immediately to Mr. Lang- 
lade, begging that he would put me into some place of safety 
until the heat of the affair should be over, an act of charity by 
which he might, perhaps, preserve n>e from the general massa- 
cre. But while I nttered my petition, Mr. Langlade, who had 
looked for a moment at me, turned again to the window, 
shrugging his shoulders and intimating that he could do noth- 
ing for me. This was a moment of despair, but the next a 
Pani woman, a slave of Mr. Langlade's, beckoned me to follow 
her. She brought me to a door, which she opened, desiring me 
to enter, and telling me it led to the garret where I must go 
and conceal myself. I joyfully obeyed her directions, and she, 
having followed me up to the garret door, locked it after me, 
and with great presence of mind took away the key. This 
shelter obtained, if shelter I could hope to find it, I was natu- 
rally anxious to know what might still be passing without 
Through an aperture which afforded me a view of the area of 
the fort, I beheld, in shapes, the foulest and most terrible, the 
ferocious triumphs of barbarian conquerors. The dead were 
scalped and mangled. The dying were writhing and shrieking 
under the insatiate knife and tomahawk, and, from the bodies 
of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood, 
scooped up in the hollow of joined hands, and quaffed amid 
shouts of rage and victory. I was shaken, not only with hor- 
ror, but with fear. The suffering which I witnessed, I seemed 
on the point of experiencing. No long time elapsed before 
every one being destroyed who could be found, there was a 
general cry of all is finished. At the same instant I heard 
some of the Indians enter the house where I was. The garret 
was separated from the room below, only by a layer of single 
boards, at once the flooring of the one and the ceiling of the 
other. I could, therefore, hear everything that passed, and 
the Indians no sooner came in than they inquired whether or 
not any Englishmen were in the house. Mr. Langlade replied 
that he could not say. He did not know of any, answers in 
which he did not exceed the truth, for the Pani woman had not 
only hidden me by stealth, but kept my secret and her own. 
Mr. Langlade was, therefore, I presume, as far from a ^vish to 



78 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

destroy me, as he was careless about saving me, wlien he added 
to these answers, that they might examine for themselves, and 
would soon be satisfied as to the object of their question. Say- 
ing this he brought them to the garret door. The state of ray 
mind will be imagined. Arrived at the door, some delay was 
occasioned by the absence of the key, and a few moments 
were thus allowed me, in which to look around for a hiding 
place. In one corner of the garret was a heap of those vessels 
of birch bark, used in maple sugar making. The door was 
unlocked and opened, and the Indians, ascending the stairs 
before I had completly crept into a small opening, which pre- 
sented itself at one end of the heap. An instant after four 
Indians entered the room, all armed with tomahawks, and all 
besmeared with blood upon every part of their bodies. The 
die appeared to be cast. I could scarcely breathe, but I thought 
the throbbing of my heart occasioned noise loud enough to 
betray me. The Indians walked in every direction about the 
garret, and one of them approached me so closely that at a 
particular moment, had he put forth his hand he must have 
touched me. Still I remained undiscovered, a circumstance to 
which the dark color of my clothes, and the want of light in 
the room which had no window in the corner in which I was, 
must have contributed. In a word, after taking several turns 
in the room, during which they told Mr. Langlade how many 
they had killed, and liow many scalps they had taken, they 
returned down stairs, and I, with sensations not to be expressed, 
heard the door, which was the barrier between me and my 
fate, locked for the second time. There was a feather-bed on 
the floor, and, on this, exhausted as I was, by the agitation of 
my mind, I threw myself down and went to sleep. In this 
state I remained till the dusk of the evening, when I was awak- 
ened by the second opening of the door. The person that now 
entered was Mr. Langlade's wife, who was much surprised at 
finding me, but advised me not to be uneasy, observing that 
the Indians had killed most of the English, but that she hoped 
I might, myself, escape. A shower of rain having begun to 
fall, she had come to stop a hole in the roof. On her going 
away, I begged her to send me a little water to drink, which 



OK, THE BORDEK WAKS OF TWO CKMTUKIKS. 79 

ghe did. As night was now advancing, I continued, to lie on 
the bed, ruminating on mj condition, but unable to discover a 
resource from which T could hope for life. A llight to Detroit 
had no probable chance of success. The distance from Mich- 
ilimackinac was four hundred miles, and I was without 
provisions, and the whole length of the road lay throuo-h 
Indian countries — countries of an enemy in arms, where the 
iirst man whom I should meet would kill me. To stay where 
I w^as threatened nearly the same issue. As before, fatigue of 
mind, and not tranquility, suspended my cares and procured 
me further sleep. The respite which sleep afforded me during 
the night was put an end to by the return of morning. I was 
again on the rack of apprehension. At sunrise I heard the 
family stirring, and presently after, Indian voices, informing 
Mr. Langlade that they had not found my hapless self among 
the dead, and they supposed me to be somewhere concealed. 
Mr. Langlade appeared, from what followed, to he, by this 
time, acquainted with my place of retreat, of which, no doubt, 
he had been informed by his wife. The poor woman, as soon 
as the Indians mentioned me, declared to her husband in the 
French tongue, that he should no longer keep me in his house, 
but deliver me up to my pursuers, giving as a reason for this 
measure that should the Indians discover his instrumentality 
in my concealment, they might revenge it on her children, and 
that it was better that I should die than they. Mr. Langlade 
resisted at first, this sentence of his wife, but soon suffered her 
to prevail, informing the Indians that he had been told that I 
was in his house; that I had come there without his knowl- 
edge, and that he would put me into their hands. This was no 
sooner expressed than he began to ascend the stairs, the Indi- 
ans following upon his heels. I now resigned myself to the 
fate with which I was menaced; and regarding every effort at 
concealment as vain, I arose from the bed, and presented 
myself full in view to the Indians, who were entering the 
room. They were all in a state of intoxication, and entirely 
naked, except about the middle. One of them named Wen- 
niway, whom I had previously known, and who w^as upwards 
of six feet in height, had his entire face and body covered with 



80 THE UVE8 OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH : 

charcoal and grease, only that a white spot, of two inches in 
diameter, encircled each eye. This man, walking up to me, 
seized me with one hand by the collar of the coat, wliile in the 
other he held a large carving knife, as if to plunge it into my 
breast; his eyes, meanwhile, were fixed steadfastly on mine. 
At length, after some seconds of the most anxious suspense, 
he dropped his arm, saying, 'I won't kill 3'ou!' To this he 
added that he had been frequently engaged in wars against the 
English, and had brought away many scalps; that on a certain 
occasion, he had lost a brother, whose name was Musinigon, 
and that I should be called after him. A reprieve upon any 
terms placed me among the living, and gave me back the sus- 
taining voice of hope; but Wenniway ordered me down stairs, 
and there informed me that I was to be taken to his cabin, 
where, and indeed everywhere else, the Indians were all mad 
with liquor, death again was threatened, and not as possible 
only, but as certain. I mentioned my fears on this subject to 
Mr. Langlade, begging him to represent them to my master. 
Mr. Langlade, in this instance, did not withhold his compas- 
sion, and Wenniway immediately consented that I should 
remain where I was, until he found another opportunity to 
take meaway." 



CHAPTER X. 

ADVENTURES OP ENGLISH TRADERS AT MiCHILIMACKINAC — ThEY AR3 

Rescifed by THE Ottawas — Treatment of the Prisoners — 
Henry's Esc-\pe — Cannibalism — Reduction of all the Western 
Outposts except Detroit. 

Henry had not enjoyed an hour's peace when an Indian 
came to the house where he was and ordered him to follow 
him to the Ojibwa camp. Henry knew this man, and suspected 
treachery, but there was no alternative. Following him through 
the gate his suspicions were soon confirmed. The Indian, 
iiietead of proceeding to the camp, turned in the direction of 
the woods. At this Henry refused to follow, and openly charged 
him with his design. The Indian acknowledged that his inten- 
tion was to take his life, and at the same moment drew his 
knife to strike the fatal blow. At this instant the trader stepped 
aside, and escaping the stroke he ran for his life. Entering 
the gate of the fort he observed Wenniway standing in the 
centre of the area, and he called out to him for assistance. The 
chief ordered the Indian to desist ; but the enraged savage 
would not obey him, and continued the pursuit, striking at him 
with his knife as they ran round and round the chief. Observ- 
ing the door of Mr. Langlade's house open, Henry ran, escaped 
through it, and once more found himself alone in his garret 
prison. Early in the night, as he lay asleej) on his rude couch, 
the door was opened, and he was ordered to descend. He did 
so, when, to his great joy, he found in the room below, Capt. 
Etherington, Lieut. Leslie and Mr. Bostwick, a trader, together 
with Father Jonois, the Jesuit priest from L'Arbre Croehe. 

The Indians being now about to enjoy a drunken carouse 
upon the liquor they had seized, and the chiefs, fully aware of 
the danger to which the prisoners would be exposed during 
6 (81) 



»ii THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

these revels, had conveyed them all into the fort and placed 
them in charge of the Canadians. " Including officers, soldiers 
and traders, they amounted to about twenty, this handful being- 
all that escaped the massacre." When Henry entered the room 
he found his three companions discussing a very important 
question. The Indians had already retired to their village, and 
the fort was actually in the hands of the white people — twenty 
Englishmen and about three hundred French Canadians. To 
close the gates and take possession of the fort would be an easy 
matter, and it would have been attempted had not the Jesuit 
discouraged the plan. He j-epresented that perhaps the French 
would prove treacherous, and that, should they fail in their 
plans, every Englishman in the place would meet certain death. 
The idea was therefore abandoned. The night passed in quiet, 
and in the morning several warriors came to the house and 
summoned Henry to follow them. He was led to a house in 
which two traders and a soldier were imprisoned. These were 
released and ordered to join the company. They were then 
led to the lake shore, where they were to embark for the Isles 
du Castor. " A chilling wind blew strongly from the north- 
east, and the lake was covered with mists and tossing angrily. 
Henry stood shivering on the beach, with no other upper gar- 
ment than a shirt, drenched with the cold rain. He asked 
Langlade, who was near him, for a blanket, which the latter 
with cold-blooded inhumanity refused to furnish unless security 
was given for payment. Another Canadian proved more mer- 
ciful, and Henry received a covering from the weather. With 
his three companions, guarded by seven Indians, he embarked 
in the canoe, the soldier being tied by his neck to one of the 
cross-bars of the vessel. The thick mists and the tempestuous 
weather compelled them to keep along the shore, close beneath 
the wet, dripping forests. In this manner they had proceeded 
about eighteen miles, and were approaching L'Arbre Croche, 
when an Ottawa Indian came out of the woods and called to 
them from the beach, inquiring the news and asking who were 
their prisoners. Some conversation followed, in the course of 
which the canoe approached the shore where the water was 
very shallow." At this juncture a loud yell was heard, and a 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CKNITIRIKS. 83 

hundred Ottawas, rising from the shrubbery, rushed into the 
water and seized upon the canoe and prisoners. The astonished 
Ojibwas remonstrated, but to no purpose. The prisoners were 
all taken from them, and conducted to the shore in safety. 
This interference was the result of a jealousy which the Ottawas 
entertained against their brethren, the Ojibwas, for entering 
into the war without consulting them and giving them an 
opportunity to share in the plunder. 

The Ottawas now assured the rescued prisoners that the 
Ojibwas were carrying them to the Isles du Castor merely to 
kill and eat them. They were then placed in Ottawa canoes, 
and were soon on their way back to the fort. They were accom- 
panied by a large fleet of canoes and a strong band of Ottawa 
warriors. Before the day was over all had arrived at Michili- 
mackinac. Landing their canoes, the Ottawas marched, in 
Indian file, into the fort, and took possession of it, while at a 
short distance hundreds of Ojibwa warriors looked on in aston- 
ishment. The night passed without any important event, but 
on the following morning the Ojibwa chiefs invited the prin- 
cipal men of the Ottawas to hold a council with them in a 
building within the fort. A valuable present of goods wao 
placed upon the floor, it being a part of the plunder they had 
taken; and their great war chief, Minavavana, who had con- 
ducted the massacre, rose and addressed the Ottawas. " Your 
conduct," he said, "has greatly surprised me. You have 
betrayed our common cause, and opposed the will of the Great 
Spirit, who has decreed that every Englishman must die. 
Kxcepting you, all the Indians have raised the hatchet. Pon- 
tiac has taken Detroit, and every other fort has also been 
destroyed. The English are meeting with destruction through- 
out the whole world. The King of France has awakened from 
his sleep." In conclusion he exhorted them no longer to 
espouse the cause of the English, but, like their brethren, to 
lift the hatchet against them. 

According to the Indian custom, when the Ojibwa chief 
concluded his speech, the council adjourned till the next day, 
when it was again convened. At this meeting the Ottawas 
expressed a willingness to settle the afi*air, which they did by 



84 THE LH^ES OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEH: 

dividing the prisoners and the plunder. The Ottawas retained 
the officers and the sohHers while the traders were given up to 
their conquerors. The prisoners taken by the Ottawas were 
treated with kindness. 

The prisoners that were given back to the Ojibwas were 
taken by the latter to one of their villages in the vicinity of 
Michilimackinac and imprisoned in the council house. They 
were securely bound together and to the posts that supported 
the lodge. ]^o sooner had the traders been thus confined than 
the building was filled with savages who seemed to take great 
delight in jeering the captives. At the head of the lodge sat 
the great war chief of the Ojibwa nation, with Wenniway at 
his side. Henry was among the prisoners. Turning round 
he noticed Wawatara, his friend, entering at the door. This 
was the same Indian who visited Henry on the day before the 
massacre and endeavored to persuade him to leave the fort. 
He now passed Henry, stopping only to shake him by the 
hand, and took a seat beside Wenniway at the head of the 
lodge. After he had smoked with them a while in silence he 
rose and went out again, but soon returned, followed by his 
squaw, who brought with her a valuable present, which she 
laid at the feet of the two chiefs. Wawatam then addressed 
them in the following language : " Friends and relations, 
what is it that I shall say? You know what I feel. You all 
have friends, and brothers, and children, whom as yourselves 
you love; and you — what would you experience did you, like 
me, behold your dearest friend — your brother — in the condi- 
tion of a slave; a slave, exposed every moment to insult, and 
to menaces of death? This case, as you all know, is mine. 
See there, (pointing to Henry) my friend and my brother 
among slaves — himself a slave! You all well know that, long 
before the war began I adoj)ted him as my brother. From 
that moment he became one of my family, so that no change 
of circumstances could break the cord which fastened us 
together. He is my brother, and because I am your relation 
he is therefore your relation, too; and how, being your rela- 
tion, can he be your slave? On the day on which the war 
began, you were fearful lest, on this very account I should 



OE, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 85 

reveal your secret. You requested, therefore, that I should 
leave the fort, and even cross the lake. I did so, but I did it 
with reluctance. I did it with reluctance, no twith stand in*^ 
that jou, Minavavana, who had the command in this enter- 
prise, gave me your promise that you would protect my friend, 
delivering him from all danger, and giving him safely to me. 
The performance of this promise I now claim. I come not 
with empty hands to ask it. You, Minavavana, best know 
whether or not, as it respects yourself, you have kept your 
word; but I bring these goods to buy off every claim which 
any man among you all may have on my brother as his 
prisoner." 

The great Ojibwa chief replied to this speech in a favorable 
manner. His presents were accepted and Henry was released. 
Wawatam conducted him to his lodge, which was only a few 
paces distant, and there treated him as his brother. Here 
Henry enjoyed once more peace of mind and a night's rest, 
both of which he had been deprived of for several days. On 
the following day, as he sat comfortably within Wawatam's 
lodge, he heard a great noise in the prison-house, which stood 
near by, and, raising up, he beheld the dead bodies of seven of 
the prisoners dragged forth. They had been slain by a noted 
chief, who had just returned from the winter's hunt. Having 
come too late to take part in the grand achievement of his 
tribesmen, he took this method of signifying his approval of 
what had been done. W^ith this design he had entered the 
prison-lodge and murdered seven of the soldiers with his knife. 

Now came the scenes of canibalism. The Indians sought 
to increase their bravery by feasting on the bodies of their 
slain enemies. I shall not shock the reader with a description 
of this sickening feast. It was conducted in the presence of 
the few remaining prisoners, and must have been a painful 
sight to them. 

It was now about one week since the massacre occurred. 
The Indians began to fear the approach of the English, and 
determined to remove to some place where they would be able 
to defend themselves against an attack. Accordingly three 
hundred and fifty warriors, with their families and household 



86 THK LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECHMSEH : 

effects, embarked in their canoes for tlie island of Mackinaw, 
which thej reached in safety. Here they erected their lodges 
and planted their little village. Henry and his friend Wawa- 
tam were among the number. 

The Ojibwas had no sooner settled down on this beautiful 
island than they were visited by Pontiac's messengers, who 
represented that the Ottawa chief was still besieging Detroit 
and desired them to hasten to his assistance. The Indians 
listened to the invitation but they would not accept it. 
Already they were beginning to fear the consequences of their 
onset against the garrison at Michilimackinac, and they were 
now more anxious to secure a place of safety than to continue 
the war. 

The fort at Green Bay, and the Saut Ste. Marie, did not share 
the fate of Michilimackinac. During the winter previous the 
*atter fort had been partially destroyed by fire and was there- 
fore abandoned, the garrison withdrawing to Michilimackinac 
where most of them perished in the massacre. The fort at 
Green Bay was first garrisoned in 1761. The force consisted 
of seventeen men, commanded by Lieut. Garell. This ofiicer, 
by his judicious policy, gained the friendship of all the Indians 
in the vicinity of his fort. On the fifteenth of June, 1763, he 
received the following letter from Captain Etherington, who 
had lately commanded at Fort Michilimackinac, and was now 
a prisoner at the Ottawa village of L'Arbre Croche : 

"Michilimackinac, June 11, 1763. 

"Deak Sir: — This place was taken by surprise on the fourth instant 
by the Ojibwas, at which time Lieut. Jamet and twenty (fifteen) more were 
killed and all the rest taken prisoners ; but our good friends, the Ottawas, 
have taken Lieut. Lesley, me, and eleven men out of their hands, and have 
promised to reinstate us again. You'll, therefore, on receipt of this, 
which I send by a canoe of Ottawas, set out with all your garrison and 
what English traders j'ou have with you, and come with the Indian who 
gives you this, who will conduct you safe to me. You must be sure to 
follow the instruction you receive from the bearer of this, as you are by 
no means to come to this post before you see me at the village twenty 
miles from this. I must once more beg you'll lose no time in coming to 
join me; at the same time be very careful, and always be on your guard, 
I long much to see you, and am, dear sir, your most humble servant. 

"Geo. Etherington. 

" J. GarelIi, Royal Americans." 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 87 

Immediately on reeeiving this, Garell set out with his garri- 
son, accompanied by ninety warriors in canoes. Garell's party 
were in bateaux. Arriving at L'Arbre Croche, the Ottawas 
came out to meet them and presented tliem with the pipe of 
peace. Capt. Etlierington and Lieut. Leslie, and eleven men, 
were detained in this village as prisoners, but were treated 
with kindness. Several Indian councils were now held, after 
which the Ottawas released their prisoners. > On the eighteenth 
of July the English, escorted by a fleet of Indian canoes, left 
L'Arbre Croche for Montreal, where they arrived in the follow- 
ing August. Excepting the garrison of Detroit, not a British 
soldier now remained in the region of the lakes. 



CHAPTEE XI. 

Continuation op the Siege op Detroit — Adventures op a 
Schooner on the Detroit Riter — Depeat op the Indians — 
Pontiac Appeals to the French por Assistance — Horrible 
Death op Capt. Campbell — The Wyandots and Pottawatomies 
Sue for Peace. 

t 
Let us once more return to the camp of Pontiac and the 
garrison at Detroit. It will be remembered that some time 
before the arrival of the news of the slaughter of Cuyler's 
detachment, one of the vessels had left the fort, passed down 
the river, and proceeded towards Niagara to hasten up this 
same reinforcement. The schooner had passed Cuyler's 
detachment, probably w^hile it was encamped near the mouth 
of the Detroit river, and had sailed down to Niagara, where it 
remained until the return of Cuyler, as already explained, to 
report his loss. This officer, and the survivors of his party, 
with a few other troops spared from the garrison of Niagara, 
were now ordered to embark on board of this vessel, and make 
their way to Detroit as soon as possible. They had done so, 
and were now almost within sight of the fort. However, the 
most dangerous part of the journey was yet to be performed. 
In many places the channel of the river was narrow, and a 
thousand infuriated warriors lay in ambush to interrupt her pass- 
age. Several days passed and nothing further was heard of the 
expected schooner. On the twenty-first, a great commotion 
was noticed among the Indians, and soon after a Frenchman 
came to the fort with the intelligence that the vessel was again 
attempting to ascend the river, and that a thousand warriors 
had gone down to capture her. Two cannon were immediately 
discharged so that the distant schooner might know the fort 
was still in the hands of the English. Not long after she 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF 'HVO (CENTURIES. 89^ 

appeared, advancing slowly np the river. There were about 
sixty men on board, but only a few of them were visible on 
deck. They had been ordered below, in the ho])es that the 
Indians, encouraged by this apparent weakness, might make an 
open attack. Just before reaching the narrowest part of the 
channel, the wind died away and the anchor was dropped. 
"Just above, and within gun shot of the vessel, the Indians 
had made a breastwork of logs, carefully concealed by bushes, 
on the shore of Turkey Island." Behind this the Indians lay 
in great numbers waiting for her to pass. The men on board 
were not aware of this, but, expecting an attack, they kept a 
constant lookout. Late in the night the sentinel gave the 
the alarm. On the black surface of the water he saw, advanc- 
ing, a lleet of Indian canoes, filled with savages. The men 
below were called up, and every man stood at his post. Wlien 
the Indians had approached within a few yards of the schooner, 
a volley of cannon and musketry burst forth from her black 
sides. Grape and musket shot flew tearing among the canoes, 
destioying several of them, killing fourteen Indians, wounding 
as many more, and driving the rest in confusion to the shore. 
As soon as those who survived reached the shore, they began 
to fire upon the schooner from behind their breastwork. The 
vessel, thereupon, dropped down the river beyond their reach. 
A few days after she again attempted to ascend the river. 
This time she met with good success. There was a brisk w^ind, 
and, although the fire from the savages was kept up constantly 
from both shores, she reached the fort in safety. 

This schooner brought the much needed supplies for the 
garrison, and the important news that peace had been con- 
cluded between France and England. The French settlers. 
however, pretended to disbelieve the news, declaring that it was 
manufactured by Major Gladwyn, and telling the Indians that 
the King of France was then approaching up the St. Lawrence 
with a mightj^ •cirnfy to destroy their enemies. The savages 
fully believed these false representations, and remained firm in 
their position. Pontiac was not at all pleased with the rein- 
forcements which Gladwyn had received, and he now resolved 
to terrify his British foe into submission. He once more sum- 



90 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

moned Gladwyn to surrender, declaring that eight hundred 
Ojibwa warriors were now approaching to assist him, and rep- 
resenting that, should the garrison hold out till their arrival, no 
resistance which they could offer would prevent these braves 
from taking the scalp of every Englishman within the fort. 
Gladwyn replied in a decisive manner, assuring him that he 
cared nothing for his threats. 

Being thus thwarted, Pontiac summoned all the principal 
French settlers to meet him in council. " In the Ottawa 
camp," says Francis Parkman, " there was a vacant spot, quite 
level, and encircled by the huts of the Indians. Here mats 
were spread for the reception of the deputies, who soon con- 
vened, and took their seats in a wide ring. One part was 
occupied by the Canadians, among whom were several, whose 
withered, leathery features proclaimed them the patriarchs of 
the secluded little settlement. Opposite these sat the stern- 
visaged Pontiac, with his chiefs on either hand, while the 
intervening portions of the circle were filled by Canadians and 
Indians promiscuously mingled. Standing on the outside, and 
looking over the heads of this more dignified assemblage, was 
a motley throng of Indians and Canadians, half-breeds, trap- 
pers and voyageurs, in wild and picturesque, though very dirty, 
attire. Conspicuous among them were the numerous Indian 
dandies, a large class in every aboriginal community, where 
they hold about the same relative positions as in civilized 
society. They were wrapped in the gayest blankets, their 
necks adorned with beads, their cheeks daubed with vermilion 
iind their ears hung with pendants. They stood sedately look- 
ing on, with evident self-complaisancy, yet ashamed and afraid 
to take their places among the aged chiefs and warriors of 
repute." Several pipes were passed round from hand to hand, 
but, beyond this, all remained silent, until Pontiac rose and 
threw down a war belt at the feet of the Canadians and deliv- 
ered the following speech: 

" My brothers, how long will you suffer this bad flesh to 
remain upon your lands? I have told you before, and I now 
tell you again, that when I took up the hatchet it was for your 
good. This year the English must all perish throughout Can- 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF I'WO CENTURIES. 91 

ada. The Master of Life commands it, and yon who know 
Him better than we, wish to oppose His will. Until now I 
have said nothing on this matter. I have not nrged you to 
take part with us in the war. It would have been enough had 
you been content to sit quiet on your mats looking on, while 
we were fighting for you, but you have not done so. You call 
yourselves our friends, and yet you assist the English with 
provisions, and go about as spies among our villages. This 
must not continue. You must be either wholly French or 
wholly English. If you are French, take up that war belt and 
lift the hatchet with us; but if you are English, then we 
declare war upon you. My brothers, I know this is a hard 
thing. We are all alike children of our great father, the King 
of France, and it is hard to fight among brethren for the sake 
of dogs, but there is no choice. Look upon the belt, and let us 
hear your answer." 

One of the Canadians, who had brought with him a copy of 
the capitulation of Montreal, and who had determined not to 
confess that they were no longer children of the French King, 
but that he was then approaching with a vast army to win back 
Canada, rose and replied to the Ottawa chief, confessing great 
love for the Indians, and manifesting a desire to aid them in 
the war. He concluded with these words: " But, my brothers, 
you must first untie the knot with which our great father, the 
king, has bound us. In this paper — the capitulation — he tells 
all his Canadian children to set quiet and obey the English 
until he comes, because he wishes to punish his enemies him- 
self. We dare not disobey him, for he would then be angry 
with us, and you, my brothers, who speak of making war upon 
us, if we do not do as you wish, do you think you could escape 
his wrath? If you should raise the hatchet against his French 
children, he would treat you as enemies and not as friends, and 
you would have to fight both English and French at once. Tell 
us, by brothers, what can you reply to this?" 

Tlie Frenchman then took his seat, and, for a time, Pontiac 
Bat like one confounded, but he was not wholly disappointed. 
From among the number of half-breeds and trappers present, 
one stepped forth and snatched up the war belt, and declared 



92 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

that he and his companions were ready to raise the hatchet 
against the English. Pontiac was much pleased with these 
volunteers, and on the following day he made a great feast to 
welcome them to the ranks of his army. For this entertain- 
ment a large number of dogs were killed and served up to the 
guests, "none of whom, according to the Indian custom on 
such occasions, were permitted to take their leave until they 
had eaten the whole of the enormous portion placed before 
them." It is hardly necessary to say that Pontiac derived but 
little benefit from these auxiliaries. On the night succeeding- 
the feast, a party of these renegades, together with about an 
equal number of Indians, approached the fort and entrenched 
themselves, for the purpose of firing upon the garrison. At 
daybreak they were observed by the garrison. The gates of the 
fort were therefore thrown open and a small detachment of men 
under the command of Lieut. Hay, inarched out and routed 
them. The Canadians ran off with such rapidity that they 
escaped injury, while among the Indians who made an attempt 
to oppose the enem.y, two were shot. 

No sooner had Lieut. Hay and his party returned to the fort, 
when a white man was seen running towards it closely pursued 
by the Indians. When he had come within gunshot of the 
fort, the Indians gave way, and he reached it in safety. This 
man proved to be the commandant of Sandusky, who — as I 
have already mentioned — having been married to an old squaw, 
had now made good his escape. He brought sad news to the 
fort — the intelligence that Capt. Campbell had been killed. It 
appears that one of the Indians killed by Lieut. Hay's detach- 
ment, was a nephew to Wasson, chief of the Ojibwas. As 
soon as he became aware of what had happened, Wasson black- 
ened his face in token of revenge, and, gathering around him 
a band of his followers, repaired to the house of Meloche, 
where Campbell was kept a prisoner, and murdered him in the 
most cruel manner. The other captive, McDougal, had escaped 
some time before. 

It was now about three months since the siege began. From 
the beginning, the Wyandots and Pottawatomies were less 
zealous in prosecuting the war than their brethren, the Otta- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 93 

was and Ojibwas, " and now, like children, they began to tire 
of the task they had undertaken." The Wyandots asked for 
peace which the commandant granted them, but when the Pot- 
tawatomies came on the same errand, Gladwyn demanded that 
the English prisoners in their village should first be given up. 
After considerable delay these savages yielded to his request, 
and a peace was concluded. 



CHAPTEE XII. 

Approach op Dalzell's Detachment — The Battle of Bloody RrrN — 
Slaughter op the English — The Fatal Retreat — Adventures 
op the Schooner Gladwyn — Bravery op her Crew — The 
Indians Sue for Peace. 

While events were thus passing in Detroit a strong rein- 
forcement was advancing to their assistance. Capt. DalzeU 
had left Niagara with twenty barges, bearing two hundred and 
eighty men, with several small cannon and a large supply of 
ammunition and provisions. This convoy was observed ad- 
vancing up the Detroit river on the twenty-ninth of July; but 
it no sooner reached a point midway between the villages of the 
Wyandots and Pottawatomies than these Indians, although 
bound by a treaty made less than two weeks previous to abstain 
from the war, opened a hot lire upon the boats from either 
bank. It was answered by a swivel from the barges, but in 
the contest the English lost about twenty men, killed and 
wounded. When the villages were passed the convoy landed 
safely at the little dock near the fort. The detachment con- 
sisted of soldiers from the fifty-fifth and eightieth regiments, 
with twenty independent rangers under Major Rogers. 

Captain Dalzell had rendered gallant service by the side of 
Israel Putnam, but had more recently acted as aid-de-camp to 
Sir Jeffery Amherst. On the day of his arrival he held a con- 
ference with Major Gladwyn, urging the policy of going out 
with a strong detachment and attacking the camp of Pontiae. 
Gladwyn objected, but the oflicer pressed his plan so urgently 
that the commandant at length gave a reluctant consent. 

Pontiac's camp at this time was located several miles above 
Parent's Creek, it having been removed to escape the fire from 
the vessels in the river. On the evening of the thirtieth of 
(94) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF 1-WO CENTURIES. 95 

July orders were issued and preparations made for the attack ; 
and about two o'clock on the following morning the detach- 
ment, two hundred and fifty strong, passed out of the gates of 
the fort. Through the carelessness of some of the garrison the 
plan became known to the French, and was by them commu- 
nicated to the Indians. Having thus received knowledge of 
the aifair, the Indians were on their guard. The soldiers passed 
up the river road, while two large bateaux rowed up the river 
abreast of them.* Lieut. Brown led the advance guard of 
twenty-five men; the center was commanded by Capt. Grey, 
and the rear by Capt. G-rant. The night was warm, and the 
soldiers marched in light attire. On their right lay the waters 
of the Detroit, while on their left a succession of Canadian 
houses, barns and orchards greeted them at every hundred 
paces. As the soldiers passed along the dogs barked furiously 
and the inhabitants, roused from sleep, looked from the win- 
dows of their dwellings in astonishment. Thus the English 
proceeded to the attack, little thinking that behind every barn 
or in every corn-field Indian warriors lay in ambush, ready to 
slaughter them when an opportunity was presented ; much less 
did they suppose that Pontiac himself, having heard of their 
intention, was at that moment advancing upon them at the 
head of a thousand savages. 

Parent's Creek, since that night called Bloody Pun, ran 
through a wild hollow, and entered the Detroit about a mile 
and a half above the fort. Only a few rods from its mouth the 
road crossed it by a narrow wooden bridge. " Just beyond this 
bridge the land rose in abrupt ridges, parallel to the stream. 
Along their summits were rude intrenchments made by Pon- 
tiac, to protect his camp, which had formerly occupied the 
ground immediately beyond." In this place were huge piles 
of wood, tall picket fences, and many other things that served 
as a shelter to the Indians. Behind all were crouched countless 
savages, with their muskets ready, for now they could hear the 
steady tramp of the approaching enemy. The night was 
exceedingly dark, and as the soldiers approached this dangerous 
pass a horrible burst of yells rose in their front, and at that 

* Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac." 



^6 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

moment they were greeted with a volley of musketry. Fnlly 
half of the advance party fell dead upon the spot, and the rest 
fell back in disorder. In a few moments the main body of the 
troops broke into confusion. But now the clear, shrill voice 
of Dalzell broke upon the midnight air. He advanced to the 
front, rallied the men, and led them forward to the attack. As 
the troops returned to battle, another volley of musketry from 
the Indians poured forth, and again the soldiers hesitated ; but 
Dalzell shouted to them, and with this brave officer leading the 
way, the detachment, " in the madness of mingled rage and 
fear," made a desperate charge, crossing the bridge *at a brisk 
run and mounting the heights beyond. Here the soldiers found 
no one to oppose them. The savages had fled. Capt. Grant 
with his company recrossed the bridge, and took a position in 
the road. The main body of the troops followed, a small party 
only remaining, to hold the savages in check while the dead 
and dying were being placed on board the two bateaux, which 
had come up to the bridge during the assault. Before this task 
was completed the savages renewed the attack, and volleys of 
musketry were also heard in the direction of Grant's position. 
A large force of Indians had fired upon him from their secret 
intrenchments. These had remained quiet during the action, 
with a view to surprise the troops on their retreat. Grant pushed 
forward and dislodged them at the point of the bayonet. 

The English now received intelligence that the warriors had 
formed a design to cut off their retreat, and for this purpose 
had gone in great numbers to occupy the French houses which 
commanded the road below. The order for the homeward march 
was immediately given, and the soldiers fell into marching 
order and moved forward. Grant now led the front, while 
Dalzell brought up the rear. A few scattering Indians followed 
them, discliarging their muskets and harrassing Dalzell's com- 
mand at every turn. At intervals the rear party faced about 
to throw back a volley of musketry at their pursuers. In this 
way they proceeded for half a mile, when, reaching a point 
opposite a thicket of orchards and pickets, the Indians rose 
from their hiding places and poured a hot fire of musketry 
among them. Again the soldiers broke into confusion, and, 



OR, THK BORDKR WAKS OF TWO CKNTUKIKS. 97 

crowding upon each other, attempted to flee for their lives; but 
the strong voice of Dalzell again rose above the din. He beat 
the soldiers with the flat of his sword and threatened them its 
edge. In this way he partially restored order, and charged 
upon the Indians, dislodging them and putting them to flight. 
A little farther on the Indians had taken possession of a 
Canadian house, and as the soldiers advanced the savages flred 
down upon them. Major Rodgers advanced with his provincial 
rangers, broke in the door and expelled thera. Capt. Grey 
now attempted to dislodge a party of savages from behind a 
cluster of buildings, but fell, mortally wounded, in the attempt. 
The savages, however, gave way, and the retreat was resumed; 
but the Indians pursued them, shooting down the rear and 
scalping the fallen. The soldiers hastened on towards the fort, 
the rear now and then turning back to check their pursuers 
with a discharge of musketry. At nearly every step one or 
more fell dead or wounded. Dalzell observed at a httle dis- 
tance, in the rear, a sergeant of the fifty -fifth regiment lying 
upon the ground, helplessly wounded. The dying man raised 
himself up upon his hands and looked after his retiring com- 
rades in desperation. The sight was too much for Dalzell. In 
the true spirit of heroism he ran out amidst the brisk fire of 
the Indians, and, while attempting to assist the bleeding ser- 
geant to his feet, a ball pierced his breast, and he fell dead upon 
the body which he had risked his own life to rescue. With 
this sad event the Indians rushed upon them, and had not Major 
Rogers taken possession of a Canadian house and covered the 
retreat with the fire of his rangers, the loss would hav*e been 
much more severe. Rogers entered this house with his own 
men, but was soon followed by many of the regulars, who ran 
in to secure a temporary shelter. The house, which was owned 
by Jacques Campau, was filled with the women of the neigh- 
borhood, who had taken shelter in the cellar, garret, or where- 
ever a room promised safety from the fire of the soldiers and 
Indians. The soldiers who had now entered the house, tired 
and warm, placed the furniture against the windows, and run- 
ning their muskets through the openings, they opened an 
effective fire upon their enemies; but this was sharply returned 
7 



9S THE LIVKS OF PONTIAC AND TECUJIISEH: 

by the savages. The bullets rapped hard and fast against tht 
outer walls, and now and then one would fly sharply whizzing 
through a crevice, striking down a man oi- harmlessly piercing 
the partitions. 

In the meantime Capt. Grant had moved forward and taken 
up a position among the orchard trees where he maintained 
himself until the centre and rear arrived. From this point 
he detached all the men he could spare to occupy the soldiers 
below. In this way he established a complete line of com- 
munication with the fort, and the retreat was effectually 
secured. In less than an hour the whole party, except Rogers 
and his men, had arrived to Grant's new position. The pro- 
vincials were unable to leave the house of Campau, being com- 
pletely surrounded by the savages. The two armed bateaux, 
which had now arrived at the fort, with the dead who fell at 
the charge of Bloody Run, were ordered to proceed up the 
river to a point opposite the house in which Rogers was 
being besieged, and open lire upon the savages. This was 
done with good effect, enabling Rogers and his men to leave 
the house and continue their retreat. The bateaux followed 
them down the river, protecting their rear from the fire of the 
Indians. Rogers had no sooner left the house at one door 
than the Indians entered it at another, for the purpose of 
scalping the corpses of the dead soldiers. Foremost among 
these was an old squaw, who rushed in, with a wild scream, 
and slashing open one of the dead bodies with her knife, 
scooped up the blood with her joined hands and drank it 
down greedily. 

About eight o'clock in the morning the detachment reached 
the fort and entered once more within the palisades, but not 
without losing fifty-nine men killed and wounded. The loss 
of the Indians did not exceed twenty. 

Pontiac was much gratified with his success in routing the 
English, and messengers were sent out for hundreds of miles 
around to announce their victory. Reinforcements soon began 
to come in, and in a few days Pontiac's forces were nearly 
doubled. The English, however, were now^ well prepared to 
meet any force which the Indians might be able to muster. 



OR, THE B0RDE;K WARS OF TWO CKNTURIES. 99 

The garrison could now boast of three himdred effective men, 
and being well provided with provisions and ammunition, tliey 
fought with hope and courage. Day after day passed on. 
The beseigers continued the war, but nothing occurred of 
great importance until the fouj:"th of September. On this day 
the schooner Gladwyn, the smaller of the two vessels already 
mentioned, which had been sent to Niagara with dispatches, 
was returning up the Detroit river, having on board Capt, 
Horst, Jacobs, the mate, and a crew of ten men and six 
Iroquois Indians, believed to be friendly to the English. As 
Boon as the schooner entered the river the Indians desired to 
be placed on shore. This was granted them, and it is 
believed they proceeded at once to report the approach of the 
schooner and the weakness of the crew to Pontiac. On the 
evening of the fourth she was becalmed in the river, about 
nine miles below the fort. "The men on board," says Park- 
man, " watched with anxious vigilance, and as night came on 
they listened to every sound which broke the stillness, from 
the strange cry of the night-hawk, wheeling round and round 
above their heads, to the bark of the fox in the woods on 
shore. The night set in with darkness so complete that at the 
distance of a few rods nothing could be discerned. Mean- 
while tnree hundred and fifty Indians, in their birch canoes, 
glided silently dow^n with the current and were close upon the 
vessel before they were seen. There was only time to fire a 
single canon shot among them before they were beneath her 
bows and clambering up her sides, holding their knives 
clenched fast between their teeth. The crew gave them a close 
fire of musketry without any efiect. Tlien flinging down their 
guns, they seized their spears and hatchets, with which they 
were all provided, and met the assailants with such furious 
energy and courage, that within the space of two or three 
minutes they had killed and wounded more than thrice their 
own number. But the Indians were only checked for a 
moment. The master of the vessel was killed, several of the 
crew were disabled, and the assailants were leaping over the 
bulwarks, when Jacobs, the mate, called out to blow up the 
schooner. This desperate command saved her and her crew. 



100 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

Some Wyandots who had gained the deck, caught the meaning 
of his words and gave the alarm to their companions. Instantly 
every Indian leaped overboard in a panic and the whole were 
seen diving and swimming off in all directions to escape the 
threatened explosion. The schooner was cleared of her assail- 
ants, who did not dare to renew the attack, and on the follow- 
ing morning she sailed for the fort, which she reached without 
molestation. Six of her crew escaped unhurt. Of the remain- 
der, two were killed and four seriously wounded, while the 
Indians had seven men killed upon the spot and nearly twenty 
wounded, of whom eight were known to have died within a 
few days after. As the whole action lasted but a few minutes, 
the fierceness of the struggle is sufficiently apparent from the 
loss on both sides. The survivors of the little crew were after- 
wards rewarded as their undaunted bravery deserved." This 
schooner brought to the fort a much needed supply of pro- 
visions, for by this time their supplies had become short. It 
was not, it will be seen, however, sufficient for the wants of the 
garrison, and the whole were now put upon the shortest possi- 
ble allowance. 

September was now drawing to a close. The savages having 
pressed the siege since the beginning of May, were now becom- 
ing tired of their ill-success, and hearing that Major Wilkins 
was now approaching with a large army to destroy them, as well 
as becoming shaken in their faith regarding the advancing 
army of the king of France, they sued for peace. 

The different tribes around Detroit who now, weary of the 
siege, came to the fort for peace, were by no means sincere in 
their desires. Fearing the advance of the English from Niag- 
ara, and knowing that with the approach of winter their 
sufferings would be increased, and, their ammunition being 
nearly spent, they had resolved to conclude a peace, retire to 
their wintering grounds, and renew the war with increased 
vigor in the spring. Accordingly, on the twelfth of October, 
Wapocomoguth, great chief of the Mississaugas, a branch of 
the Ojibwas, living east of the Detroit River, visited the fort, 
bringing with him a pipe of peace. He declared to Gladwyn 
that he and his people were fast friends of the English, and 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO (CENTURIES. 101 

DOW desired to conclude a lasting peace with them. He fur- 
ther added that he had been requested bj the Pottawatomies, 
Ojibwas and Wjandots, to say that these tribes were now sorry 
for taking part in the war; that they repented of their bad 
conduct, and also sincerely desired to conclude a treaty of 
peace, which they had resolved on, if made not to break. The 
British commandant was now too well acquainted with the 
Indian character, and more especially with the tricks of these 
tribes, to believe these representations; but, the circumstances 
in which he was placed made it necessary for him to adopt any 
measure that would enable him to procure further supplies. 
His garrison was on the eve of famine, and every attempt to 
secure provisions while his fort was surrounded with hostile 
Indians, had been attended with evil results. He replied, 
therefore, that he was not empowered to grant peace, but he 
would consent to a truce. The Ojibwa chief left the fort with 
this message, and Gladwyn, favored with a lull in the storm, 
hastened to collect provisions among the French settlers. He 
met with many difficulties, as the Canadians were fearful lest, 
should they be instrumental in supplying the garrison with 
food, they would incur the wrath of the savages, and, perhaps, 
perish under the tomahawk. But he succeeded in collecting a 
a very good supply, sufficient to «5.e^.. cne ^.arrison through the 
winter. 

It should be remembered, h^^r-, ijh- the Ottawas had not yet 
asked for peace. Goaded on by their great leader, Pontiac, 
they would not humble themselves as their brethren had done, 
but, continuing their hostile acts, tliey harrassed the fort con- 
tinually. With the end of October, however, Pontiac received 
a severe blow to liis energies. A French messenger came to 
his camp with a letter from M. Neyon, commandant at Fort 
Charters, the principal post in Illinois, The letter assured 
Pontiac that all the stories which had been told him regarding 
the approach of his French father, with a great army, were 
false; that the French and the English were now at peace and 
regarded each other as brothers, and that they had better aban- 
don the siege. This letter broke the pride of the Ottawa 
leader, and he departed from Detroit, accompanied by his prin- 



102 THE LIVES 0¥ PONTIAC A_ND TECUMSEH : 

cipal chiefs. Descending the Detroit, he encamped on the 
Maumee, when he began to stir up the tribes in that place, 
with a view of renewing the war in the spring. 

A few day's after Pontiac's departure, two friendly Wyan- 
dot Indians came to the fort. One of them handed Major 
Gladwyn a letter. It proved to be from ]\^ajor Wilkins, and 
contained the disastrous news that his detachment had been 
overtaken by a storm; that many of the boats had been wrecked, 
and that seventy men had perished; that all the stores and 
ammunition had been destroyed, and he, and the remnant 
of his men had been forced to return to Niagara. This news 
had a bad eifect upon the cheer of the garrison, but, delighted 
at the departure of Pontiac, and with the temporary peace which 
they were enjoying, they took courage, and looked forward to 
the dreary winter, with hopeful hearts. 

Detroit, and the territory for miles around was now almost 
deserted. The besiegers had departed for the chase. Some 
crossed Lake Huron to the north, others advanced far west- 
ward into the wilds of Michigan, while, as already observed, 
a large number went southward to the Maumee. 

Detroit, as we have seen, had been the central point of 
Indian operations. Around it they had concentrated their 
greatest forces. Its capture had been their favorite project. 
It was the only barrier which prevented them from carrying 
out the original plan of uniting in one mighty onslaught 
against the frontier settlements. With the failure of this 
part of the work, the savages become discouraged, and, for the 
time being, they retired from the siege. 



CHAPTEE XIII. 

Tbontier Settlements and Forts — Alarms at Fort Pitt — 
Slaughter op Traders — Narrow Escape op a Garrison — 
Destruction op Forts — The War Raging to the Highest 
Pitch — Danger Thickening Around Fort Pitt. 

While the clouds of Indians were blackening around Detroit, 
a tempest was gathering which was soon to pour a torrent upon 
the whole frontier. In 1763 the British settlements did not 
extend beyond the AUeghanies. The German Flats on the 
Mohawk might have been regarded as the extreme verge of the 
frontier of the State of New York. The same could have 
been said of the town of Bedford, in Pennsylvania, while the 
settlements of Virginia extended to a corresponding distance. 
Through the wilderness immediately west of these places, ran 
chains of forts, for their protection. One of the most import- 
ant of these passed through the country of the Six Nations, 
and guarded the route between the northern colonies and Lake 
Ontario. The route was by the way of the Hudson, the 
Mohawk, Wood Creek, the Oneida Lake and the River Oswego, 
•and was defended by Forts Stanwix, Brewertown, Oswego and 
two or three smaller forts. Fort Niagara stood near the west- 
ern end of Lake Ontario, at the mouth of the river from which 
it derived its name. This was a strong and well supplied fort, 
guarding, as it did, access to the whole interior country, both 
by way of the route just mentioned, also by that of the St. 
Lawrence. From Fort Niagara the trader would make the 
portage past the great falls to Presque Isle, now the city of 
Erie, Pennsylvania. Thence he would pass, by an overland 
route, to Fort Le Boeuf, on a bi-anch of the Alleghany; thence 
by water to Yenango, and thence down the Alleghany to Fort 
Pitt. This last-mentioned place stood on the site of the present 
(103) 



104 THE LIVES OF P<JiMTIAO AND TECUMSEH: 

prosperous city of Pittsburgh. Before the forests had been 
leveled to the earth, at the period of which I am writing, this 
was a beautiful spot. Everywhere for miles around, the land- 
scape was rich and captivating. On the right the waters of 
the Alleghany, bordered by high, steep banks, flowed onward 
towards the Mississippi. On the left, the winding Mononga- 
hela came in and emptied its gurgling waters into the former, 
or both united to form the broad Ohio. For a long distance 
down this placid stream, on either side, the picturesque hills 
and declivities presented a scene of rare beauty. The place, 
too, had its historic associations. It was on this spot where 
the French had erected Fort Duquesne. Near by the same 
place, Braddock had been defeated, and on the hill, in the rear 
of the fort, Grant's Highlanders and Lewis' Virginians had 
been surrounded and captured after a long and desperate 
resistance. 

General Stanwix erected Fort Pitt in 1759, upon the ruins 
of Fort Dnquesne, which General Forbes had destroyed. It is 
needless to say that the walls of this strong fort have long 
since been leveled to the ground, and that on its site has arisen 
the populous city of Pittsburgh. But in 1763, Fort Pitt stood 
alone in the dense forest, being over two hundred miles from 
the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania. There were two 
routes leading from this post to the settlements, one of which 
had been cut out by General Braddock, in his disastrous march 
in 1755 ; the other, and, perhaps, the one most frequented, was 
by the way of Carlisle and Bedford, and was first traversed by 
General Forbes in 1758. Leaving Fort Pitt by the Forbes 
route, the traveler, after journeying fifty-six miles, would reach 
the post of Ligonier, whence he would soon reach Fort Bed- 
ford. This post was about one hundred miles from Fort 
Pitt. It was nestled among the mountains, and surrounded 
by several log cabins, the huts of the first pioneers. Contin- 
uing on and passing several small posts, the traveler would 
come to Carlisle, which was nearly one hundred miles further 
east, a place resembling Fort Bedford in its surroundings. 
From Carlisle, the traveler would proceed to Harris' Ferry, 



OK, THK BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 105 

now Harrisbiii'g, on the Susquehanna. From the latter place 
the route led directly into the settlements. 

It would be a difficult matter to give any correct description 
of the border settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania at this 
early day, or even the scattered forts that were intended to 
protect them, nor, indeed, would the reader be deeply inter- 
ested in it, could an accurate one be produced. There was 
nothing in their character widely different from any other 
border towns. 

The inhabitants of these places had for some time enjoyed 
peace with the neighboring tribes, but in May, 1763, news of 
the Pontiac war reached them, and in the dusk of the evening 
of the twenty-seventh of the same month, a party of Indians 
were seen from Fort Pitt, descending the banks of the Alle- 
ghany, with pack horses. They encamped on the bank of the 
river till daybreak on the tw^enty-eighth, when they all crossed 
over to the fort. They brought with them a great quantity of 
valuable furs. These were exchanged for hatchets, muskets, 
bullets and gunpowder. Their peculiar conduct excited sus- 
picion, but they were permitted to depart. Not long after they 
had gone, news was received at the fort that Col. Clapham, 
with several others, had been murdered and scalped near the 
fort. Soon after it was discovered that all the inhabitants of 
an Indian village, not far up the river, had abandoned their 
cabins. Following this came the intelligence that two soldiers 
belonging to the garrison had been shot down near the fort. A 
messenger was sent out to Venango to warn the garrison there of 
danger, but he had not gone far when he was twice fired at and 
severely wounded. He returned almost immediately and 
reported the situation. The clouds now began to thicken 
around Fort Pitt, as we have seen them around Detroit. A 
trader named Calhoun, came in from the Tuscarora village 
with the following account: "At eleven o'clock on the night 
of the twenty-seventh, a chief and several of the principal 
warriors of the Tuscarora village, had come to Calhoun's house, 
and earnestly begged him to depart, declaring that they did 
not wish to see him killed before their eyes. The Ottawas and 
Ojibwas, they said, had taken up the hatchet, and captured 



106 THE LIVES OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEH: 

Detroit, Sandusky and all the forts of the interior. The Del- 
awares and Shawanoes of the Ohio were following their example, 
and were murdering all the traders among them. Calhoun 
and the thirteen men in his employ lost no time in taking 
their departure. The Indians forced them to leave their guns 
behind, promising that they would give them " three warriors 
to guide them in safety to Fort Pitt; but the whole proved a 
piece of characteristic dissimulation and treachery. The three 
guides led them into an ambuscade at the mouth of Beaver 
Creek. A volley of balls showered among them; eleven men 
were killed on the spot, and Calhoun and two others alone 
made their escape." The reports which Calhoun had received 
concerning the slaughter of English traders, was only too true. 
They were scalped everywhere without mercy. A boy named 
McCullough, who had been captured during the French War, 
and who wha now a prisoner among the Indians, relates 
in his published narrative, that he witnessed the killing 
of a trader named Green, which was conducted in the most 
cruel manner. Everywhere throughout the vast wilder- 
ness, wherever an English trader had ventured, he was scalped, 
and, in many instances, no white man survived to tell the hor- 
rible news. Not less than a hundred were thus murdered and 
scalped, along this frontier. Their goods were all plundered, 
and the savages exulted in their bloody work. Among the 
villages of the Hurons and Wyandots, the traders were so 
numerous that that the Indians were afraid to attack them 
openly. They, therefore, adopted the following ingenious 
plan: "They told their unsuspecting victims that the sur- 
rounding tribes had risen in arms, and were soon coming that 
way, bent on killing every Englishman they could find. The 
Wyandots averred that they would gladly protect their friends, 
the white men, but that it would be impossible to do so, unless 
the latter would consent, for the sake of appearances, to become 
their prisoners. In this case, they said the hostile Indians 
would refrain from injuring them, and they should be set at 
liberty as soon as the danger was passed. The traders fell into 
the snare. They gave up their arms, and, the better to carry 
40ut the deception, even consented to be bound." No sooner 



OK, THE BORDKR WAKS *)F TWO CENTUKIKS. 107 

had these crafty Indians thus secured the Englishmen, than 
thej fell to and murdered them in cold blood. This was one 
of the most cruel massacres in the whole catalogue. 

Among the horrifying incidents that were now desolating 
the border forests of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, 
there were, now and then, scenes which were not altogether 
void of romance. An Englishman by the name of ChajDman, 
who lived near Detroit, was made prisoner. For some time he 
was protected by the humane interference of a Frenchman. 
At length, however, his captors resolved to burn him alive. 
For this purpose tliey tied him to a stake, placed fuel around 
him, and started the fire. When the ilames became unbearable, 
they gave him a bowl of broth scalding hot. He snatched it, 
and, in the rage of thirst, raised it to his lips and began to 
drink. Bursting into a rage, he flung the bowl into the face 
of the Indian. In a moment the crowd shouted, " He is mad I 
He is mad!" and in another they unbound him, and set him at 
liberty. Such was the superstitious respect which the Indians 
entertained for every form of insanity. 

While the war clouds were thus hovering over Fort Pitt, 
the war cry burst forth at Fort Ligonier. This came in the 
form of a volley of musketry, killing a number of the horses 
belonging to the fort. In the neighborhood of Fort Bedford, 
several men had been murdered, and many more had narrowly 
escaped. At tliis place the inhabitants were mustered together 
and organized for the purpose of assisting the garrison. A 
number of woodsmen formed into a company, dressed and' 
painted like savages; they decoyed several bands of warriors 
within rifle shot of them, and soon became the terror of every 
Indian in the neighborhood. 

The commandant at Fort Pitt had made every preparation 
to receive the enemy. All the buildings in the vicinity were 
leveled to the ground, nothing being left to serve as a shelter 
for the Indians. The garrison, which was commanded by Oapt. 
Ecuyer, consisted of three hundred and thirty soldiers, traders 
and backwoodsmen. There were also in the fort about one 
hundred women and about one hundred and fifty children. 

The outrages which were every day being committed around 



108 THE LIVES OP PONTIAO AND TECUMSEHI 

these forts were for the most jDart the work of the " young men," 
as they are called among the Indians. It would seem that 
there was no chief among them of sufficient power to check 
their reckless course. Had Pontiac been among them these 
petty hostilities would have been concentrated into a well- 
directed general attack. But now, as it was, it was highly 
dangerous for the soldiers of the garrison .at Fort Pitt to ven- 
ture outside of the gate, and the few who attempted it were 
murdered and scalped by these savages. The surrounding 
woods were now alive with prowling warriors, and their number 
was daily increasing. 

On the twenty-second of June a party of warriors appeared 
upon the plain, at some distance behind the fort. They drove 
oif the horses which were grazing there, and killed a number 
of cattle. This done, they opened a brisk fire upon the fort, 
from which two men were killed. The garrison replied by a 
discharge of howitzers, from, which the Indians fled in confu- 
sion. They soon appeared at another quarter, and re-opened 
their fire, which they kept up steadily throughout the following 
night. 

About nine o'clock on the following morning several Indians 
approached the fort and took up a position close to the intrench- 
ment, when one of them, a Delaware, called Turtle's Heart, 
addressed the garrison as follows : 

" My brothers, — we that stand here are your friends; but we 
have bad news to tell you. Six great nations of Indians have 
taken up the hatchet and cut off all the English garrisons 
excepting yours. They are now on their way to destroy you 
also. My brothers, we are your friends, and we wish to save 
your lives. "What we desire you to do is this : you must leave 
this fort, with all your women and children, and go down to 
the English settlements, where you will be safe. There are 
many bad Indians already here, but we will protect you from 
them. You must go at once, because if you wait till the six 
great nations arrive here you will all be killed, and we can do 
nothing to protect you." 

The commandant, fully understanding their design, made 
the following curious reply : " My brothers, we are very grate- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 109 

ful for your kindness, though we are convinced that you must 
be mistaken in what you have told us about the forts being 
captured. As for ourselves we have plenty of provisions, and 
are able to keep this fort against all the nations of Indians that 
may dare to attack it. We are very well off in this place, and 
we mean to stay here. My brothers, as you have shown your- 
selves such true friends, we feel bound in gratitude to inform 
you that an army of six thousand English will shortly arrive 
here, and that another army of three thousand is gone up the 
lakes to punish the Ottawas and the Ojibwas. A third is gone 
to the frontier of Virginia, where they will be joined by your 
enemies, the Cherokees and Catawbas, who are coming here to 
destroy you; therefore, take pity on your women and children 
and get out of the way as soon as possible. We have told you 
this in confidence, out of our great solicitude, lest any of you 
should be hurt, and we hope that you will not tell the other 
Indians, lest they should escape from our vengeance." 

The story of the three armies, which Capt. Ecuyer invented, 
had a very good effect upon the Indians. They returned with 
this story to a large band of warriors who were advancing 
against the fort, and were the means of their abandoning their 
purpose. On the twenty-sixth a soldier named Grey came in 
with the sad story of the fall of Presque Isle. On his way to 
the fort he passed the ruins of Le Boeuf and Yenango, During 
the same day Ensign Price, the officer commanding at Le Boeuf, 
was seen approaching, followed by seven of his half-starved 
soldiers. He reached the fort in safety and reported his loss. 
On the evening of the eighteenth a great multitude of Indians 
had surrounded his post. His only available defense consisted 
of one blockhouse. Showering bullets and fire-arrows against it, 
they soon set it in flames ; and at midnight, in spite of every 
efibrt, the upper part of the building burst into sheets of flame. 
The Indians now gathered in a semi-circle before the enti'ance, 
prepared to scalp the unfortunate garrison as fast as they should 
be driven out by the flames. But the commandant and his 
men with great efibrt hewed an opening through the back wall 
of the blockhouse, and escaped into the woods. For some time 
they could hear the reports of the Indian guns, " as these 



110 THE LIVKS OF PONTli.C AND 



TKOTTMSKIl ! 



painted demons were still leaping and yelling in front of the 
blazing building, firing into the loopholes, and exulting in the 
thought that their enemies were suffering in the agonies of 
death within." The trembling garrison pressed onward 
through the whole of the night and the following day, and at 
one o'clock on the succeeding night they came to the spot wdiere 
Fort Yenango had stood. x\ll that now remained were huge 
piles of smouldering embers, among which were the charred 
bodies of the unfortunate garrison. They continued their 
journey; but six of the party, exhausted from hunger, gave 
way. and were left behind. The rest barely reached Fort Pitt 
alive. No man lived to tell the fate of the garrison of Yen- 
ango, but some time after the destruction of that fort an Indian 
who was present at the affair related the circumstances to Sir 
William Johnson. The story was short, but full of horror. 
" A. large body of Senecas gained an entrance under pretence 
of friendship, then closed the gates, fell upon the garrison and 
butchered them all except the commanding officer, Lieut. Gor- 
don, whom they tortured over a slow fire for several successive 
nights, till he expired. This done, they burnt the place to the 
ground and departed." 

While Forts Le Boeuf and Yenango were thus dispatched,. 
Fort Ligonier was furiously assailed, but after a day's hard 
fighting drove the savages away. Fort Augusta, on the Sus- 
quehanna, was also besieged, but having received large rein- 
forcements on the day previous were able to hold out. Forts 
Bedford and Carlisle did not escape the war, but being on their 
guard they survived the assaults. 

But this desperate war of detail was by no means confined 
to the military posts. All along the whole fronting of Yirginia, 
Pennsylvania and New York, the slaughter raged with great 
fury. No pen can ever tell all the suffering these unfortunate 
settlers endured. 

At Fort Pitt the preparations for the expected attack were 
continuing. A line of strong palisades was erected along the 
ramparts; the barracks were made shot-proof, to protect its 
inmates. Preparations were also made for extinguishing any 
fire that might be produced by burning missels from the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CIENTHRIES. HI 

enemj. Time passed on, but nothing of importance occurred. 
On the twenty-sixth of July a small party of Indians approached 
the fort, and were admitted. Among- the number were Chiefs 
Shingas, Turtle's Heart, and others, who had hitherto appeared 
to be friendly to the English. A council was held, at which 
Shingas made the following speech: "Brothers, what we are 
about to say comes from our hearts, and not from our lips. 
Brothers, we wish to hold fast the chain of friendship — that 
ancient chain which our forefathers held with their brethren, 
the English. You have let your end of the chain fall to the 
ground, but ours is still fast within our hands. Why do you 
complain that our young men have fired at your soldiers and 
killed your cattle and your horses ? You yourselves are the 
cause of this. You marched your armies into our country and 
built forts here, though we told you again and again that we 
wished you to remove. My brothers, this land is ours, and not 
yours. My brothers, two days ago we received a great belt of 
wampum from the Ottawas of Detroit, and the message they 
sent us was in these words : ' Grandfathers, the Delawares by 
this belt inform you that in a short time we intend to pass in 
a very great body through your country, on our way to strike 
the English at the forts of the Ohio. Grandfathers, you know 
us to be a headstrong people. We are determined to stop at 
nothing, and as we expect to be very hungry we will seize and 
eat up everything that comes in our way.' Brothers, you have 
heard the words of the Ottawas. If you leave this place imme- 
diately, and go home to your wives and children, no harm will 
come of it; but if you stay you must blame yourselves alone 
for what may happen. Therefore, we desire you to remove." 
Capt. Ecuyer replied, saying the forts were built to supply 
the Indians with necessaries. He refused to leave the place, 
and closed his remarks as follows : " I have warriors, pro- 
visions and ammunition to defend it three years against all the 
Indians in the woods, and we shall never abandon it as long as 
a white man lives in America. I despise the Ottawas, and am 
very much surprised at our brothers the Delawares for pro- 
posing to us to leave this place and go iiome. This is our 
home. You have attacked us without reason or provocation. 



112 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

You have murdered and plundered our warriors and traders. 
You have taken our horses and cattle, and at the same time you 
tell us your hearts are good towards your brethren the English. 
How can I have faith in you? Therefore now, brothers, I will 
advise you to go home to your town, and take care of your 
wives and children. Moreover, I tell you that if any of you 
appear again about this fort I will throw bomb shells, which 
will burst and blow you to atoms, and fire cannons among you, 
loaded with a whole bagful of bullets ; therefore take care, for 
I don't want to hur^, you." 

The chief departed in wrath, and on the night of the follow- 
ing day the Indians appeared before the fort in great numbers 
and began a general attack. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The War on the Borders — The March of Death — The Terrified 
Inhabitants Fleeing to the Older Towns — Bouquet's Ar:\it 
AT Carlisle — Adventures op Volunteers — Burning Settlk- 
MENTS — The Battle op Bushy Run — Distress and Danger op 
the Troops — The Victory. 

Leaving Fort Pitt for the present, let us turn to observe the 
events that were transpiring in other quarters. All along the 
western frontiers of Yirginia and Pennsylvania, slaughter and 
suffering held full sway. Indian scalping parties were passing 
to and fro through the country, murdering men, women and 
children. It will be seen that nearly all the tribes east of the 
Mississippi had now engaged in the war except the Six Nations, 
and even the Senecas, the C^ayugas, and the Tascaroras, belong- 
ing to this confederacy, took part in it. Had it not been for 
the timely influence of Sir William Johnson, in quelling the 
spirit of the other nations of the Iroquois confederacy, the 
war would have been very much more disastrous. 

News of the war now spread to the older eastern settlements 
and created great alarm. It soon became known that nine 
forts had fallen into the hands of the Indians. Sir Jeffery 
Amherst now, for the first time, saw clearly that all the 
western tribes had united against the Enghsh. He had but 
few soldiers at his command, and those who could be mustered 
were required to strengthen the garrisons that still held out. 
A reinforcement was therefore sent to Niagara, and a detach- 
ment under Capt. Dalzell was added to the garrison of Detroit, 
as we have already seen. 

Col. Bouquet, who commanded at Philadelphia, mustered a 
force of five hundred men, and with a large supply of provis- 
ions and ammunition, he set out for Fort Pitt. He reached 
8 (113) 



114 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH : ♦ 

Carlisle on the first of July, where he found the whole country 
in a panic. Every shelter in the settlement was crowded with 
the families of settlers who had fled from their homes to escape 
the savages. No hostile Indians had yet appeared in this 
neighborhood, but on Sunday, the third of July, a soldier came 
riding into the town with the intelligence that Presque Isle, 
Le Boeuf and Yenango had been taken, and that the warriors 
were then advancing on Carlisle, This news threw the settle- 
ment into consternation. The crowded houses and barns pre- 
sented a scene of lively commotion. From every quarter the 
settlers poured in until the country had been deserted for 
miles in every direction. Soon the rumor was set on foot that 
the Indians had come. Some of the fugitives had seen the 
smoke of burning dwellings rising from the distant valleys, 
others came breathlessly in from the very scene of massacre. 
A party of the inhabitants went out to warn the living and 
bury the dead. Arriving at Sherman's Valley they found 
fields laid waste, stacks of wheat on fire, and the houses still 
in flames, and they grew sick with horror at seeing a group of 
hogs tearing and devouring the bodies of the dead. Every 
where in this broad valley the work of destruction was com- 
plete. They marched on and on, but as far as the eye could 
see the smoke was curling upwards from the smouldering 
ruins of settlers' houses. The Indians had made a clean sweep,, 
and it was only now and then that one escaped to tell the 
horrifying story of the massacre of his family. One came in 
with the report that he and seven others were setting at the 
table in a cabin of a settler on the Juniata. Four or five 
Indians burst the door and fired among them, and then beat 
down the survivors with the butt of their rifles. One of the 
men leaped from his seat, snatched up a loaded gun that 
chanced to be standing in the corner, and discharged its con- 
tents into the breast of an Indian, and then leaping through a 
window made good his escape. He fled through the forests 
to a settlement, where he related the news, and immediately 
twelve men volunteered to cross the mountains and warn the 
settlers of the Tuscarora valley, but upon reaching it they 
found that the enemy had been there before them. Many of 



OK, THE BOEDEE WAES OF TWO CENTUEIES. 115 

the houses were still on fire, others were standing. Upon 
entering these a ghastly scene was presented. The dead and 
mangled bodies were strewn upon the floors, and the furniture 
was stained with human blood. They turned away, filled with 
horror. The adventurers came upon one house where tlio 
Indians had held a feast only a few hours previous. A large 
number of cattle had been killed, the meat roasted, and, after 
they had eaten to their satisfaction, they had fled. Pursuing 
their course, the white men soon came within a few rods of the 
enemy. They here boldly resolved to overtake them and see, 
if possible, what direction they were pursuing. Tlie trail led 
them into a thicket, where, as soon as they had entered it, they 
were surprised by a volley of musketry, and four of their 
number were shot down. Thirty warriors rose from their 
hiding places and rushed upon them. The white men returned 
their fire and then fled in all directions, A boy named Charles 
Eliot was among the number. As he ran, plunging through 
the thickets, he heard his pursuers close behind. He seized 
his powder horn and poured the contents into his gun, drop- 
ping a bullet in after it without using a ramrod, and wheeling 
about he discharged his gun into the breast of the Indian who 
had now advanced to within three or four yards from him. 
He then continued his flight, leaving the Indian in the agonies 
of death, but at the next moment a faint voice earnestly called 
out his name. Turning to the spot he beheld one of his com- 
panions stretched helplessly on the ground. He had been 
mortally wounded by the first shot from the Indians, but had 
advanced thus far before his strength gave out. Eliot 
approached him but could ofifer no assistance. The dying man 
looked up into the face of his comrade, saying: " Here, Charley, 
take my gun, whenever you see an Indian kill him with it, and 
then I shall be satisfied." Eliot and several others of the party 
escaped to the settlement. They reported w^hat they had seen 
and experienced, which added another cloud of horror to the 
desolating news that was hourly coming in from all points on 
the frontier. Several other parties went out, and one of them, 
commanded by the sheriff of the place, encountered a band of 
Indians, defeated them, and brought away many scalps. 



\ 

116 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC x\.ND TECUMSEH: 

The settlers now became frantic with alarm, and many of 
them left Carlisle and pushed rapidly towards Lancaster and 
Philadelphia. "Carlisle," says a reliable author, "presented a 
most deplorable spectacle. A multitude of refugees, unable 
to find shelter in the town, had encamped in the woods or on 
the adjacent fields, erecting huts of branches and bark, and 
living on such charity as the slender means of the townspeople 
could supply. Passing among them, one would have witnessed 
every form of human misery. In these wretched encamp- 
ments were men, women and children, bereft, in one stroke, of 
friends, of home, and the means of supporting life. Some 
stood aghast and bewildered at the sudden and fatal blow, 
others were sunk into the apathy of despair, others were weep- 
ing and mourning with irrepressible anguish." 

The multitude were now threatened with famine, and crowds 
of them flocked to the tents of Bouquet soliciting food, which 
he gave them. 

In the meantime, the march of the little army had been con- " 
siderably delayed. This was owing to the fact that, the 
necessary horses and wagons could not be procured, without 
returning to the older towns. After a delay of eighteen days 
Bouquet broke up his camp and marched towards Fort Pitt. 
As the little army passed through Carlisle, the frightened 
inhabitants crowded around them, and, no doubt, fervently 
prayed for their success. Bouquet's march was truly a bold 
adventure. In his front lay a vast wilderness, filled with fero- 
cious warriors, who, from their secret shelters, would shoot 
down his soldiers at every turn. The memories of former days 
came up to weigh upon the stout heart of this gallant ofiicer. 
He was about to march through a wild country upon whose 
bosom slept the bones of Braddock and the hundreds of brave 
soldiers who fell around him. The numbers of the latter far 
exceeded Bouquet's whole force, while, on the other hand, there 
were now a hundred warriors prowling the lonely woods to one 
when Braddock penetrated them. With one or two exceptions, 
the soldiers under Bouquet's command were wholly inexpe- 
rienced in the perils of border warfare. To say the least, the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 1]7 

great end which he had set out to accomplish conld not, 
apparently, be achieved with so small a force. 

Let us, for a single moment, glance at this brave officer who 
was now, in the eyes of all around him, leading his army into 
the jaws of death. Henry Bouquet was a Swiss by birth. 
His military career began when a boy. Previous to the war 
between France and England, he held a commission under the 
King of Sardinia, but when that struggle began, in 1755, he 
was engaged in the service of the King of Holland. At this 
time the Duke of Cumberland formed a plan to organize a 
corps to serve in the provinces, and to be called the Royal 
Americans. Bouquet accepted a position as Lieutenant Colonel 
in this regiment, and his services soon proved of great value, 
" His person was fine, his bearing composed and dignified." 
Everywhere in the provinces, and more especially in Pennsyl- 
vania, he was regarded with profound respect. He was a good 
English scholar, and could write with ease, and in a style of 
•great purity. As a soldier, he was active, courageous and 
faithful. Withal, he had acquired a practical knowledge of 
Indian warfare. Brave as a lion, he would often, when the 
most dangerous passes were to be made, advance to the front 
of his men, and, with no other guard than his musket, lead 
the way like the boldest Indian warrior. 

The army marched along the beautiful valley of the Cum- 
berland. On every hand could be seen ruins, marking the 
deeds of savage cruelty. At length they reached Shippens- 
burg, about twenty miles from Carlisle. Here, as at the latter 
place, were congregated a large number of pioneers, who had 
fled in terror from the scene of blood and slaughter. 

From the latest advices, it now appeared that Fort Ligonier 
was about to fall into the hands of the Indians who were 
besieging it, and Bouquet resolved to send a detachment to its 
relief. For this purpose, thirty of the best men were selected, 
and ordered to force their way over the desolate mountains. 
, Accordingly the party set out. Marching day and night, they 
at length came in sight of the hapless fort. It was surrounded 
by savages who were firing upon it. The adventurers made a 



118 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

rush for the gate, and, although, hotly charged upon by the 
Indians, entered it without losing a man. 

But, meanwhile, the bulk of Bouquet's army moved slowly 
on towards Fort Pitt. They had now entered a country where, 
up to this time, no Englishman had ever ventured — the liome 
of the fiercest warriors. " Far on their right stretched the 
green ridges of the Tuscarora, while, in front, mountain beyond 
mountain rose high against the horizon. Climbing heights, 
and descending into the valleys, passing the two solitary posts 
of Littleton and the Juniata, both abandoned by their garri- 
sons, they came in sight of Fort Bedford, hemmed in by 
encircling mountains." 

Bouquet's arrival was a happy event for the tired and worn 
garrison. They had long been besieged by a swarm of Indi- 
ans. Around this post, the work of scalping and murdering 
the settlers had been carried on until the forests rang with the 
scalp yells of a thousand savages. All had been killed 
who failed to escape within the gates of the little fort. The? 
commandant, Capt. Ourry informed Bouquet that for several 
weeks he had been unable to hear from the garrison at Fort 
Pitt. The last accounts left it closely besieged by a thousand 
warriors. Al1;er resting his men for three days at this post, 
Bouquet continued his march, and was soon buried in the wil- 
derness. The forest was dense, affording a good opportunity 
for ambuscades. In the advance were the provincial rangers, 
closely followed by the pioneers. The wagons and cattle were 
in the centre, guarded in front, flank and rear by the regulars. 
Tlie rear was guarded by another company of rangers. The 
riflemen, acting as scouts, ranged through the woods far in 
front and at either flank. In this order the courageous army 
marched on; up, up the rugged side of the Alleghany Moun- 
tains. It was in the middle of July, and the heat was intol- 
erable, but they toiled on, crossing the mountains, and, at 
length, reaching Fort Ligouier. At their advance the Indians 
fled in disorder, and Bouquet marched quietly up to the fort. 

At this place he left the cattle, and some of the heaviest 
luggage, and resolved to make forced marches towards Fort 
Pitt. Thus relieved, the army pursued its course. At no 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OE TWO CENTURIES. 119 

great distance in their front were the dangerous passes of the 
Turtle Creek. At this point Bouquet expected to encounter 
the enemy, and he therefore pushed on towards Bushy Run, 
hoping to cross Turtle Creek during the night. They toiled 
on, weary and foot-sore. At length tlie tired army was within 
half a mile of Bushy Run. Here they were to rest, preparatory 
to making the forced march through the dangerous defiles of 
Turtle Creek, but, when within a few rods of the coveted spot, 
the report of rifles from the front surprised the army. Alas ! 
they had met the enemy. As they listened the reports become 
quicker, and now the fierce war-whoop resounded through the 
woods. The advanced guard was hotly engaged. Two com- 
panies were at once ordered to its support, but as the firing 
increased, indicating that the enemy had appeared in a large 
force, the army lialted, the troops formed in line, and a charge 
was ordered. " Bearing down through the forest with fixed 
bayonets, they drove their yelping assailants before them, and 
swept the ground clear." But no sooner had this been done 
than a volley of musketry poured in upon them from either 
flank, and from the rear. Charging upon the enemy in the 
rear, they routed the savages in that quarter, and immediately 
surrounded their teams. In the distance, on every side they 
could hear the whoopings of the savages, and at every moment 
the report of their guns sounded out through the trees. Again 
and again, now on this side and now on that, a crowd of Indi- 
ans rushed up, pouring in a heavy fire, and striving with 
ferocious outcries to break into the circle. At every attempt 
a well directed charge met them, putting them to flight. Few 
of the Indians were hurt, while the English sufi'ered severely 
Thus the fight went on, without intermission, for several hours, 
until the darkness of night gathered round them. jSTow the 
Indians slackened their fire, withdrawing from the scene of 
action. 

The soldiers now encamped on the spot where the battle had 
taken place. Numerous sentinels were stationed at a suitable 
distance from the camp in every direction. 

Bouquet now feeling confident that they would be attacked 
on the following morning, and fearing that he would not sur- 



120 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

vive the battle, wrote a short letter to Sir Jeft'ery Amherst,, 
giving an account of the day's events and closing as follows: 
" Whatever our fate may be, I thought it necessary to give 
your excellency this early information, that you may, at all 
events, take such measures as you may think proper with the 
provinces for their own safety and the effectual relief of Fort 
Pitt, as, in case of another engagement, I fear insurmountable 
difficulties in protecting and transporting our provisions, 
being already so much weakened by the losses of this day in 
men and horses, besides the additional necessity of carrying 
the wounded, whose situation is truly deplorable." In this 
action about sixty soldiers and several officers had been killed 
or wounded. During the fight the wounded were brought 
into an open space in the centre and surrounded by bags of 
flour to ward off the bullets. In this situation they were com- 
pelled to lay helpless, suffering the agonies of thirst, for there 
was no water near at hand. Should their comrades be defeated, 
a fate inexpressibly terrible would immediately follow. The 
condition of those who still survived was but little better. 
They were surrounded by a large number of savages, who were 
leaping from tree to tree in the full hope of success. Eight 
years before, in these very forests, they had destroyed nearly 
twice their number of British soldiers. They were now thirst- 
ing after the blood of Bouquet's army. 

ISTo fires were built in the camp of the English ; nothing to 
break the thick darkness that hovered over them. All was 
still as the grave throughout the night, but with the dawn of 
the following day a burst of Indian yells went up on every 
side. In another instant they opened fire upon them. The 
bullets now flew thick in every dii-ection and the soldiers fell 
dead on every hand. Yolley after volley poured in until many 
had perished. As on the previous day the Indians would rush 
up, endeavoring to break the ring, but in every such attempt 
they were driven back in disorder. The troops were now 
suffering from thirst as well as from the deadly fire of the 
enemy, while in the interior of the camp the scene was all con- 
fusion. The horses became mad with terror as the bullets flew 
among them. They would break away by scores, and leaping 



I OR, THE BOKD-PIR WARS OF TWO OENTUKIKS. 121 

through the ring and passing the savages in their mad course, 
they would soon disappear in the thickest of the woods. 

At ten o'clock the ring which encircled the convoy began to 
waver. The soldiers were falling fast. Bouquet looked on in 
sadness for a moment, and then, conceiving a stratagem, he 
brightened with hope. It was plain that if the Indians could 
be brought together in a body and be made to stand their 
ground that he would soon gain the day. To effect this he 
resolved to increase their confidence. Two companies were 
ordered to fall back into the interior of the camp, while the 
troops on either hand joined across the vacant space, as if to 
cover the retreat of their comrades. The orders were no sooner 
obeyed than the Indians, seeing that the line had weakened, 
leaped from behind the trees and rushed headlong to the assault. 
The shock was unbearable. The men struggled to maintain the 
line, but the Indians seemed on the point of breaking their 
way through it, when the situation of affairs took a sudden 
cjiange. The movement is described in a thrilling manner by 
Mr. Parkman: 

"The two companies who had apparently abandoned their 
positions, were in fact destined to begin the attack, and they 
now sallied out from the circle at a point where a depression 
in the ground, joined to the thick growth of trees, concealed 
them from the eyes of the Indians. Making a short detour 
through the woods they came round upon the flank of the 
furious assailants and discharged a deadly volley in their very 
midst. Numbers were seen to fall; yet, though completely 
sui"prised and utterly at a loss to understand the nature of the 
attack, the Indians faced about with the greatest intrepidity 
and boldly returned the fire; but the Highlanders, with yells 
as wild as their own, fell on them with the bayonet. The shock 
was irresistible and they fled before the charging ranks of this 
tumultuous throng. Orders had been given to two other com- 
panies occupying a contiguous part of the circle to support 
the attack whenever a favorable moment should occur, and 
they had, therefore, advanced a little from their position and 
lay close, crouched in ambush. The fugitives, pressed by the 
Highland bayonets, passed directly across their front, upon 



122 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH I 

which they arose and poured among them a second volley no 
less destructive than the former. This completed the rout. 
The four companies uniting drove the flying savages through 
the woods, giving them no time to rally or reload their empty 
rifles, killing many and scattering the rest in hopeless con- 
fusion." 

In another part of the field both the soldiers and the In- 
dians maintained their positions during this movement, but 
when the Indians saw their comrades totally routed they lost 
their courage and fled. In a few moments the whooping ceased 
and the Indians had all disappeared, leaving behind many 
dead. In both battles the English had lost eight oflBcers and 
one hundred and fifteen men. 

Owing to the loss of many of the horses, they were now 
unable to transport all the stores. The surplus was destroyed, 
and again the army, broken and haggard, moved on towards 
Fort Pitt, which they reached on the tenth of August. The 
fort, which had been closely besieged for nearly a month, was 
now deserted and Bouquet entered it without opposition. 



CHAPTER Xy. 

Disaster at the Devil's Hole — Fate of Wilkins' Detachment — 
The Frontieks op Virginia and Pennsylvania — Slaughter of 
the Settlements — Terrible Scenes and Incidents op Border 
Warpare — Desolation — The Defenses. 

Before leaving the provincial frontier and passing along 
with the events of border warfare towards the far west, I must, 
in order to perfect the narrative, mention briefly the events 
that compelled the savages in all quarters east of the Missis- 
sippi to sue for peace. While Dalzell was marching against 
the strongholds of Pontiac, and Bouquet forcing a bloody way 
to Fort Pitt, Sir William Johnson was laboring judiciously to 
secure the friendship of the tribes of the Six Nations. For 
this purpose he sent deputies to all the villages in the lake 
region, and indeed in the whole northwest, to invite the war- 
riors to meet him in council at jSTiagara. The council was 
largely attended by the people of the Six Nations, and, although 
with reluctance, the Indians promised friendship for themselves 
and also to make war on those tribes who were still in arms 
against the English. The tribes of Canada were induced to 
send a deputation to the western Indians, requesting them to 
lay down the hatchet. The Iroquois also sent deputies among 
the Delawares for the same purpose. 

Notwithstanding these conciliatory measures, the frontier 
settlements of New York suflfered from the continued attacks 
of the savages, for while one force was on foot to quell their 
fury, another was actively engaged to irritate it against the 
English. 

On the fourteenth of September, 1763, a train of wagons 
and pack-horses was proceeding on a return trip from Fort 
Schlosser, whither they had gone with supplies. When they 
(123) 



124 THE LIVES (IF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

reached a point opposite the Devil's Hole they were greeted by 
a blaze of musketry. The horses leaped madly. On the left 
of the train, far down the awful precipice, lay the black gulf, 
while on its right the savages were leaping from tree to tree 
towards them, yelping like bloodhounds. The twenty-four 
soldiers who guarded the train beheld death on either side, 
and prepared themselves to meet it. In a moment the awful 
event was over. The horses plunged blindly into the abyss, 
and the whole train fell, crushing upon the sharp rocks far 
below. Only three escaped, among whom was Stedman, the 
conductor of the train. Beholding the approaching fate of the 
convoy, he wheeled his horse and bravely spurred through the 
crowd of Indians. Flying through the forests at a high speed 
he soon reached Fort Schlosser, where he reported his loss. At 
no great distance were a party of soldiers, who had fortified a 
camp near the landing place. These, hearing the report of 
Indian rifles, and suspecting the real situation, hastened to the 
relief of the convoy ; but the Indians, having prepared for 
their approach, soon routed them with great slaughter. As 
they rushed along a party of savages leaped from their ambus- 
cade and poured a volley of musketry among them, shooting 
down fully half their number. Pursuing them hotly, the 
Indians picked them off, until only a few escaped. These fled 
to Niagara with the terrible account of their adventures. 

Major Wilkins, on hearing it, immediately marched his whole 
garrison to the spot, but the Indians had gone. They gathered 
the dead bodies of the scalpless soldiers together, to the number 
of seventy, and beheld with inexpressible horror the awful 
results of the ambuscade of the Devil's Hole. 

The fury of the Senecas, who were the actors in this bold 
attack, did not end with this. Not many days after, as Major 
Wilkins was advancing to the relief of Detroit, on the river 
above the great fails of Niagara, he was pounced upon by a 
handful of these fierce warriors and driven back with disorder. 
Eecovering from this shock, Major Wilkins again started for 
Detroit, but this time he was overtaken by a severe storm. 
Nearly all the bateaux were overset, over seventy men perished, 
and the few surviving boats returned to Niagara. 



OR, THE BOKDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 125 

The reader will now observe that all the frontier settlements 
of the English colonies, and also those of Canada, were in a 
deplorable condition. Everywhere the slaughter reigned with 
unabated fury. Scarcely an hour passed in which the news of 
some horrible massacre did not startle the inhabitants from 
their security. Day and night the war whoop sounded along 
the outskirts of the woods, and every moment a band of Indians 
could be seen flying across some open space, with scalps flut- 
tering from their loins. Everywhere the people now fled to 
the forts for safety. The dwellings were deserted by their 
owners, and burned to the ground by the Indians. But happy 
were those who escaped. Hundreds and thousands received 
no warning, and perished beneath the tomahawk. Tlie ranging 
parties who visited the scenes of slaughter beheld, in shapes 
too horrible for description, the half consumed bodies of men, 
women and children, still securely bound to the trees where 
they had prayed for death amid tiery tortures. 

While strong bands of warriors were daily besieging the 
forts and harrassing the garrisons of the western forests, smaller 
but no less fierce war parties were skulking among the border 
woods, leaping out upon the settlements whenever an oppor- 
tunity was presented, and murdering every Englishman, woman 
and child who came in their way. It was, perhaps, from the 
latter source that most of the suffering came upon the settle- 
ments. Among these bands there was none more destructive 
than one, about sixty in number, which ascended the Ken- 
awha and ravaged the settlements along the banks of that river. 
From valley to valley they carried the bloody work, until every 
English person in their course was scalped. Sometimes they 
would take the unsuspecting families by surprise, but as often 
they w^ould slaughter them under the guise of friendship. Thus 
they continued their march imtil they reached the little town 
cf Greenbrier, where all the inhabitants, having received warn- 
ing of their approach, had fortified themselves into the house 
of Archibald Glendenning. Nearly one hundred people were 
now crowded into this house. The savages appeared, and at 
first seemed to be friendly. Some of them were admitted to 
the house while others gathered in clouds outside. In one 



126 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

corner of the house sat an old ladj who had recently received 
a slight injury. She inquired of one of the warriors whether 
or not he could cure her. He replied by plunging a knife into 
the wound, killing her instantly. At this the work of slaugh- 
ter began. Nearly all were killed and scalped on the spot. 
The owner of the house snatched up one of his children and 
rushed from the house, but meeting a bullet from one of the 
savages on the outside, he fell dead in his tracks. A negro 
woman leaped out of one of the windows and ran to a place 
of concealment. She was followed by her screaming children, 
and fearing lest they should betray her to the Indians, she 
killed them on the spot. Such was the awful horror of the 
moment ! 

Among those taken prisoners at this affray was the wife of 
Glendenning, the mistress of the house. She was a woman 
of great fortitude, and far from allowing her fears from over- 
coming her, she began to abuse her captors for acting as they 
had. "Neither the tomahawk which they brandished over 
her head, nor the scalp of her murdered husband, with which 
they struck her in the face, could silence the undaunted virago." 

When the massacre had been finished, the Indians captured 
all the horses, and packing up the plunder, they started with a 
large number of prisoners. Mrs. Glendenning and her infant 
child was placed among the captives. As they marched along 
through the thick woods, she handed her child to a woman 
who was walking beside her, and leaving it to a terrible fate, 
she escaped through the woods. Before nightfall she returned 
to the spot from whence they had start;,ed and beheld the 
smouldering embers of her house. She found the dead body 
of her husband and buried it beneath fence rails to protect it 
from the wolves. 

Not long after this butchery, a man chanced to be passing 
by a log school-house on the western frontier of Pennsylvania, 
and being struck with its silence, he pushed open the door and 
looked within. "In the center lay the master scalped and 
lifeless, with a Bible clasped in his hands, while around the 
room were strewn the bodies of his pupils, nine in number, 
miserably mangled, though one of them still retained a spark 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 12T 

of life." It was afterwards known that the horrible deed had 
been committed by one of those bands of Indians. 

Tims I might go on until the whole volume was filled with 
horrors like these, but I must hasten to push the narrative 
westward to a later day. It will suffice, therefore, to say that 
every detail of the war upon the settlements was full of woe. 
Everywhere the hand of the fierce Indian was felt; everywhere 
the people fell back to the older cities for safety or perished 
beneath the scalping knife. 

One of the great features of the sufferings of this period 
was endured by those who were taken prisoners and conducted 
to the Indian villages. The torture which these unfortunate 
persons endured will never be told. Indeed, at this late day, 
it is better that these torments be passed over. Many of these 
narratives are too full of horror to receive credence, while 
most of them are of a character that cannot fail to shock the 
reader beyond endurance. 

As the news of increasing disaster, as well as flocks of refu- 
gees, reached the eastern towns and cities, measures were taken 
for the relief of the frontier. Private contributions were made 
for the relief of the sufferers, and the several provincial gov- 
ernments adopted such measures as the situation seemed to 
require. In this matter, however, Pennsylvania was rather 
slow. There was a majority of Quakers in the assembly, and 
these singular persons were unwilling to believe that the out- 
break of the Indians was not based upon good reasons. They 
however passed a bill for " raising and equipping a force of 
seven hundred men, to be composed of frontier farmers, and 
to be kept in pay only during the time of harvest. They w^ere 
not to leave the settled parts of the province to engage in 
offensive operations of any kind, nor even to perform garrison 
duty, their sole object being to enable the people to gather in 
their crops unmolested." This force was distributed along 
the whole frontier of Pennsylvania. Two companies assigned 
to the defense of Lancaster county were placed under the com- 
mand of a clergyman, Rev. John Elder, pastor of the Presby- 
terian church of Paxton. He is said to have discharged hia 
military duties in a highly satisfactory manner. 



128 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

The feeble measures adopted bj the assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania called out loud disapproval both among the people of 
that province and in the neighboring colonies. In Virginia 
the Governor and council at once called out a thousand of the 
militia, five hundred being placed under Colonel Stephens and 
five hundred under Major Lewis. These forces marched against 
the hostile tribes on the borders of Virginia and did good 
service. They routed the savages at every point and restored 
confidence among the settlers. 

But with her feeble defenses Pennsylvania continued to 
suffer. They now no longer waited for the action of their 
government, but arming themselves, they organized for their 
own defense. These new forces were directed against the 
Susquehanna villages, and after great slaughter they were 
destroyed. An expedition was now set on foot against the 
settlers of Wyoming on the east branch of the Susquehanna. 
The object of the expedition was to remove these settlers who 
had come there contrary to the laws of Pennsylvania, and to 
destroy their corn and provisions, which might otherwise fall 
into the hands of the enemy. The party started from Harris' 
Ferry under the command of Major Clayton, and reached 
Wyoming on the seventeenth of October. They were too late. 
The Indians had been there before them, and now the settle- 
m.ent was reduced to ashes. The bodies of its unfortunate 
inmates were brutally mutilated. Twenty had been killed or 
captured. Having buried the dead bodies of those who had 
perished in the massacre, Clayton returned with his party to 
Pennsylvania, l^otwithstanding these evidences of danger, 
and that petitions from the borders were daily arriving, the 
Quakers remained firm in their inactive policy. 

Sir Jefi^ery Amherst had now resigned his office of Com- 
mander-in-Chief, and General Gage was appointed in his place. 

Before Amherst sailed for Europe he had made a requisition 
upon all the provinces for troops to march against the Indians 
early in the spring of 1764, and as soon as Gage arrived he 
confirmed this course. The requisition was complied with 
and the troops were raised. 



CHAPTER XYI. 

The Moravian Missions — Their Removal — Difficulties in Phil 
ADELPHiA — Advance of the Paxton Men — Great Excitement — 
The Quakers Volunteering to Enter the Army — The Diffi- 
culty Settled. 

In the autumn of 1763, the war had spread from the Caro- 
linas ou the south to Kova Scotia on the north and east. 
Everywhere in the intervening provinces their border settle- 
ments were sorely harrassed. Over two thousand persons had 
been killed, or carried off, and nearly that number of families 
had been driven from their homes. On the borders of Penn- 
sylvania, the settlers were now fighting the Indians on the one 
hand and the Quakers on the other. They declared that the 
latter would go farther to befriend a murdering Delaware than 
to protect the borders. This feeling against the Quakers was 
not confined to the low. The magistrates and the clergy were 
its principal votaries. Tlie borderers in this section were now 
placed between two fires, and they resolved on vent. The Pax- 
ton men, who, as we have already seen, were commanded by a 
clergymen, led the way in this work. The slaughter of the 
Indians at the Manor of Canestoga, and the breaking of the 
jail and murder of Indians at Lancaster, were among the atroc- 
ities which these fierce borderers, now goaded to desperation, 
openly committed. Mr. Elder, their leader, however, remon- 
strated with them, but failed to dissuade them from their 
design. The tidings of his massacre threw the country into 
excitement. Few regarded it as a willful and deliberate 
crime, while many looked upon it as the mistaken act of rash 
men, fevered to desperation by wrongs and sufferings. Imme- 
diately following these events, the war upon the borders 
increased in violence, and the excitement, throughout the 
9 (129) 



130 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 



provinces, become deeper on account of the circumstance& 
wliicli, in the course of these thrilling events, now took place. 
One of the most important of these was the policy pursued by 
the provincial government towards the Indians belonging to the 
Moravian Missions. The reader no doubt remembers that, for 
many years previous to these events, the Moravians had 
labored with good success among the Indians of Pennsylvania^ 
and had established several missions among them. These 
missions had been infested during the war of 1755. During 
this struggle, the mission at Gradenhutten was besieged by 
both English, French and Indians, and totally destroyed. The 
other missions were permitted to remain undisturbed until the 
opening of the Pontiac War, when they soon became objects of 
distrust to the English. Therefore, soon after the massacre at 
Canestoga, a party of drunken rangers, fired by the general 
distrust of the Moravian Indians, murdered several of them, 
whom they found sheltered in a barn. Not long after this, 
the same rangers were surprised and murdered by Indians, 
supposed to be from the Moravian villages, Kain and Wecque- 
tauk, near the Lehigh, and from Wyalusing, near Wyoming. 
The two former were, however, the objects of the greatest 
hatred. The borderers now resolved to destroy these missions. 
Accordingly, on the tenth of October, 1763, a party of armed 
men encamped near Wecquetauk; for the purpose of making 
an attack under cover of darkness. Before night had set in, 
a severe storm came on, wetting the ammunition and defeating 
the plan. On the following day, the Christian Indians hear- 
ing of the attempt of the previous evening, broke up and took 
/ their flight. 

Meantime, charges against the Moravian converts, had been 
laid before the Assembly of Pennsylvania. It was therefore 
resolved to disarm these Indians, and to remove them to a point 
where it would be impossible for them to commit further dep- 
redations. The order reached them on the first of November, 
and the Indians, yielding up their arms, prepared to depart. 
Wlien assembled together for the march, their whole number 
did not exceed one hundred and twenty. On reaching Phila- 
delphia, and, indeed, throughout the whole march, they were 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 131 

greeted with threatening mobs, whose fury it was difficult to 
restrain. Here they were conducted to the barracks, which 
had been intended to receive them, but the soldiers refused to 
admit them, saying that they cared nothing for the order of 
the Governor. All day the savages remained in front of the 
barracks, surrounded by a multitude who continued to treat 
them with abuse. As the soldiers could not be persuaded to 
admit them, they took up their march for Province Island, 
below the city. Here they occupied some waste buildings, and 
received the friendship and attention of the Quakers. As they 
marched through the city, the crowd followed them, hooting 
at them from every corner, 

The Paxton men now threatened that they would visit Phil- 
adelphia and slaughter the Indians who had thus been placed 
under government protection. Indeed, the threat was partially 
can-ied out. Having increased their numbers, they resolvei 
to march on Philadelphia. But this had not been done unti!) 
every possible effort to elicit the protection of the government 
had failed. On one occasion they sent a wagon load of the 
scalped and mangled corpses of their friends and relations, who 
had fallen at a recent Indian onset, but even the presence of 
the awful spectacle failed to elicit decisive measures. They 
now organized under Matthew Smith, and towards the last of 
January took the road for Philadelphia, Their numbers 
exceeded one thousand men, A part of their purpose was to 
kill the Indians who had been placed on Province Island. 
" They pursued their march in high confidence, applauded by 
the inhabitants, and hourly increasing in numbers." 

The news of this movement soon reached Philadelphia, and 
the alarm spread among the Quakers like wild-fire. They sus- 
pected the Indians to be the object of their mission, and, after 
considerable parley, it was resolved to send them to New York, 
where they could receive the protection of Sir William Johnson. 
They were immediately removed, and escorted out of the city. 
Arriving at Amboy, N. J., word was received that they would 
not be permitted to enter the State of Kew York. A few 
days after, the Governor of New Jersey ordered them to leave 
that province. The distressed Indians therefore retraced their 



132 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECTTMSEH: 

steps to Pliiladelphia, where they arrived on the twenty- 
fourth of January. This time the soldiers permitted them to 
enter the barracks. Escorting these Indians came a detach- 
ment of a hundred and seventy soldiers, which had been sent 
by Gen. Gage from New York in compliance with the request 
of Gov. Penn. 

The situation in Philadelphia was now full of danger. No 
time could be lost. The Quakers in the Assembly concurred 
in a measure looking towards the most decisive defense, and 
everywhere in the once pacific city, the greatest excitement 
prevailed. Franklin was the moving spirit, and " under his 
auspices, the citizens were formed into military companies, six 
of which were of infantry, one of artillery, and two of horse. 
Besides this force, several thousands of the inhabita;nts, includ- 
ing many Quakers, held themselves ready to appear in arms at 
a moment's notice." 

But these preparations had not been completed when news 
came in that the Paxton men were advancing within a short 
distance of the city. Arriving at Germantown, and hearing 
of the preparations that had been made for their reception, 
they concluded to advance no further. Meanwhile Philadelphia 
was full of excitement. Cannon were placed before the bar- 
racks, the soldiers called out, the citizens armed, and everything 
made ready. At length a deputation, headed by Franklin, 
went out and interviewed the Paxton boys. The result of this 
conference was that Matthew Smith and James Gibson were 
appointed on the part of the borderers to lay their grievances 
before the Assembly. Pedress was promised, and the frontier- 
men retired. The Indians i*emained secure within the garrison, 
although before the end of the year more than one-third of 
their numl)er died with small-pox. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Bradstreet's Expedition — The Council at Niagara — Peace 
Treaties — Bradstreet at Detroit — Council with the Indians — 
Peace Concluded — Canadians Punished — Michilimagkinac Gar- 
risoned — Fate op Capt. Morris — Bradstreet Returns. 

Early in the spring of 1764 it was resolved to send two 
armies into the Indian country to " beat them into submis- 
sion " and bind them as .firm as possible bj treaties. The 
command of the first was entrusted to Col. Bouquet, who, as 
we have seen, was now well acquainted with the mode of Indian 
warfare. He received orders to advance to Fort Pitt, and from 
tlience to penetrate the wilderness as far as the Delaware and 
Shawanee villages and destroy them. The other army, which 
Col. Bradstreet was to command, was to ascend the lakes and 
force the tribes around Detroit into complete submission. 

I shall not stop here to give any details as to how these 
armies were raised or equipped, but enter at once into an 
account of their fortunes and failures. The army under Brad- 
street left Albany on the first of June and moved toward Nia- 
gara over the usual route. Arriving at this place they found 
the plains beyond thickly dotted with the wigwams of the 
Indians. Not many months previous, in the autumn of 1763, 
Sir William Johnson had sent his messengers to the tribes in 
all parts of the Northwest, warning them that in the spring a 
large army was coming to destroy them, and urging all who 
desired peace to meet him at Niagara. The defeat and suffer- 
ings of the Indians during the early part of the winter com- 
bined to urge a hearty acceptance of his proposal, and many 
warriors now set out for the council at Niagara. 

Alexander Henry, of whose adventures at Michilimackinac 
the reader has already been informed, was at the Saut Ste. 
(133) 



134 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

Marie with a party of Ojibwas when a canoe filled with the 
deputies of Sir William Johnson arrived. A council was held 
at which one of the deputies delivered the following speech: 
" My friends and brothers, I am come with this belt from our 
great father, Sir William Johnson. He desired me to come to 
you as his ambassador and tell you that he is making a great 
feast at Fort Niagara; that his kettles are all ready and his 
fires lighted. He invites you to partake of the feast in com- 
mon with your friends the Six Nations, who have all made 
peace with the English. He advises you to seize this oppor- 
tunity of doing the same, as you cannot otherwise fail of being 
destroyed, for the English are on their march with a great 
army, which will be joined by different nations of Indians. In 
a word, before the fall of the leaf they will be at Michilimack- 
inac, and the Six Nations with them." 

The Ojibwas had just received a message from Pontiac, at 
Detroit, urging them to join him against that post, and now 
the messenger from Sir William Johnson caused them to waver. 
Many of them were in favor of accepting the last invitation 
to go to Niagara; but, unwilling to depend upon their own 
judgment in the matter, they sought to be guided by the 
spirit of the Great Turtle, the chief of all the spirits. For 
this purpose they erected a large wigwam, quite large enough 
to accommodate all the inhabitants of the place. Within this, 
in the centre, they built a sort of tabernacle, covering it with 
hides. With the approach of night all the warriors gathered 
into the wigwam and waited for the coming of the spirit. The 
magician, stripped almost naked, now entered the little tent in 
the centre. This was only large enough to receive him. At 
once the curious demonstration began. The little tent began 
to shake and a hideous voice sounded from Mdthin. This waa 
supposed to be an evil spirit. Presently this ceased and a 
whining cry was heard in its place. The warriors sent up a 
cry of joy, declaring it to be the voice of the G-reat Turtle. It 
being now declared that the spirit was ready to answer ques- 
tions, the principal chief asked if it would be wise to accept 
the invitation of Sir William Johnson. " Sir William John- 
son," said the spirit, " will fill your canoes with presents, with 



OB, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIEvS. 135 

blankets, kettles, guns, gunpowder and shot, and large barrels 
of rum, such as the stoutest of the Indians will not be able to 
lift, and every man will return in safety to his family." To 
this the cry was sent up from the multitude, " I will go, I 
will go! " 

Accordingly they set out on their journey for Niagara, to 
which point hundreds of savages were now traveling. Thus 
they gathered in from all quarters until around Fort Kiagara 
the assembly increased to at least four thousand Indians. 
Among them were the Menomonies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Mis- 
sissaugas, Caughnawagas, Wyandots, Iroquois, Sacs, Foxes and 
Osages. "With this large force of savages, many of whom were 
by no means friendly, it was necessary to observe the greatest 
caution to prevent a rupture. 

Notwithstanding the tribes were fully represented, there 
still remained many hostile Indians, who were already moving 
towards the frontier settlements with uplifted hatchets. Among 
these were the Dela wares and Shawanoes, against whom Bou- 
quet was now marching. These were already moving against 
the settlements on the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. 

Before the council could proceed Johnson sent for the Senecas, 
•who, it would seem, were not disposed to put in an appearance. 
The messenger was told to inform them that unless they came 
to Niagara immediately, a strong army would march against 
them and destroy them utterly. This message had full eiFeet. 
The Senecas sent a full deputation, accompanied by several 
prisoners. The council now began, A treaty was made with 
this nation in which they agreed never again to lift the hatchet 
against the English. They also, by this treaty ceded a strip 
of land between Lakes Ontario and Erie, bordering on the 
Niagara river. A treaty was next made with the Wyandots, 
from Detroit, They were to deliver up their prisoners, and 
for the future continue peaceful. Councils were now held with 
each tribe in turn and treaties made. This occupied several 
days, during which the ground around Fort Niagara presented 
a lively appearance. 

During all this time Bradstreet's army had been detained at 
Niagara, It was feared that some of the warriors would 



136 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

attack the fort, and that, should the troops leave, the vast 
number of savages in the neighborhood might form a design 
to slaughter the garrison. On the sixth of August, Johnson 
departed for Oswego, and, soon after, the Indians disappear- 
ing, Bradstreet proceeded on his way towards Detroit. About 
three hundred Canadians and as many Indians accompanied 
the army, in arms. It was believed that the Indians would be 
discouraged at seeing the French on the side of the English. 

Alexander Henry, who accompanied the Ojibwa deputies 
from the Saut Ste. Marie, commanded the Indian forces. He 
liad received the appointment on account of his extensive 
acquaintance among the savages to whose country Bradstreet 
was now marching. 

Reaching Presque Isle, the command was met by a strag- 
gling band of warriors, who styled themselves deputies from 
the Delawares and Shawanoes. They said they had been sent 
to sue for peace in the name of these nations. They were 
suspected as spies by all but the commanding officer, who, not 
only foolishly entered into a treaty witli them, but sent a mes- 
seno-er to Bouquet, informing him that the Delawares and 
Shawanoes had been reduced to submission without his assist- 
ance, and that he might discontinue his march towards Fort 
Pitt. Bouquet was indignant at this message, and took no 
notice of it. Everywliere on the border slaughter reigned 
almost undisputed. 

Passing on to Sandusky, Bradstreet was met by a deputation 
from the Wyandots, Ottawas and Miamis dwelling in that 
neighborhood, and, although he had been instructed to destroy 
their villages, he now entered into a treaty with these Indians, 
promising not to injure them, on the conditions that they 
would never again lift the hatchet against the English. At 
this place Bradstreet dispatched Capt. Morris, with a few 
friendly Canadians and Indians, to persuade the Indians in the 
country of the Illinois to treat for peace with the English. 
The fate of Morris' detachment will be seen in the course of 
the narrative. 

On the twenty-sixth of August, the army under Bradstreet's 
command arrived at Detroit, where it received a most hearty 



OR, THE BOEDER W^RS OF TWiJ CICNTURIES. 137 

welcome. At the earliest possible moment the garrison was 
relieved, and fresh troops substituted in their place. The 
Canadians who had aided Pontiac in the war were next tried, 
found guilty, and punished. Manj of them, however, had tied 
to Illinois, and thus escaped punishment. 

Bradstreet next summoned the surrounding tribes to a 
council, which was held in the open air, on the seventh of 
September, and at which a general peace was concluded. He 
next despatched Capt. Howard, with a strong detachment, to 
take possession of Michilimackinac. Howard performed this 
duty, meeting with no resistance whatever. He also sent 
parties to garrison the posts at Green Bay and Saut Ste, Marie. 

Let us now see what had become of Capt. Morris and his 
expedition. Soon after leaving the army at Sandusky, he 
arrived at the camp of Pontiac, on the Maumee. Here the 
Ottawa chief plundered the expedition of everything except 
their arms and clothing, and suffered them to depart. On 
every hand Morris was treated with contempt, and being men- 
aced with death should he attempt to continue his journey 
towards Illinois, he set out for Detroit, hoping to find Brad- 
street there. In this hope he was disappointed. Morris was 
informed that his commander had gone down to Sandusky, 
but he refused to follow him. 

While at Sandusky, Bradstreet received a letter from Gen. 
Gage, disapproving of the course he had taken, and ordering 
him to march against the Indian village on the Scioto. This 
intelligence, together with the news of Capt. Morris' failure 
was too much for the temper of the commander. Kefusing ta 
obey the orders of his superior officer, on the pretext that the 
season was too far advanced, he returned home, with his- 
broken and disheartened army. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Bouquet's Army in the Indian Country — He Subdues the Dela- 

WARES AND ShAWANOES — SCENES AT THE ENGLISH CaMP — TwO 

Hundred Prisoners Given up — Return op the Expedition. 

Ttjening our attention once more to the borders of Pennsyl- 
vania, we find Indian war-parties active in the work of deso- 
lating the settlements. So desperate had the savages now 
become that the English Governor of Pennsylvania issued a 
proclamation offering a high bounty for Indian scalps, whether 
of men or women. As might be supposed, this measure pro- 
duced additional butcheries. Among these I will cite that 
perpetrated by David Owens. Several years previous he had 
deserted and joined the Indians. One day early in the spring 
of 1T64 he came to the settlements, bringing with him a young 
man recently taken prisoner by the Delawares. While living 
among the Indians Owens had formed a connection with one 
of their women, who had borne him several children. He now 
resolved to return to the settlements, and to carry with him a 
number of scalps. One night he had been encamped on the 
Susquehanna with a party consisting of four Shawanoe warriors, 
a boy of the same tribe, his own wife and two children, and 
another Indian woman. The prisoner already mentioned was 
also present. In the middle of the night Owens arose, and 
finding all fast asleep he awakened the prisoner and told him 
his intentions, requesting him to go out a little way and lie 
quietly concealed until he had finished his bloody work. Owens 
then removed the weapons from the sides of the savages, and 
hid them in the woods. Eeturning he knelt on the ground 
between two of the unconscious warriors, and pointing a rifle 
at the head of each, touched the triggers and shot both dead 
at once. The two surviving warriors sprang up and ran for 
(138) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CEN'l'URIES. 139 

their lives, while the women and children, benumbed with ter- 
ror, had no power to escape, and one and all died, shrieking 
beneath the tomahawk. Having completed the slaughter he 
sat down among the dead and waited patiently for the dawn. 
As soon as it was light he scalped the dead, excepting the two 
children, and left for the settlements, which he reached in safety, 
in company with the young man who had been held a prisoner 
in the camp. 

Bouquet was now on the march with his army. On the fifth 
of August he reached Carlisle. His force consisted of five 
hundred regulars, most of whom had fought with him at the 
battle of Bushy Eun, a thousand Pennsylvanians, and a corps 
of Virginia riflemen. The army now advanced to Fort Loudon, 
where Bouquet received a letter from Bradstreet, informing 
him that he could return with his army, as peace had already 
been concluded with the Delawares and Shawanoes. As before 
mentioned. Bouquet took no notice of the communication, but 
pushed forward towards Fort Pitt, where he arrived on the sev- 
enteenth of September. Immediately after his arrival a party 
of Delawares appeared on the opposite bank of the river, pro- 
fessing to be sent as deputies from their nation to treat of peace 
with the English. After some hesitation three of them came 
to the fort, where they were held as spies. The remainder fled 
in haste to their villages. Bouquet, however, released one of 
the captives and sent him home with a message as follows : 
" I have received an account from Colonel Bradstreet that your 
nations had begged for peace, which he had consented to grant 
upon assurance that you had recalled all your warriors from 
our frontiers, and in consequence of this I would not have 
proceeded against your towns if I had not heard that in open 
violation of your engagement you have since murdered several 
of our people. I was therefore determined to have attacked 
you, as a people whose promise can no more be relied on ; but 
I will place it once more in your power to save yourselves and 
your families from total destruction, by giving us satisfaction 
for the hostilities committed against us. And first you are to 
leave the path open for my expresses from hence to Detroit ; 
and as I am now to send two men with dispatches to Col. Brad- 



1-iO THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECIIMSEH : 

street, who commands on the lakes, I desire to know whether 
you will send two of your people to bring them safe back with 
an answer; and if they receive any injury, either in going or 
coming, or if the letters are taken from them, I will immedi- 
ately put the Indians now in my power to death, and will show 
no mercy, for the future, to any of your nation that shall fall 
into my hands. I will allow you ten days to have my letters 
delivered at Detroit, and ten days to bring me back an answer." 

This Indian repaired to his village and delivered the message 
in good faith. The warriors w^ere singularly impressed with 
its decisive tone, and they were now ready to sue for peace. 
Soon after some Iroquois Indians appeared near the fort, and 
endeavored to discourage Bouquet from penetrating the coun- 
try any further. They represented the great numbers of the 
savages, and the dangerous passes which he would have to 
encounter; but to all Bouquet made but one reply — that he 
was determined to move against them with his whole army 
immediately. 

Accordingly he set out early in October, and in ten days 
reached the river Muskingum. As they passed along through 
the lonely forests the Indian cabins were all deserted. But 
now Bouquet was in the heart of the Indian country, and 
within a few days' march of the strongest Indian villages. He 
continued his march down the river until he came to a favorable 
spot for encamping. Here he erected a small palisade work, 
as a depot for the stores and baggage; but before the task was 
half completed a deputation of chiefs arrivtjd, saying that the 
warriors were encamped in great numbers about eight miles 
distant. They desired Bouquet to appoint a *;ime and place 
for holding a council. The colonel complied, telling them to 
meet him on the next day, near the margin of the river, a little 
below his camp. A rude tent was erected on the spot, to 
accommodate the assembly. In the morning Bouquet moved 
his little army in marching order to the spot. Soon after the 
Indians arrived, and the great chiefs of the Delawares and 
Shawanoes took seats upon mats prepared for them. Except- 
ing Pontiac, these two men stood unequalled in the American 
forests. A full deputation was present. When all had been 



OB, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 141 

seated, and the formalities of smoking the pipe ended, Turtle 
Heart, a chief of the Delawares, and the most noted orator 
present, addressed the English commander as follows, deliver- 
ing a belt of wampum at the end of every clause of his speech : 

"Brother, I speak in behalf of the three nations whose 
chiefs are here present. With this belt I open your ears and 
your hearts, that you may listen to my words. 

" Brother, this war was neither your fault nor ours ; it was 
the work of the nations who live to the westward, and of our 
wild young men, who would have killed us if we had resisted 
them. We now put away all evil from our hearts, and we hope 
that your mind and ours will once more be united together. 

"Brother, it is the will of the Great Spirit that there should 
be peace between us. We on our side now take fast hold of 
the chain of friendship, but as we cannot hold it alone, we 
desire that you will take hold also, and we must look up to the 
Great Spirit ♦:hat he may make us strong and not permit this 
chain to fall from our hands. 

" Brother, these words come from our hearts and not from 
our lips. You desire that we should deliver up your flesh and 
blood now captives among us, and to show you that we are 
sincere, we now return you as many of them as we have at 
present been able to bring. [Here he delivered up eighteen 
prisoners.] You shall receive the rest as soon as we have time 
to collect them." 

The council now adjourned till the following day, in accord- 
ance with the Indian custom, but a heavy storm coming up, it 
was postponed two days. On the third day, the weather being 
fair, the army again moved down to the rude council-house. 
Here all the warriors were assembled, and here, on this occa- 
sion, Bouquet delivered his reply as follows: 

" Sachems, war-chief, and warriors, the excuses you have 
oft'ered are frivolous and unavailing, and your conduct is 
without defense or apology. You could not have acted as you 
pretend you have done, through fear of the western nations, 
for, had you stood faithful to us you knew that we would have 
protected you against their anger, and as for your young men 
it was your duty to punish them if they did amiss. You have 



142 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TP:CUMSEH : 

drawn down our just resentment by your violence and per- 
fidity. Last summer, in cold blood, and in a time of profound 
peace, you robbed and murdered the traders who had come 
among you at your own express desire. You attacked Fort 
Pitt, which was built by your consent, and you destroyed our 
forts and garrisons whenever treachery could place them in 
your power. You assailed our troops, the same who now stand 
before you, in the woods at Bushy Run, and when we had 
routed and driven you off, you sent your scalping parties to 
the frontier and murdered many hundreds of our people. Last 
July, when the other nations came to ask for peace at Niagara, 
you not only refused to attend, but sent an insolent message 
instead, in which you expressed a pretended contempt for the 
English, and at the same time told the surrounding nations 
that you would never lay down the hatchet. Afterwards, when 
Colonel Bradstreet came up Lake Erie, you sent a deputation 
of your chiefs and concluded a treaty with them, but your 
engagements were no sooner made than broken, and from that 
day to this you have scalped and butchered us without ceas- 
ing. N^ay, I am informed that when you heard that this army 
was penetrating the woods you mustered your warriors to 
attack us, and were only deterred from doing so when you 
found how greatly we outnumbered you. This is not the only 
instance of your bad faith, for since the beginning of the last 
war you have made repeated treaties with us and promised to 
give up your prisoners, but you have never kept these engage- 
ments nor any others. We shall endure this no longer, and I 
am now come among you to force you to make atonement for 
the injuries you have done us. I have brought with me the 
relatives of those you have murdered. These are eager for 
vengeance, and nothing restrains them from taking it, but my 
assurance that this army shall not leave your country until 
you have given them an ample satisfaction. Your allies, the 
Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Wyandots, have begged for peace. 
Tlie Six Nations have leagued themselves with us. The great 
lakes and rivers around you are all in our possession, and your 
friends, the French, are in subjection to us, and can do no 
more to aid you. You are all in our power, and if we choose 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 143 

we can exterminate you from the earth. But the English are a 
merciful and generous people, averse to shed the blood even 
of their greatest enemies, and if it were possible that you 
could convince us that you sincerely repent of your pertidy, 
and that we could depend upon your good behavior for the 
future, you might yet hope for mercy and peace. If I find 
that you faithfully execute the conditions which I shall pre- 
scribe, I will not treat you with the severity you deserve. I 
will give you twelve days from this date to deliver into my 
hands all the prisoners in your possession, without exception, 
Englishmen, Frenchmen, women and children, whether adopted 
in your tribes, married or living among you under any denom- 
ination or pretence whatever; and you are to furnish those 
prisoners with clothing, provisions and horses to carry them 
to Fort Pitt. When you have fully complied with these con- 
ditions, you shall then know on what terms you may obtain 
the peace you sue for." 

This speech had the desired effect. The council broke up 
and the Indians fully believing that they would all be destroyed 
should they fail to comply with Bouquet's demands, hastened 
to gather in the prisoners. Meanwhile Bouquet, wishing to 
perpetuate the fear in which he had placed them, moved down 
with his army in the midst of their villages, where he could 
punish them whenever they deserved it. 

The savages now departed to collect the prisoners, and in a 
few days over two hundred had been delivered to Bouquet. 
This was by no means all who had been captured, but it was 
all that could be obtained within the time allowed. The 
others had been carried into Illinois and were for the present 
beyond their i-each. 

It will not be proper to pass over these prisoners without 
noticing their condition and the circumstances by which they 
had been surrounded while in the hands of their captors. In 
the ranks of Bouquet's army, were the fathers, brothers and 
husbands of these unfortunate persons, for whose rescue they 
had volunteered to march into the wilds of the Indian country. 
" Ignorant of what had befallen them, and doubtful whether 
they were yet among the living, these men had joined the 



144 THE LIVES OF I'ONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

army in the feverish hope of winning them back to home and 
civilization." No doubt many whom they now sought had 
perished by the elaborate torments of the stake or the hatchet, 
while, on the other hand, many still lived among the savages. 
In many instances whole families had been carried oif. In 
such cases the old and the sick were tomahawked, while the 
rest, divided among the warriors, were scattered among the 
various tribes. It was, indeed, a thrilling sight, when troop 
after troop of prisoners arrived at the camp of Bouquet. The 
meeting of husbands with wives, fathers with children, brothers 
with sisters, who had long been separated, was full of dramatic 
situations. Some were groaning beneath agonies on hearing 
of the horrible death of their relatives. Frantic women were 
flying to and fro, amid the throng, in search of those whose 
bodies, perhaps, had long since been thrown to the wolves; 
others were pausing in an agony of doubt, unable to identify 
their long lost children. Again, others were divided between 
delight and anguish; joy of unexpected recognition, on the one 
hand, and doubts not yet resolved, on the other. Not a single 
spectator could look on unmoved. The scene was full of 
impressive features. Among the children brought in were 
those who had been captured several years before while infants. 
These, of course, were unable to understand why they should 
be placed into the hands of strangers, and were deeply terrified 
at parting with their adopted mothers. But, sadder than all, 
there were young women who had become the partners of 
Indian husbands, and now, with their strange hybrid offspring, 
were led reluctantly into the presence of fathers or brothers, 
whose images they had forgotten. Agitated and bewildered, 
they stood, paintully contending with passions that bound them 
to theii- tawny lovers, and trying to overcome the shame of 
their real or fancied disgrace. These women were compelled 
to leave their sorrowing husbands, and, with their children, 
return to the settlements. It is true, however, that they pro- 
tested against it, and that afterwards several made their escape, 
eagerly hastening back to their Indian husbands. 

Perhaps the most touching scene of all was this. A young 
Virginian, robbed of his wife but a few months before, had 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTUUIES. 145 

volunteered in the expedition, with the faint hope of recovering 
her, and, after long su.spense, had recognized her among a troop 
of prisoners, bearing in her arms a child born during her cap- 
tivity. The joy of their meeting was marred by the absence 
of an older child who had been captured with her mother, but 
soon taken from her. At length, however, the child was 
brought to the camp in the arms of a warrior, and the mother, 
recognizing it, sprang forward and snatched it in frantic 
delight. 

Wlien the army reached Carlisle on its return, hundreds 
flocked hither to see, if among the prisoners, they might not 
find some lost relative. Among these was an old woman, whose 
daughter had been carried off nine years before. In the crowd 
of female captives, she discovered one in whose countenance she 
decerned the altered lineaments of her daughter; but the girl, 
having almost lost her command of the English language, and 
forgetting the looks of her mother, took no notice of her. At 
this the old lady wept bitterly, saying that "the daughter 
■whom she had so often sung to sleep on her knee, had forgot- 
ten her in her old age." Bouquet, hearing her complaint, 
said: "Sing the song that you used to sing to her when a 
child." The anxious old lady obeyed, and as her trembling 
voice ran over the air, the tears rushed to the eyes of her 
daughter, for she now recognized and remembered her mother's 
voice. 

Ha\ang finished its work. Bouquet's army returned to Fort 
Pitt, and from thence to the settlements, where the prisoners 
were distributed to their homes. Bouquet had fully accom- 
plished the mission for which he had penetrated the forest, and 
now he received the praise of everj^ good citizen in the prov- 
inces. At the next session of the Pennsylvania Assembly, it 
lost no time in voting the country's thanks to Col. Bouquet. 
The Assembly of Virginia passed a similar vote, and both houses 
concurred in recommending Bouquet to the King for promotion. 
But the news of his success having reached the throne before 
the intelligence of this just recognition, the King, without 
provincial advice, had promoted him to the rank of Brigadier, 
10 



146 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AKD TECUMSEH : 

and the command of the Southern Department. Bouquet died 
three years after. 

One condition of the treaty which this gallant officer had 
made with the Indians was that all the tribes were to send 
deputies to Sir William Johnson, with whom they were to con- 
clude a permanent treaty. Having given hostages for the 
fulfillment of this engagement, they were up to their promise 
and the nations were fully represented. In the treaty which 
they now made with Sir AVilliam Johnson, it was stipulated 
that they should all join the English army in its march into 
Illinois, for the purpose of aiding the British in getting pos- 
session of the forts in that country. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Groghan's Expedition — Mukder op Indians — Expedition against 
THE Indians — Battle op Point Pleasant — Dunmore Retires 
PROM THE West — Fort Erected at Boonsborough — Conspiracy 
TO Unite the Indians. 

After the peace which was concladed between the Indians 
and Sir WilHam Johnson in 1764, CoL George Groffhan, a 
commissioner under the latter, was sent to explore the country 
adjacent to the Ohio river and to conciliate the Indians in that 
quarter. Accompanied by the deputies of the Seneeas, Shaw- 
anoes and Delawares, he left Fort Pitt on the fifteenth of May, 
1765, and in two bateaux proceeded down the Ohio river. On 
the fifth of June he reached the mouth of the Wabash, and 
from this point he dispatched two Indian runners with letters 
to Lord Frazer, a British ofiicer commanding at a post in Illi- 
nois, and to M. St. Auge, the French commandant at Fort 
Charters. On the eighth of the same month his party was 
attacked by eighty Indian warriors. They killed two white 
men and three Indians, wounded Col. Groghan and made him 
and all the white men prisoners, and plundered them of aU 
the valuables in their possession. After a perilous route, in 
which Groghan visited many Indian villages, he made his way 
to Niagara, reaching that fort in October. So matters stood 
in the West in 1765. All beyond the AUeghanies, with the 
exception of a few forts, was a wilderness, until the Wabash 
was reached, where dwelt a few French, with some fellow coun- 
trymen not far from them, upon the Illinois and Kaskaskia. 
The Indians, a few years since, undisputed owners of the 
prairies and broad vales, now held them by sufferance, having 
been twice conquered by the arms of England. They, of 
course, felt both hatred and fear; and, while they despaired of 
(147) 



148 THE iJVES OF PONTIAC AKD techmseh: 

holding their lands and looked forward to unknown evils, the 
deepest and most abiding spirit of revenge was roused within 
them. Thej had seen the British coming to take their hunt- 
ing grounds upon the strength of a treaty they knew not of. 
They had been forced to admit British troops into their 
country; and, though now nominally protected from settlers, 
the promised protection would be but an incentive to pas- 
sion, in case it was not in good faith extended to them. 

And it was not in good faith extended to them by either 
individuals or governments. During the year that succeeded 
the treaty of German Flats, settlers crossed the mountains and 
took possession of lands in western Virginia and along the 
Monongahela. The Indians, having received no pay for these 
lands, murmured, and once more a border war was feared. 
Gen. Gage, commander of the king's forces, issued orders for 
the removal of the settlers, but they defied his power and 
remained where they were. But not only did the frontier men 
thus pass the line urged on, but Sir William Johnson himself 
was even then meditating a step which would have produced, 
had it been taken, a general Indian war. This was the forma- 
tion of an independent colony south of the Ohio river. It 
was the intention to purchase the lands from the Six Nations 
and then to procure from the king a grant of as much territory 
as the company would require. Other schemes were also on 
foot for a similar purpose, which resulted in a good deal of 
rivalry and speculation. Franklin, however, was in favor of 
making large settlements in the West, and as the system 
of managing the Indians by superintendents was then in bad 
odor, it was thought changes should be made in this respect. 

The discussion of the boundary line between the Indians 
and the settlements now began to receive attention. Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson was authorized to treat with the savages on this 
subject, and, accordingly, he summoned them to meet him in 
council at Fort Stanwix. The council was held in the following 
October and was attended by representatives from New Jersey, 
Virginia and Pennsylvania, by Sir William Johnson and his 
deputies, by the agents of those traders who had suffered in 
the war of 1763, and by deputies from all the Six Nations, 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTLIRI KS. 149 

the Delawares and the Shawanoes. The hrst question that 
came np was that of the boundary line which was to determine 
the Indian lands of the "West from that time forward, and this 
line the Indians claimed, upon the first of JSToveraber, should 
begin on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Cherokee river; thence 
up the Ohio and Alleghany to Kittaning; thence across to the 
Susquehanna, etc., whereby the whole country south of the 
Alleghany was ceded to the British. A deed for part of this 
land was made in November to William Trent. The tract thus 
conveyed lay between the Kanawha and Monongahela, and was 
called Indiana. Two days afterwards a deed for the remaining 
western lands was made to the king and the price agreed upon 
paid down. 

Other grants were also made and now the white man could 
quiet his conscience when driving the native from his forest 
home, and feel confident that an army would assist him, if 
necessary. The work of settlement now began to revive, and 
in a few years scattering colonies had been planted along the 
Ohio and in Kentucky, as well as in Indiana. The savages 
now became jealous at seeing their best hunting grounds 
invaded, and notwithstanding the treaty at Fort Stanwix, they 
were not disposed to give up the territory without a struggle. 
"Widespread dissatisfaction prevailed among the Shawanoes and 
Mingoes. This was fostered by tlie French traders, who still 
came among them, and now a series of events followed well 
calculated to renew the hostility of the Indians. Everywliere 
emigration flowed in and the best grounds of the savages were 
occupied. In addition to the murder of several single Indians 
by the frontier men, in 1772, five families of the natives on 
Little Kanawha were killed in revenge for the death of a white 
family on Gauley river, although no evidence existed to prove 
who committed the last named outrage. It would now seem 
that the settlers were foremost in raising a quarrel. 

In April news was received that the Shawanoes could no 
longer be trusted, and when Capt. Michael Gresap, who was 
now at "Wheeling speculating in lands, heard that three Cher- 
okees had attacked a canoe in which were three white men, 
killing one of them, he went out with a party, and attacked 



150 THE LIVES OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEH: 

a band of friendly Shawanoes, killing two of them, and throw- 
ing their bodies into the river. This event occurred near 
Wheeling, and was soon followed by other atrocities committed 
by the same party. During the same day, hearing that there 
was an encampment of savages at the mouth of the Captina, they 
went down the river to the place, attacked them and killed 
several. In this aflfair one of G-resap's party was severely 
wounded. In a few days another massacre of Indians occur- 
red about forty miles above Wheeling by a party of frontiermen 
led on by Daniel Greathouse. In this affair twelve Indians 
were killed and several wounded. 

These outrages increased the fury of the savages against the 
settlers, and it was now evident that a general war would fol- 
low. The Virginia frontiermen deemed it advisable to assume 
the offensive, as soon as it could be done, and, accordingly, 
an army was gathered at Wheeling, which, in July, 1774, 
under Colonel McDonald, descended the Ohio to the mouth of 
Captina (Fish) Creek, when it was proposed to march against 
the Indian town of Wappatomica, on the Muskingum. The 
march was successfully accomplished, and the Indians having 
been frustrated in an expected surprise of the invaders, sued 
for peace, and gave five of their chiefs as hostages. Two of 
these were afterwards set at liberty for the purpose of calling 
the tribes together to ratify the treaty, and thus put an end to 
the war. It was now ascertained that the Indians were merely 
trying to gain time in which to prepare for a general outbreak, 
and the Virginians, therefore, proceeded to destroy their vil- 
lages and crops, and then retired to WilKamsburg, carrying with 
them three of their chiefs as prisoners. But even these decis- 
ive acts did not discourage the savages from pursuing their 
designs. The Delawares, however, were anxious for peace. 
Sir William Johnson sent out word to his iiock to remain quiet, 
and even the Shawanoes were prevailed on by their great leader. 
Cornstalk, to exercise their influence to prevent a war; indeed 
they went so far as to protect some wandering traders from the 
vengeance of the Mingoes, whose relatives had been slain at 
Yellow Creek and Captina, and sent them with their property 



OR, THE BORDER WxVRS OF TWO CENTURIES. 151 

safe to Fort Pitt, now Fort Duiiraore. But Logan,* who had 
been turned by the murders on the Ohio from a friendly to a 
deadly foe of the whites, came suddenly upon the Mononga- 
hela settlements, and while the other Indians were hesitating 
as to their course, took his thirteen scalps in retaliation for the 
murder of his family and friends by the party under Gresap, 
and returning home, expressed himself satisfied, and ready to 
listen to the Long-Knives. But it was not, apparently, the 
wish of Dunmore or Connolly to meet the friendly spirit of 
the natives, and when, about the tenth of June, three of the 
Shawanoes conducted the traders, who had been among them, 
safely to Fort Pitt, Connolly, who had possessed himself of 
this post and called it Fort Dunmore, had even the meanness 
to attempt first to seize them, and when foiled in this by Col, 
Croghan, his uncle, who had been alienated by his tyranny, he 
sent men to watch, waylay and kill them; and one account 
says that one of the three was slain. Indeed, the character 
developed by this man, while commandant at Fort Dunmore, 
was such as to excite universal detestation, and at last to draw 
down upon Lord Dunmore the reproof of Lord Dartmouth. 
He seized property, and imprisoned white men without warrant 
or propriety; and, in many cases beside that just mentioned, 
treated the natives with an utter disregard of justice. It is 
not, then, surprising that Indian attacks occurred along the 
frontiers from June to September; nor, on the other hand, 
need we wonder that the Virginians became more and more 
excited, and eager to repay the injuries received. 

To put a stop to these devastations, two large bodies of troops 
were gathering in Virginia; the one from the southern and 
western part of the State, under General Andrew Lewis, met 
at Camp Union, now Lewisburg, near the White Sulphur 
Springs; the other from the northern and eastern counties, was 
to be under the command of Dunmore himself, and, descend- 
ing the Ohio from Fort Pitt, was to meet Lewis' army at the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha. The force under Lewis, 
amounting to eleven hundred men, commenced its march upon 
the sixth of September, and upon the sixth of October reached 

* Perkins' Narrative. 



152 thp: i.rvKS of pontiac and tecumseh: 

the spot agreed iipon."^ As Lord Dunmore was not there, and 
as other troops were to follow down the Kanawha under Col. 
Christian, General Lewis dispatched runners towards Fort Pitt 
to inform the Commander-in-Chief of his arrival, and pro- 
ceeded to encamp at the point where the two rivers meet. 
Here he remained until the ninth of October, when dispatches 
from the Governor reached him, informing him that the plan 
of the campaign was altered; that he (Dunraore) meant to 
proceed directly against the Shawanoes towns of the Scioto, 
and Lewis was ordered at once to cross the Ohio and meet the 
otlier army before those towns. But on the very day when 
this movement should have been executed, the Indians in force, 
headed by the able and brave chief of the Shawanoes, Corn- 
stalk, appeared before the. army of Yii-ginians, determined then 
and there to avenge past wrongs and cripple vitally the power 
of the invaders. Delawares, Iroquois, Wyandots and Shawa- 
noes, under their most noted chiefs, among whom was Logan, 
formed the army opposed to that of Lewis, and with both the 
struggle of that day was one of life and death. Soon after 
sunrise the presence of the savages was discovered; General 
Lewis ordered out his brother, Colonel Charles Lewis, and 
Colonel Fleming, to reconnoitre the ground where they had 
been seen; this at once brought on the engagement. In a 
short time Colonel Lewis was killed, and Colonel Fleming dis- 
abled; the troops, thus left without commanders, wavered, but 
Colonel Field with his regiment coming to the rescue, they 
again stood firm; about noon Colonel Field was killed, £hid 
Captain Evan Shelby (father of Isaac Shelby, Governor of Ken- 
tucky in after time, and who was then Lieutenant in his 
father's company,) took the command; and the battle still con- 
tinued. It was now drawing toward evening, and yet the 
contest raged without decided success for either party, when 
General Lewis ordered a body of men to gain the flank of the 
enemy by means of Crooked Creek, a small stream which ran 
into the Kanawha about four hundred yards above its mouth. 
This was successfully performed, and resulted in di-iving the 
Indians across the Ohio. The Virginians lost in this battle 

* Peck's Narrative. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 153 

seventy-five men killed, and one hundred and forty wonnded — 
nearly one-fifth of their entire nnmber. Among the slain, 
were Colonels Charles Lewis and Field, and Captains Buford, 
Morrow, Wood, CundifF, Wilson and Robert McClanahan and 
others. The loss of the enemy could not be fully ascertained. 
Next morning. Colonel Christian explored the battle ground, 
and found the dead bodies of thirty- three Indians. It is prob- 
able that many others had been carried oS before the savages 
were routed. 

In the meantime Lord Dunmore had descended the river 
from Fort Pitt, and was, at the time he sent word to Lewis of 
his change of plans, at the mouth of the Hocking, where he 
built a blockhouse, called Fort Gower, and remained until after 
the battle at that point. Thence he marched to the Scioto, 
while Lewis and the remains of the army under his command, 
strengthened by the troops under Colonel Christian, pressed for- 
ward to the same place, with the full hope of annihilating the 
Indian towns, and punishing the inhabitants for all they had 
done. However, before reaching the enemy's country. Dun- 
more was visited by the chiefs asking for peace. He listened 
to their requests, and, appointing a place where a council was 
to be held, sent orders to Lewis to discontinue his march against 
the Shawanoe towns. Lewis, however, saw fit to disobey these- 
orders, and proceeded on. Dunmore now set out in person, 
and, overtaking Lewis, compelled him to return. 

Dunmore remained for some time at Camp Charlotte, upon 
Sippo Creek, near Westfall, where he met Cornstalk, who, being 
satisfied of the futility of any further struggle, was determined 
to make peace and arranged with the governor the prelimi- 
naries of a treaty. This action created great dissatisfaction in 
Virginia, as it had been hoped that the army would strike an 
efi'ectual blow.'^ It is believed, however, that the governor of 
Yirginia, foresaw the contest between England and the colonies, 
and desired to gain the friendship of these savages. When 
Lord Dunmore retired from the West, he left one hundred 
men at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, a few more at Fort 
Pitt, and another corps at Wheeling, then called Fort Fincastle. 
* Western Annals, p. 152. 



154 THE Ln^ES OF PONTIAO ANT) TECUMSEH: 

These were dismissed as the prospect of war ceased. Lord 
Dunmore agreed to return to Pittsburg in the spring, meet the 
Indians and form a definite peace; but the commencement of 
the revolt of the colonies prevented. 

During " Dunmore's War," as these hostilities were called, 
the militia was called out and Daniel Boone was appointed by 
the Governor to the command of three garrisons on the frontier. 
Peace being now concluded, Boone and his companions turned 
their attention towards the purchase of lands. Several com- 
panies were organized, and negotiations began with a view to 
purchasing lands from the Indians. These companies, however, 
failed to gain the support of the government, and their plans 
were in a great measure thwarted. 

From the day of the unpopular treaty at Camp Charlotte, 
the western settlers had been apprehensive of another Indian 
outbreak. The tribes were now every day being wrought up 
to fury by agents of the English who reached their villages 
through Canada. It was not long before all the inhabitants 
of the Eastern colonies saw the dangers that were accumulating 
from this source. Early in the spring of 1775 the Assembly 
of Massachusetts wrote to a missionary among the Oneidas, 
informing him that having heard that the English were trying 
to attach the Six Nations to their interest, it had been thought 
proper to ask the several tribes, through him, to stan'd neutral. 
Steps were also taken to secure the co-operation, if possible, 
of the Penobscot and Stockbridge Indians; the latter of whom 
replied that though they could never understand what the 
quarrel between the Provinces and old England was about, yet 
they would stand by the Americans. They also offered to do 
what they could towards winning the Iroquois over fi-om the 
support of the English.* 

But it is not within the scope of our narrative to set forth 
the important part which the savages took in the war of the 
Kevolution. Confining myself to the war on the borders — the 
result, in almost every instance, of the encroachments and 
insolence of English and American settlers — we will follow its 
desolating train as it retreats before the power of civilization 

* Stone's Works — Spark's Washington. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTUmES. 155 

beyond the Rocky Mountains and into the far "West. Yet, how- 
ever, some of the most bloody struggles of the Indians against 
the onset of civilization, of which we have next to treat, were, 
in a great measure, consequent upon the war of the Revolution. 
The savages had, to a great extent, been engaged on the side 
of England, and in 1776 most of them were regarded by the 
colonists as being engaged in the war. The nations nearest the 
Americans, and, perhaps, interested in their behalf, found 
themselves pressed upon and harrassed by the more distant 
bands, and through the whole winter of 17T6-T, rumors were 
flying along the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania of 
approaching troubles. Nor were the people of New York less 
fearful. Along the Mohawk and upper Susquehanna the set- 
tlers were standing in constant dread.* However, the winter 
and spring of 1777 passed without an outbreak. At length 
the blow was struck. It was l)rought on by the murder of 
Cornstalk, the leading chief of the Shawanoes, of the Scioto. 
This truly great man, who was himself for peace, but who found 
all his neighbors, and even those of his own tribe stirred up to 
war by the agents of England, went over to the American fort 
at Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha in order 
to discuss the situation with Capt. Arbuckle, the commandant. 
This was in the beginning of the summer of 1777. The Amer- 
icans, being aware that the Shawanoes had taken up arms for 
England, decided to retain Cornstalk and Redhawk, a young 
chief of note, who was with him, and make them hostages for 
the good conduct of their people. The old warrior, accordingly, 
after he had finished his stateiiient of the position he was in, 
and the necessity under which he and his friends would be 
of joining in with the popular voice of his people unless the 
Americans would guarantee protection, found that in seeking 
council and safety, he had walked into a snare and was secure 
there. However he did not complain but waited the result 
with great composure.f On the following day Ellinipsco, the 
son of Cornstalk, came to the fort and was also made prisoner. 

* Doddridge's Indian Wars — Stone's Works. 
^ Withers' Border Warfare. 



156 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

The three noted Indians now sat down cahnly and waited the 
course of events. They had not been confined but three days 
when two savages in the neighborhood, unknown to the whites, 
sliot a white hunter towards evening. Instantly the friends 
of the murdered man declared their intention of killing the 
three chiefs within the fort. The commandant endeavored to 
prevent them, but they were too furious to listen to his words, 
and his own life was threatened. They rushed to the house 
where the captives were confined. Cornstalk met them at the 
entrance but fell pierced with seven bullets. His son and Eed- 
hawk shared his fate. " From that hour," says Doddridge, 
"peace was not to be hoped for." 

Meanwhile throughout the scattered settlements of Ken- 
tucky, Indian hostilities had been raging, but I have no space 
for the details of these. At times the stations were assailed 
by large bodies of savages, and again single settlers were 
picked off by skulking warriors. The numbers of the settlers 
became fewer and fewer, and from the older settlements little 
or no aid came to the frontier stations, until Col. Bowman, in 
August, 1777, came from Virginia with one hundred men. 
This, as the reader will remember, was a period of great distress 
throughout all the colonies, but of course none suffered more, 
or evinced more courage and fortitude, than the settlers of the 
West. On the other hand, these men bore an important burden 
of the war for independence. What might have become of the 
resistance of the colonies had England been allowed to pour 
her troops upon the rear of the Americans, through Canada, 
assisted as they would have been by all the Indian tribes? 'No 
doubt the contest before the stations of Kentucky and Clark's 
bold incursions into Illinois, and against Vincennes, had much 
to do in deciding the fortunes of the great struggle. 



CHAPTER XX 

The Conquest op Illinois — Colonel George Rogers Clark — His 
Expedition against the Posts in Illinois — A Bloodless Con- 
quest — Singular Stratagem -Colonel Clark's Speech to thb 
Indians — Interesting Incidents. 

The pioneers of the west, althongh surrounded by those 
dangers and difficulties in 1777, held fast to their purposes. In 
the autumn of this year the settlers of Kentucky began to 
organize, and George Rogers Clark, her chief spirit, he that 
had represented her beyond the mountains the year before, was 
meditating a trip to Williamsburg, for the purpose of urging 
a bolder and more decided measure than any yet proposed. He 
understood the whole game of the British.^ He saw that it 
was through their possession of Detroit, Yincennes, Kaskaskia, 
and the other western posts, which gave them easy and constant 
access to the Indian tribes of the northwest, that the British 
hoped to effect such a union of the wild men as would annihil- 
ate the frontier fortresses. He knew that the Delawares were 
divided in feeling, and the Shawanoes but imperfectly united 
in favor of England ever since the murder of Cornstalk. He 
was convinced that could the British in the northwest be 
defeated and expelled, the natives might be easily awed or 
bribed into neutrality ; and by spies sent for the purpose, and 
who were absent from the twentieth of April till the twenty- 
second of June, he had satisfied himself that an enterprise 
against the Illinois settlements might easily succeed. 

George Rogers Clark, whose portrait appears on another 
page, was truly the founder of Kentucky, and the most emi- 
nent of the early settlers of the west. He was born November 
19th, 1752, in Albemarle county, Virginia, f In early Kfe he 

* Western Annals. f Clark's Papers. 

(157) 



158 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEHI 

had been, like Washington, a surveyor, and more lately had 
served in Dunmore's war. He first visited Kentucky in 1775,. 
and held apparently at that time the rank of major. Returning 
to Virginia in the autumn of 1775, he prepared to move per- 
manently to the west in the following spring. Having done 
this eai'ly in 1776, Clark, whose views reached much farther than 
those of most of the pioneers, set himself seriously to consider 
the condition and prospects of the young republic to which he 
had attached his life and fortune. 

As we have seen, he was now preparing to move against the 
British posts in the west; and accordingly, on the first of Oc- 
tober, 1777, he left Harrodsburg, Kentucky, and reached the 
capital of Virginia on the fifth of i^ovember. Telling no one 
of his purpose, he diligently watched the state of feeling among 
those in power, waiting for the proper moment to present his 
plan. Fortunately, before his arrival Burgoyne had surren- 
dered, which animated the x\mericans witli new hope. On the 
tenth of December Colonel Clark presented his scheme to 
Patrick Henry, who was still governor. Henry received the 
idea with favor. Already the necessity of securing possession 
of the western outposts had been presented to Congress, and 
many events that had taken place on the frontier combined to 
urge the expediency of the plan. Clark having satisfied the 
Virginia leaders of the feasibility of his plan, received, on the 
second of January, 1778, two sets of instructions — the public 
one authorizing him to enlist seven companies to go to Ken- 
tucky, subject to his orders, and to serve for three months from 
their arrival in the west ; the secret orders provided for the 
expedition against Kaskaskia, the British post in Illinois.* 

* "Virginia: Secret. In Council — Williamsburg, January 2, 1778. Lieut. Colonel 
George R. Clark : You are to proceed, witli all convenient speed, to raise seven companies 
of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the usual manner, and armed most 
properly for the enterprise, and with this force attack the British force at Kaskasky. 

" It is conjectured that there are many pieces of cannon and military stores to consider- 
able amount at that place, the taking and preservation of which would be a valuable 
acq-iisition to the State. If you are so fortunate, therefore, as to succeed in your expedi- 
tion, you will take every possible measure to secure the artillery and stores, and whatever 
may advantage the State. 

" For the transportation of the troops, provisions, etc., down the Ohio, you are to apply 
to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt for boats; and during the whole transaction you 
are to take especial care to keep the true destination of your force secret. Its success 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF 'nVO CENTURIES. 159 

With these instructions and twelve hundred pounds in the 
depreciated currency of the time, Colonel Clark started for 
Fort Pitt. As the country was in need of all the soldiers that 
could be mustered east of the Alleghanies, Clark therefore pro- 
posed to raise his men in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt, while, 
for the purpose of hurrying up the enlistments, Major "W. B. 
Smith went to Holston, and other officers to other points. They 
did not succeed, liowever, as they had hoped to. At Fort Pitt 
Clark found the people unwilling to forsake their own homes, 
which were in imminent danger, to defend Kentucky. At 
length Clark, with three or four companies, which was all he 
could raise, descended the Ohio, which he navigated as far as 
the falls, where he took possession of and fortiiied Corn Island, 
opposite the sight of the present city of Louisville. At this 
place Colonel Bowman was to meet him with additional troops. 
At this point he told his army their real mission. Having 
waited until his arrangements were all completed, he departed 
on the twenty-fourth of June, and descended the river. His 
plan was to follow the Ohio down as far as Fort Massac, and 
thence to go by land direct to Kaskaskia. But little baggage 

depends upou this. Orders are therefore given to Captain Smith to secure the two men 
from Kaskasky. Similar conduct will be proper in similar cases. 

" It is earnestly desired that you show humanity to such British subjects and other per- 
sons as fall in your hands. If the white inhabitants at that post and neighborhood will 
give undoubted evidence of their attachment to this State (for it is certain they live within 
its limits), by taking the test prescribed by law, and by every other way and means in their 
power, let them be treated as fellow citizens, and their persons and property duly secured. 
Assistance and protection against all enemies whatever shall be afforded them, and the 
Commonwealth of Virginia is pledged to accomplish it. But if these people will not 
accede to these reasonable demands, they must feel the miseries of war under the direc- 
tion of that humanity that has hitherto distinguished Americans, and which it is expected 
you will ever consider as the rule of your conduct, and from which you are in no instance 
to depart. 

" The corps you are to command are to receive the pay and allowance of militia, and to 
act under the laws and regulations of this State now in force, as militia. The inhabitants 
at this post will bo informed Iwyou, that in case they accede to the offers of becoming 
citizens of this Commonwealth, a proper garrison will be maintained among them, and 
every attention bestowed to render their commerce beneficial, the fairest prospects being 
opened to the dominions of both France and Spain. 

" It is in contemplation to establish a post near the mouth of the Ohio. Cannon will 
be wanted to fortify it. Part of those at Kaskasky will be easily brought thither, or other- 
wise secured, as circumstances will make necessary. 

"You arc to apply to General Hand, at Pittsburgh, for powder and lead necessary for 
this expedition. If he can't supply -it, the person who has tha>t which Captain Lynn 
brought from New Orleans can. Lead was sent to Hampshire by my orders, and that may 
be delivered you. Wishing you success, I am, sir, your humble servant, P. HENRY." 



160 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

was taken. He depended for success entirely upon surprise. 
Should he fail, he intended to cross the Mississippi and escape 
into the Spanish settlements. Before he commenced his march 
he received two. pieces of information of which he made good 
use at the proper time, by means of which he conquered the 
west without bloodshed. One of these important items was 
the alliance of France with the colonies. This at once made 
the American side popular with the French and Indians of 
Illinois and the lakes ; France having never lost her hold upon 
her ancient subjects and allies, and England having never 
secured their confidence. The other item was that the inhabit- 
ants of Kaskaskia and other old towns had been led by the 
British to believe that the " Long Knives " or Virginians were 
the most fierce, cruel and blood-thirsty savages that ever scalped 
a foe. With this impression on their minds Clark saw that 
proper conduct would readily force them to submit from fear, 
if surprised, and then to become friendly from gratitude when 
treated with unexpected kindness. 

After some time the party landed at Fort Massac, and 
secured their boats in the mouth of a small creek. From this 
point their route lay through a wilderness without a path a 
distance of over one hundred miles. After a tedious journey 
they approached, on the fourth of July, 1778, near the town, 
and secreted themselves among the hills east of the Kaskaskia 
river. Colonel Clark sent forward his spies to watch the pro- 
ceedings of the people, and after dark put his troops in motion 
and took possession of a house, where a family lived, about 
three-quarters of a mile above the town. Here they found 
boats and canoes. The troops were divided into three parties, 
two of which were ordered to cross the river, while the other, 
under the immediate command of Col. Clark, took possession 
of the fort. Kaskaskia then contained about two hundred and 
fifty houses. Persons who could speak the French language 
were ordered to pass through the streets and make proclama- 
tion, that all the inhabitants must keep within their houses, 
under penalty of being shot down in the streets. The few 
British otiicers, who had visited these French colonies since the 
commencement of the rebellion of their Atlantic colonies, as 




GEN. GEORGE ROGERS CLARK 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 161 

thej termed the Eevolntion, had told the most exaggerated 
stories about the brutality and ferocity of the " Long-Knives;" 
that they would not only take the property of the people, but 
would butcher, in a most horrible manner, men, women and 
children ! The policy of these stories M'as to excite in the 
minds of these simple-hearted French people the most fearful 
apprehensions against the colonists, that they might be watch- 
ful and be prepared for a determined resistance, should any 
attempt be made on these remote posts. These stories were a 
stimulus to the French traders to supply the Indians with 
guns, ammunition and scalping-knives, to aid their depreda- 
tions on the settlements of Kentucky.* 

Clark had possessed himself of these facts, and respecting 
them says: " I was determined to improve upon this, if I was 
fortunate enough to get them into my possession ; as I con- 
cieved the greater the shock I could give them at first, the 
more sensibly they would feel my lenity, and become more 
valuable friends." 

Clark's plan was to produce a terrible panic in the town, and 
then to capture it without bloodshed, and with his keen sagac- 
ity, he accomplished it in a perfect manner. 

The two parties having ei'ossed the river, entered the quiet 
and unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling in the most 
furious manner, while those who made the proclamation in 
French, ordered the people into their houses, on pain of 
instant death. In a few moments all were screaming, " les 
long Couteaux! les long CouteauxP^ — the long knives ! the 
long knives ! 

Not more than half an hour after the surprise of the town, 
the inhabitants all surrendered and delivered up their arms to 
their conqueror. No blood had been shed, yet the victory was 
complete. M. Kocheblave; the governor of the place, was taken 
in his chamber, but his public papers and documents were 
either concealed or destroyed by his wife. Throughout the 
whole of the following night the troops marched up and down 
the streets, yelling and whooping after the Indian fashion. 
This was a part of Colonel Clark's plan to terrify the inhabit- 
* Peck's narrative. 
11 



162 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

ants. Indeed, he took every possible measure to raise the 
fears of the people. The town was in possession of an enemy 
the inhabitants had been taught were the most ferocious and 
brutal of all men, and of whom they entertained the most 
horrible apprehensions, and all intercourse was strictly pro- 
hibited between each other, and the conquerors. After five 
days the troops were removed to the outskirts of the town, and 
the citizens were permitted to walk in the streets. But finding 
them engaged in conversation, one with another. Col. Clark 
ordered some of the officers to be put in irons, without assign- 
ing a single reason, or permitting a word of defense. This 
singular display of despotic power in the conqueror, did not 
spring from a cruel disposition, or a disregard to the principles 
of liberty, but it was the course of policy he had marked out 
to gain his object. 

At length M. Gibault, the parish priest, got permission to 
wait on Col. Clark. He was accompanied by several of the 
elderly inhabitants of the place. When they came into the 
presence of Clark and his soldiers, they were shocked at their 
untidy personal appearance. Their clothes were dirty and 
torn, their beards of four weeks' growth, and they looked as 
frightful as native warriors. Finally, the priest, in a very 
submissive tone and posture, remarked that the inhabitants 
expected to be separated perhaps never to meet again, and they 
begged through him, as a great favor from their conqueror, to 
be permitted to assemble in the church, ofier up their prayers 
to G-od for their souls, and take leave of each other! 

Colonel Clark replied carelessly, saying that the Americans 
did not trouble themselves about the religion of others, but 
left every man to worship God as he pleased ; that they might 
go to church if they pleased, but on no account must a single 
person leave the town. Thus saying, the Colonel dismissed 
them abruptly, hoping to raise their alarm to the highest pitch. 

The priest and the Frenchmen hurried away and in a few 
hours the whole population assembled in the church, where, as 
for the last time, they mournfully chanted their prayers and 
bid each other farewell, " never expecting to meet again in 
this world." After the service, the priest and the old men of 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OK TWO (TCNTUHIES. 163 

the town returned to the headquarters of the conqueror and 
began to plead in behalf of their lives. Tliey were willing to 
give up all their property, but asked for sufficient clothing for 
their present requirements, and prayed that they might not 
be separated from their families. 

Clark having now fully accomplished his purpose, addressed 
them the following reply: 

" Who do you take me to be? Do you think we are sav- 
ages — that we intend to massacre you all? Do you think 
Americans will strip women and children, and take the bread 
out of their mouths? My countrymen," said the gallant 
Colonel, " never make war upon the innocent ! It was to 
protect our own wives and children that we have penetrated 
this wilderness, to subdue these British posts, from whence the 
savages are supplied with arms and ammunition to murder us. 
We do not war against Frenchmen. The King of France, your 
former master, is our ally. His ships and soldiers are fighting 
for the Americans. The French are our firm friends. Go, 
and enjoy your religion and worship when you please. Retain 
your property — and now please to inform all your citizens 
for me that they are quite at liberty to conduct themselves 
as usual, and dismiss all apprehensions of alarm. We are your 
friends and come to deliver you from the British." 

The reader will hardly be able to imagine the sudden revul- 
sion of feeling which this reply produced. In a few moments 
the news had been communicated to all within the town, and 
now the bells rang out merrily. The people, headed by the 
priest, again repaired to the little church, where the Te Dewm 
was loudly sung. All now cheerfully acknowledged Col. Clark 
as commandant of the country. 

An expedition was next formed against Cahokia, and Major 
Bowman, with his detachment mounted on French ponies, was 
ordered to surprise that post. Several Kaskaskia gentlemen 
ofiered their services to proceed ahead, notify the Cahokians 
of the change of government, and prepare them to give the 
Americans a cordial reception. The plan w-as entirely success- 
ful, and the post was subjugated without the disaster of a 



164 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

battle. Indeed, there were not a dozen British soldiers in the 
garrison. 

These cnnning Virginians, in their talk with the towns- 
people, represented that a large army was encamped at the 
falls of the Ohio, which would soon subjugate all the British 
posts in the West, and that Post Vincent would be invaded by a 
detachment from that army. He soon learned from the French 
that Abbott, the commandant of that post, had gone to Detroit 
and that the defense of the place was left with the citize;is, 
who were mostly French. M. Gibalt readily undertook the 
task of bringing the inhabitants of that place over to the 
Americans, which he accomplished without the aid of a mili- 
tary force, and now the American flag was raised above the 
fort, and Capt. Helm appointed to the command, much to the 
disgust of the neighboring savages. 

The three months term on which the soldiers had enlisted 
now expired, but Col. Clark, determined not to leave the 
country half conquered, opened a new enlistment. He also 
issued commissions for French officers in the country to com- 
mand a company of the inhabitants. 

A garrison was next established at Cohokia, commanded by 
Capt. Bowman, and another at Kaskaskia, commanded by 
Capt. Williams. As we have seen Capt. Helm had been ap- 
pointed to the command at Fort Vincent. Everywhere through- 
out Illinois the French enlisted themselves warmly in the 
support of the Americans. The French Governor, M. Eoche- 
blave, was conducted to Virginia a prisoner of war. 

Soon after the House of Burgesses of Virginia created the 
county of Illinois* and appointed John Todd, Esq., then of 

*The act contained the following provisions: "All the citizens of the Commonwealth 
of Virginia, who are ah-eady settled, or shall hereafter settle, on the western side of the 
Ohio, shall he included in a distinct county which shall he c&WeA IlUnois county; and 
the Governor of this Commonwealth, with the advice of the Council, may appoint a 
county Lieutenant, or Commander-in-Chief, in that county, during pleasure, who shall 
appoint and commission so many deputy commandants, militia and officers, and com- 
missaries, as he shall think proper, in the different districts, during pleasure, all of 
whom, before they enter into office, shall take the oath of fidelity to this Common- 
wealth, and the oath of office, according to the form of their own religion. And all 
civil officers to which the inhabitants have been accustomed, necessary to the preserva- 
tion of peace and the administration of justice, shall be chosen by a majority of 
cittzens in their respective districts, to be convened for that purpose, by the county 
Lieutenant or Commandant, or his deputy, and shall be commissioned by the said 
county Lieutenant or Commander-in-Chief. " 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 165 

Kentucky, lieutenant colonel and civil commandant. In No- 
vember the Legislature passed a complimentary resolution to 
Clark and his men for the valuable services rendered in subdu- 
ing the British outposts. 

After organizing a civil government and providing for an 
election of magistrates by the people, Col. Clark directed his 
attention to the subjugation of the Indian tribes. In this he 
also displayed great ability. It has been said that no com- 
mander ever subdued as many warlike tribes in so short a time 
and at so little expense of life. His meetings with them began 
at Cahokia in September, 1778, and his principles of action 
are worthy of comment. He never loaded them with presents; 
never manifested any fear of them, yet he always respected 
their courage and ability. He always waited for them to make 
the first advance of peace, and after they had concluded their 
speeches and thrown away the bloody wampum sent them by 
the English, Clark would coldly tell them that he would give 
them an answer on the following day, but at the same time 
cautioned them against shaking hands with the Americans, as 
peace was not yet concluded. The next day the Indians would 
come to hear the answer of the " Big Knife," as they called 
Col. Clark, which they always found full of decision and 
firmness. 

The following is the speech he delivered to the tribes who 
sued for peace at the Council of Cahokia: 

" Men and Warriors : pay attention to my words. You informed me 
yesterday, that the Great Spirit had brought us together, and that you hoped 
that as he was good, it would be for good. I have also the same hope, and 
expect that each party will strictly adhere to whatever may be agreed 
upon, whether it shall be peace or war, and henceforward, prove ourselves 
worthy of the attention of the Great Spirit. I am a man and a warrior, 
not a counseller ; I carry war in my right hand, and in my left, peace. I 
am sent by the Great Council of the Big Knife, and their friends, to take 
possession of all the towns possessed by the English in this country, and 
to watch the motions of tlie red people ; to bloody the paths of those who 
attempt to stop the course of the river ; but to clear the roads for us to those 
that desire to be in peace; that the women and children may walk in them 
without meeting anything to strike their feet against. I am ordered to 
call upon the Great Fire for warriors enough to darken the land, and that 
the red people may hear no sound, but of birds who live on blood. I know 



166 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

there is a mist before your eyes ; I will dispel the clouds, that you may 
clearly see the causes of the war between the Big Knife and the English; 
then you may judge for yourselves, which party is in the right; and if 
you are warriors, as you profess yourselves to be, prove it by adhering 
faithfully to the party, which you shall believe to be entitled to your 
friendship, and not show yourselves to be squaws. 

" The Big Knife is very much like the red people, they don't know how 
to make blankets, and powder, and cloth ; they buy these things from the 
English, from whom they are sprung. They live by making corn, hunt^ 
ing and trade, as you and your neighbors, the French, do. But the Big 
Knife, daily getting more numerous, like the trees in the woods, the land 
became poor, and the hunting scarce ; and having but little to trade with, 
the women began to cry at seeing their children naked, and tried to learn 
how to make clothes for themselves ; some made blankets for their hus- 
bands and children ; and the men learned to make guns and powder. In 
this way we did not want to buy so much from the English; they then got 
mad with us, and sent strong garrisons through our country (as you see 
they have done among you on the lakes, and among the French,) they 
would not let our women spin, nor our men make powder, nor let us trade 
with any body else. The English said, we should buy every thing from 
them, and since we had got saucy, we should give two bucks for a blanket, 
which we used to get for one ; we should do as they pleased, and they killed 
some of our people, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and the 
real cause of the war between the English and us ; which did not take place 
iTor some time after this treatment. But our women become cold and hun- 
gry, and continued to cry; our young men got lost for want of counsel to 
put them in the right path. The whole land was dark, the old men held 
down their heads for shame, because they could not see the sun, and thus 
there was mourning for many years over the land. At last the Great 
Spirit took pity on us, and kindled a great council fire, that never goes 
out, at a place called Philadelphia; he then stuck down a post, and put a 
war tomahawk by it, and went away. The sun immediately broke out, the 
sky was blue again, and the old men held up their heads, and assembled 
at the fire ; they took up the hatchet, sharpened it, and put it into the 
hands of our young men, ordering them to strike the English as long as 
they could find one on this side of the great waters. The young men 
immediately struck the war post, and blood was shed ; in this way the war 
began, and the English were driven from one place to another, until they 
got weak, and then they hired you red people to fight for them. The 
Great Spirit got angry at this, and caused your old Father, the French 
King, and other great nations, to join the Big Knife, and fight with them 
against all their enemies. So the English have become like a deer in the 
woods ; and you may see that it is the Great Spirit that has caused your 
waters to be troubled ; because you have fought for the people he was mad 
with. If your women and children should now cry, you must blame 
yourselves for it, and not the Big Knife. You can now judge who is in 
the right ; I have already told you who I am ; here is a bloody belt, and a 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTUKIES. 167 

white one, take which you please. Behave like men, and don't let your 
being surrounded by the Big Knife, cause you to take up the one belt with 
your hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you take the bloody 
path, you shall leave the town in safety, and may go and join your friends, 
the English ; we will then try like warriors, who can put the most stumb- 
ling blocks in each other's way, and keep our clothes longest stained with 
blood. If, on the other hand, you should take the path of peace, and be 
received as brothers to the Big Knife, with their friends, the French, 
should you then listen to bad birds, that may be flying through the land, 
you will no longer deserve to be counted as men ; but as creatures with 
two tongues, that ought to be destroyed without listening to anything you 
might say. As I am convinced you never heard the truth before, I do not 
wish you to answer before yon have taken time to counsel. We will, 
therefore, part this evening, and when the Great Spirit shall bring us 
together again, let us speak and think like men, with one heart and one 
tongue." 

This speech produced the desired effect, and, upon the fol- 
lowing day, the " Red People," and the "Big Knives " united 
in peace. It will be impossible, within the scope of this vol- 
ume, to give a full account of all the interesting incidents 
which surrounded the actions of Colonel Chirk in the A\^est. 
Following is one, however, which I cannot omit: A party of 
Indians, known as the Meadow Indians,* had come to attend 
the council with their neighbors. These, by some means, were 
induced to attempt the murder of the invaders, and tried to 
obtain an opportunity to commit the crime proposed, by sur- 
prising Clark and his officers in their quarters. In this plan 
they failed, and their purpose was discovered by the sagacity 
of the French in attendance; when this was done, Clark gave 
them to the French to deal with as they pleased, but with a 
hint that some of the leaders would be as well in irons. Thus 
fettered and foiled, the chiefs were brought daily to the council 
house, where he whom they proposed to kill, was engaged daily 
in forming friendly relations with their red brethren. At 
length, when by these means the futility of their project had 
been sufficiently impressed upon them, the American com- 
mander ordered their irons to be struck off, and in his quiet 
way, full of scorn, said, "Everybody thinks you ought to die 
for your treachery upon my life, amidst the sacred deliberations 

* Peck's Narrative. 



168 THE I.IVES OF PONTIAC AND TECDMSEH: 

of a council. I had determined to inflict death upon you for 
your base attempt, and you yourselves must be sensible that 
you have justly forfeited your lives; but on considering the 
meanness of watching a bear and catching him asleep, I have 
found out that you are not warriors, only old women, and toO' 
mean to be killed by the Big Knife. But," continued he, " as 
you ought to be punished for putting on breech cloths like men,, 
they shall be taken away from you, plenty of provisions shall 
be given for your journey home, as women don't know how to 
hunt, and during your stay you shall be treated in every 
respect as squaws." These few cutting words concluded, the 
Colonel turned away to converse with others. The children 
of the prairie, who had looked for anger, not contempt — pun- 
ishment, not freedom — were unaccountably stirred by this 
treatment. They took counsel together, and presently a chief 
came forward with a belt and pipe of peace, which^ with proper 
words, he laid upon the table. The interpreter stood ready to 
translate the words of friendship, but, with curling lip,, the 
American said he did not wish to hear them, and lifting a. 
sword which lay before him, he shattered the offered pipe, withi 
the cutting expression that " he did not treat with women." 
The bewildered, overwhelmed Meadow Indians, next asked the 
intercession of other red men, already admitted to friendship, 
but the only reply was, " The Big Knife has made no war upon 
these people ; they are of a kind that we shoot like wolves when 
we meet them in' the woods, lest they eat the deer." All this 
wrought more and more upon the offending tribe; again they 
took counsel, and then two young men came forward, and, cov- 
ering their heads with their blankets, sat down before the 
impenetrable commander; then two chiefs arose, and stating 
that these young warriors offered their lives as an atonement 
for the misdoings of their relatives, again they presented the- 
pipe of peace. Silence reigned in the assembly, while the fate 
of the proffered victims hung in suspense; all watched the 
countenance of the American leader, who could scarce master- 
the emotion which the incident excited. Still, all sat noiseless,, 
nothing heard but the deep breathing of those whose lives thus 
hung by a thread. Presently, he upon whom all depended,, 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 169 

arose, and, ajjproacbing the young men, he bade them be 
uncovered and stand up. They sprang to their feet. *■' I am 
glad to find," said Clark, warmly, " that there are men among 
all nations. With you, who alone are fit to be chiefs of your 
tribe, 1 am willing to treat; through you I am ready to grant 
peace to your brothers; I take you by the hands as chiefs, 
worthy of being such." Here again the fearless generosity, 
the generous fearlessness of Clark, proved perfectly successful, 
and while the tribe in question became the allies of America, 
the fame of the occurrence, which spread far and wide through 
the Northwest, made the name of the white negotiator every- 
where respected. 



CHAPTEK XXI. 

€oN(2UEST OF Illinois Continued — Bravery op George Rogers 
(lark — Re-taking of Post Vincennes by Col. Hamilton — 
Courage op Capt. Helm — Clark's Expedition against Hamil- 
ton — Hamilton taken Prisoner — Results op Clark's Cam- 
paign. 

It was not long before Vincennes (Yincent) was recaptured 
by Henry Hamilton, the British Lient.-Governor of Detroit. 
He collected an army ot thirty regulars, fifty French volun- 
teers, and four hundred Indians, and went down from Detroit, 
to the "Wabash, and thence to Vincennes, where he appeared on 
the fifteenth of December, 1778. The people did not attempt 
to defend the place, as Capt. Helm and a man named Henry 
were the only Americans in the post. Helm, however, placed 
a cannon in the open gateway, and stood beside it with a 
lighted match, and as Col. Hamilton's party approached within 
hailing distance, the bold captain commanded them to halt, 
whereupon the British commander stopped and summoned the 
garrison to surrender. " No man shall enter here until I knoAv 
the terms," said Helm. Seeing this firmness, Hamilton 
replied: "Tou shall have the honors of war." The fort was 
then surrendered, and the one officer and the one soldier 
received due marks of respect for their bravery. Helm was 
held in the fort as a prisoner, the French were disarmed, and, 
bands of hostile Indians began to appear around the other 
posts. Col. Clark's situation now became dangerous. He 
ordered Major Bowman to evacuate the fort at Cahokia, and 
join him at Kaskaskia. " I could see," says Clark, " but little 
probability of keeping possession of the country, as my num- 
ber of men was too small to stand a seige, and my situation 
too remote to call for assistance. I made all the preparations 
(170) 



OR, THE BOKDKK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 



171 



I possibly could for the attack, and was necessitated to set lire 
to some of the outhouses in the town to clear them out of the 
way." At this time Clark was trying to conceive a plan for 
capturing Col. Hamilton, and retaking Post Vincennes. He 
engaged Col. Francis Vigo, then a wealthy resident of St. 
Louis, to go to Yiucennes and investigate its strength. At 
Clark's request this brave Spanish officer, with a single attend- 
ant, started for Vincennes, but was captured at the Embarrass 
by a party of Indians, who plundered him and brought him to 
Col. Hamilton. Being a Spanish subject, Hamilton had no 
power to hold him prisoner, but, set him at liberty only on the 
condition that he would return direct to St. Louis. This Vigo 
did, but remained only long enough to change his dress, when 
he returned to Kasl^askia, and gave Col. Clark full information 
of the condition of the British post at Vincennes, the pro- 
jected movement of Hamilton, and the friendly feelings of the 
French towards the Americans. From him Col. Clark learned 
that a portion of the British troops were absent on marauding 
parties with the Indians, that the garrison consisted of about 
eighty regular soldiers, three brass field pieces, and some 
swivels, and that Gov. Hamilton meditated the re-capture of 
Kaskaskia early in the spring. Col. Clark determined on the 
bold project of an expedition to Vincennes, of which he wrote 
to Gov. Henry, and sent an express to Virginia. As a reason 
for this hazardous project, Col. Clark urged the force and 
designs of Hamilton, saying to Governor Henry in his letter, 
" I knew if I did not take him he would take me." 

A boat was prepared, carrying two four pounders, and four 
swivels, and commanded by Capt. John Eogers, with forty-six 
men, and provisions, was dispatched from Kaskaskia to the 
Ohio, with orders to proceed up the Wabash as secretly as 
possible to a place near the mouth of the Embarrass. Two 
companies of men were raised from Cahokia, and Kaskaskia, 
commanded by Captains McCarty and Charleville, which, with 
the Americans, amounted to one hundred and seventy men. 
The winter was exceedingly wet, and all the streams and low 
land in that section of the country were overflowed, but not- 
withstanding this, the fragment of an army, on the seventh of 



172 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

Februarj, 1779, commenced its march from Kaskaskia. Their 
route lay through the prairies and points of timber east of the 
Kaskaskia river — a northeasterly course, through Washington 
and Marion counties, into Clay county, where the trail, notice- 
able as late as 1830, crossed the route from St. Louis to Yin- 
cennes. "This was one of the most dreary and fatiguing 
expeditions of the Revolutionary War." After inexpressible 
hardships, the little army reached the Little Wabash, the low 
bottoms of which, for many miles, were covered with water 
from three to four feet deep. On the thirteenth of February 
they arrived at the mouth of " Muddy River," as it was then 
called, where they made a canoe and ferried over their bag- 
gage, which they placed on a scaifold on the opposite bank, to 
keep it out of the water. Rains fell nearly every day, but the 
weather was not extremely cold. Up to this point they had 
borne their hardships with great fortitude, but now the spirits 
of many began to flag. Among the party was an Irishman 
who could sing many comic songs, and as the party were 
wading in the water up to their waists, this curious fellow sat 
upon his large drum, which readily floated him, and enter- 
tained the half perishing troops with his comic musical talents. 
On the eighteenth of the same month they heard the morning 
gun of the fort, and on the evening of the same day they were 
on the Great Wabash, below the mouth of the Embarrass. 
This is the spot where, as we have seen, they were to meet tlie 
boat with supplies. But now there were no signs of it, and 
the troops were in the most exhausted, destitute and starving 
condition. The river had overflowed its banks, all the low 
ground was covered wdth water, and canoes could not be con- 
structed to carry them over before the British garrison would 
discover and capture the whole party. On the twentieth of 
February they captured a boat from Post Yincennes, and from 
the crew, whom they detained, they learned that the French 
population were friendly to the Americans, and that no sus- 
picion of the expedition had reached the British gari'ison. 

The remainder of the march is so full of incident, and so 
worthy of preservation, that I will permit Col. Clark to give 
the narrative in his own peculiar language : 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CT^INTURIES. 173 

"This last day's march * (February 21st,) through the water, 
was far superior to any thing the Frenchmen had any idea of; 
they were backward in speaking — said that the nearest land to 
-us was a small league, called the sugar camp, on the bank of 
the slough. A canoe was sent off and returned without finding 
that we could pass, I went in her myself and sounded the 
water; found it deep as to my neck. I returned with a design 
to have the men transported on board the canoes to the sugar 
camp, which I knew would spend the whole day and ensuing 
night, as the vessels would pass slowly through the bushes. 
The loss of so much time, to men half starved, was a matter 
of consequence. I would have given now a great deal for a 
day's provision, or for one of our horses. I returned but 
slowly to the troops, giving myself time to think. On our 
arrival all ran to hear what was the report. Every eye was 
fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke in a serious manner to 
one of the officers ; the whole were alarmed without knowing 
what I said. I viewed their confusion for about one minute — 
whispered to those near me to do as I did — immediately put 
some water in my hand, poured on powder, blackened my 
face, gave the war-whoop, marched into the water, without 
saying a word. The party gazed, fell in, one after another, 
without saying a word, like a fiock of sheep. I ordered those 
near me to give a favorite song of theirs; it soon passed 
through the line, and the whole went on cheerfully. I now 
intended to have them transported across the deepest part of 
the water, but when about waist deep, one of the men informed 
me that he thought he felt a path. We examined and- found 
it so, and concluded that it kept on the highest ground, which 
it did, and by taking pains to follow it we got to the sugar 
camp without the least difiiculty, where there was about half 
an acre of dry ground, at least not under water, where we took 
up our lodgings. The Frenchmen that we had taken on the 
river appeared to be uneasy at our situation. They begged 
that they might be permitted to go in the two canoes to town 
in the night; they said they would bring from their own houses 
provisions without the possibility of any person knowing it; 

* Clark's Journal. 



174 THE LIVKS OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH I 

that some of our men should go with them as a surety of their 
good conduct — that it was impossible we could march fi-om 
that place till the water fell, for the plain was too deep to 
march. Some of the [officers?] believed that it might be done. 
I would not suffer it. I nev^-er could well account for this piece 
of obstinacy, and give satisfactory reasons to myself, or any 
body else, why I denied a proposition apparently so easy to 
execute, and of so much advantage; but something seemed to 
tell me it should not be done, and it was not done. 

" The most of the weather that we had on this march was 
moist and warm, for the season. This was the coldest night 
we had. The ice in the morning was from one-half to three- 
quarters of an inch thick, near the shores, and in still water. 
The morning was the finest we had on our march. A little 
after sunrise I lectured the whole. What I said to them I forget, 
but it may easily be imagined by a person that could possess 
my affections for them at that time; I concluded by informing 
them that passing the plain that was then in full view, and 
reaching the opposite woods would put an end to their fatigue — 
that in a few hours they would have a sight of their long 
wished for object — and immediately stepped into the water 
without waiting for any reply. A huzza took place. As we 
generally marched through the water in a line, before the third 
entered I halted and called to Major Bowman, ordered him to 
fall in the rear with twenty-five men, and to put to death any 
man who refused to march, as we wished to have no such per- 
son among us. The whole gave a cry of approbation, and on 
we went. This was the most trying of all the difiiculties we 
had experienced. I generally kept fifteen or twenty of the 
strongest men next myself, and judged from my own feelings 
what must be that of others. Getting about the middle of the 
plain, the water about mid-deep, I found myself sensibly failing; 
and as there were no trees or bushes for the men to support 
themselves by, I feared that many of the most weak would be 
drowned. I ordered the canoes to make the land, discharge 
their loading, and play backwards and forwards with all dili- 
gence, and pick up the men; and to encourage the party, sent 
some of the strongest men forward with orders, when they got 



OB, THK BOKDEK WAKS OK 'l-WO CENTURIES. 176 

to a certain distance, to pass the word back that the water was 
getting shallow; and when getting near the woods to cry out 
'Land!' This stratagem had its desired effect. The men, 
encouraged bj it, exerted themselves almost beyond their abil- 
ities, the weak holding by the stronger. * * * The water 
never got shallower, but continued deej^ening. Getting to the 
woods where the men expected land, the water was up to my 
shoulders; but gaining the woods was of great consequence; 
all the low men and weakly, hung to the trees, and floated on 
the old logs until they were taken ofi" by the canoes. The 
strong and tall got ashore and built fires. Many would reach 
the shore and fall with their bodies half in the water, not being 
able to support themselves without it. 

" This was a delightful dry spot of ground of about ten acres. 
We soon found that fires answered no purpose; but that two 
strong men taking a weaker one by the arms was the only 
way to recover him; and, being a de 'ghtful day, it soon did. 
But, fortunately, as if designed by Providence, a canoe of 
Indian squaws and children were coming up to town, and took 
through part of this plain as a nigh way. It was discovered 
by our canoes as they were out after the men. They gave 
chase and took the Indian canoe, on board of which was near 
half a quarter of buffalo, some corn, tallow, kettles, etc. This 
was a grand prize, and was invaluable. Broth was immediately 
made and served out to the most weakly with great care; most 
or the whole got a little; but a great many gave their part to 
the weakly, jocosely saying sometliing cheering to their com- 
rades. This little refreshment and fine weather, by the after- 
noon, gave life to the whole. Crossing a narrow deep lake in 
the canoes, and marching some distance, we came to a copse 
of timber called the ' Warrior's Island.' We were now in full 
view of the fort and town, not a shrub between us, at about 
two miles distance. Every man now feasted his eyes and 
forgot that he had suffered anything — saying that all that had 
passed was owing to good policy, and nothing but what a man 
could bear ; and that a soldier had no right to think, etc., 
passing from one extreme to another, which is common in such 
cases. It was now we had to display our abilities. The plain 



176 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEHt 

between us and the town was not a perfect level. The sunken 
grounds were covered with water full of ducks. We observed 
several men out on horseback, shooting them, within half a 
mile of us, and sent out as many of our active young French- 
men to decoy and take one of these men prisoner, in such a 
manner as not to alarm the others, which they did. The 
information we got from this person was similar to that which 
we got from those we took on the river, except that of the 
British having that evening completed the wall of the fort, and 
that there were a good many Indians in town. 

"Our situation was now truly critical; no possibility of 
retreating in case of defeat, and in full view of a town that 
had at this time upwards of six hundred men in it, ti'oops, 
inhabitants and Indians. The crew of the galley, though not 
fifty men, would now have been a reinforcement of immense 
magnitude to our little army, (if I may so call it,) but we 
would not think of them. We were now in the situation that 
I had labored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made 
prisoner was foreign to almost every man, as they expected 
nothing but torture from the savages if they fell into their 
hands. Our fate was now to be determined, probably in a few 
hours. We knew that nothing but the most daring conduct 
would ensure success. I knew that a number of the inhabitants 
wished us well, that many were lukewarm to the interest of 
either, and I also learned that the Grand Chief, the Tobacco's 
son, but a few days before openly declared in council with the 
British, that he was a brother and a friend to the Big Knives. 
These were favorable circumstances, and as there was but little 
probability of our remaining until dark undiscovered, I deter- 
mined to begin the career immediately, and wrote the follow- 
ing placard to the inhabitants : 

To THE Inhabitants of VmcENNES. — Gentlemen: Being now within 
two miles of your village, with my army, determined to take your fort this 
night, and not being willing to surprise you, I take this method to request 
such of you as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the liberty I bring 
you, to remain still in your houses, and those, if any there be, that are 
friends to the king, will instantly repair to the fort and join the hair-buyer 
General and fight like men. And if any such as do not go to the fort 
shall be discovered afterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO (!I<:NTURIES. 17» 

On the contrary, those who are true friends to liberty may dojnind on being 
well treated, and I once more request tliem to keep out of the streets. For 
■every one I find in arms on my arrival I shall treat hini as an enemy. 

(Signed) G. R. Clark. 

This notice had the desired efl'ect. It inspired the friendly 
inhabitants with coniidence and filled the enemy with terror. 
On the same day about sunset the little army set off to attack 
the fort. In order to convince Hamilton that the invaders 
consisted of a large army, Col. Clark divided his men into 
platoons, each displaying a different flag, and after marching 
and counter-marching around some mounds within sight of 
the fort, and making other demonstrations of numbers and 
strength till dark, Lieut. Bayley, with fourteen men, was sent 
to attack the fort. This party secured themselves within thirty 
yards of the fort, defended by a bank and safe from the enemy's 
fire, and as soon as a port hole was opened a dozen rifles were 
directed to the aperture. One soldier fell dead, and the rest 
could not be prevailed upon to stand to the guns. On the 
morning of the twenty-fourth, Col. Clark sent a flag of truce 
with the following letter to Col. Hamilton, while his men, for 
the first time in six days, were provided with breakfast: 

Sir: In order to save yourself from the impending storm that now 
threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender j^ourself, with all your 
garrison, stores, etc., etc. For if I am obliged to storm, you may depend 
upon such treatment as is justly due to a, murderer. Beware of destroying 
stores of any kind, or any papers or letters that are in your possession, or 
hurting one house in town, for, by Heavens, if you do, there shall be no 
mercy shown you. G. R. Clark. 

To Gov. Hamilton. 

Col. Hamilton replied as follows: 

Gov. Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col. Clark that he and his gar- 
rison are not disposed to be awed into any action unworthy British 
subjects. 

The attack was renewed with great vigor, and soon after 
Hamilton sent another message to the invader, as follows : 

Gov. Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for three days, during 
which time he promises that there shall be no defensive works carried on 
12 



178 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND 'ITICUMSEH '. 

in the garrison, on condition ttiat Col. Clark will observe, on his part, a 
like cessation of offensive work : that is, he wishes to confer with Col. 
Clark, as soon as can be, and promises that whatever may pass between 
them two and anotlier person mutually agreed on to be present, shall 
remain secret till matters be finished; as he wishes that whatever the 
result of the conference may be, it may tend to the honor and credit of 
each party. If Col. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the fort, 
Lieut. Gov. Hamilton will speak with him by the gate. 

Hettry Hamilton. 

This message was written on the 24th of February, 1779, 
and manifested a feeling that Clark had expected. His reply 
was: "Col. Clark's compliments to Gov. Hamilton, and begs 
leave to say that he will not agree to any terms other than Mr. 
Hamilton surrendering himself and garrison prisoners at dis- 
cretion. If Mr, Hamilton wants to talk with Col. Clark, he 
will meet him at the church with Capt. Helm." 

A conference was held as proposed, when Clark would agree 
only to a surrender, and threatened to massacre the leading 
men ... the fort for supplying the Indians with the means of 
annoyance and purchasing scalps, if his terms were not 
accepted. In a few moments afterwards Col. Clark dictated 
terms of sur . ader wliich were accepted.* On the twenty-fifth 
of February Fort Sackville was surrendered to the American 
troops and the garrison treated as prisoners of war. The stars 
and stripes were unfolded above its battlements and thirteen 
guns celebrated the victory. Seventy -nine prisoners and stores 
to the amount of fifty thousand dollars were captured by this 
bold enterprise, and the whole country along the Mississippi 
and Wabash remained ever after in the peaceful possession of 

* iBt. Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton agrees to deliver up to Co!. Clark Fort Sack- 
ville, as it is at present, with its stores, etc. 

'2d. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war and march out with 
their arms and accoutrements. 

3d. The garrison to be delivered up to-morrow, at ten o'clock. 

4th. Three days' time to he allowed the garrison to settle their accounts with the 
inhabitants and traders. 

5th. The otficers of the garrison to be allowed their necessary baggage, etc. 

Signed at Post St. Vincennes, the 34th day of February, 1779; agreed to for the fol- 
lowing reasons: Ist. Remoteness from succor; 2d. The state and quantity of provisions; 
3d. The rmanimity of the officers and men in its expediency; 4th. The honorable tenna 
allowed: and. lastly, the confidence in a generous enemy. 

Henbt Hamilton, 
Lieutenant-Governor and Superintendent, 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OP' TWO CENTURIES. 179 

the Americans. In the short contest only one of the Americans 
was wounded. Tlie British had one killed and six severely 
wounded. Gov, Hamilton was sent prisoner to Virginia, 
where he was confined in jail, fettered and alone, as a punish- 
ment for his wicked policy of ofifering rewards for American 
scalps, but as this punishment was not in accordance with the 
terms of surrender, he was afterwards set at liberty. 

Col. Clark returned to Kaskaskia, where he found his paper 
money greatly depreciated, and where he was forced to pledge 
his own credit to procure what he needed to an extent that 
injured his financial prospects. 

It is difiicult to estimate the true value of Clark's campaign 
to American independence. "But for his small army of drip- 
ping, but fearless Yirginians," says Mr. Peck, " the union of 
aU the tribes from Georgia to Maine against the colonies, 
might have been effected and the whole current of our history 
changed. The conquest of Clark changed the face of affairs 
in relation to the whole country north of the Ohio river, which, 
in all probability, would have been the boundary between 
Canada and the United States. This conquest was urged by 
the American commissioners in negotiating the definite treaty 
of 1793." 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Borders of Kentucky — Boone's Salt Expedition — His Captuhe — 
His Defense op Boonsborough — Invasion of the Country op 
THE Six Nations — Indian Troubles. 

Let us now return and bring forward the events in the bor- 
der settlements of Kentucky. The pioneers were now (1778) 
suffering much from the want of salt, and the labor and risk 
of bringing it over the mountains were too gi'eat. It was now 
resolved by the settlers that thirty men, under the guidance 
of Captain Daniel Boone, one of the earliest and most active 
settlers of Kentucky, and the founder of Boonsborough, should 
proceed to the " Lower Blue Licks,'' on Licking river, and 
manufacture salt. The enterprise was commenced on New 
Year's day, 1778.* Boone was to be guide, hunter and scout ; 
the others were to cut wood and attend to the manufacturing 
department. They succeeded well, and on the seventh of the 
following month enough had been made to lead to the return 
of three of the party to the stations with the precious com- 
modity. While Boone was ranging the woods in the vicinity 
of the salt works he was discovered and captured by a large 
party of Shawanoes. Boone's companions were next captured, 
and all were now taken to the Indian village on the Little 
Miami, f It was no part of the plan of the Shawanoes, how- 
ever, to retain these men in captivity, nor yet to scalp, slay or 
eat them. Under the influence and rewards of Governor Ham- 
ilton, the British commander in the northwest, the Indians had 
taken up the business of speculating in human beings, both 
dead and alive, and the Shawanoes meant to take Boone and 



* Western Annals. 
f Peck's Narrative. 



(180) 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 181 

his comrades to the Detroit market. On the tenth of March, 
accordingly, eleven of the party, including Daniel-himself, were 
dispatched for the north, and after twenty days of journeying 
were presented to the English governor, who treated them, 
Boone says, with great humanity. To Boone himself Hamil- 
ton and several other gentlemen seem to have taken an especial 
fancy, and oiFered large sums for his release, but the Shawanoes 
would not part with him ; he must go home with them, they 
said, and be one of them, and become a great chief. So the 
pioneer found his very virtues becoming the cause of a pro- 
longed captivity. In April the red men, witli their one white 
captive, about to be converted into a genuine son of nature, 
returned from the flats of Michigan to the rolling valleys of 
the Miamis. And now the white blood was washed out of the 
Kentucky ranger, and he was made a son in the family of Black- 
fish, a Shawanoes chief, and was loved and caressed by father, 
and mother, brothers and sisters, till he was . thoroughly sick 
of them. But disgust he could not show, so he was kind and 
affable, and knew how to allay any suspicions they might har- 
bor lest he should run away. For some time the newly made 
Indian, Boone, entered into the savage life with a pretended 
relish. On the first of June he was returning with a party 
of Indians to the village, and on arriving he found four hun- 
dred and fifty of the choicest warriors of the west painted and 
armed for battle. Upon inquiring he found that they had 
formed a plan to destroy Boonsborough and capture the 
inhabitants. Boone now secretly resolved to risk his life to 
save the little borough he had founded. And although over 
one hundred and fifty miles from this town, lie departed, on 
the morning of the sixteenth of June, while all was quiet, and 
vtdthout any breakfast, started on his long and dangerous 
journey. He traveled at the rate of forty miles a day for four 
successive days, and ate but one meal during the whole journey. 
At last he reached the defenseless town, and with the alarmed 
inhabitants at once commenced repairing the fortifications. 
But the foe came not. In a few days another escaped captive 
came in and informed Boone that the Indians were unsettled 



182 THE LIVES OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEH : 

in their plans, knowing not what to do since he had departed. 
Thus his favorite town was saved, at least for the time being. 

Boone, with a small party of the settlers, now penetrated the 
forests to surprise an Indian village; but meeting a small party 
of Indians he discovered that they were marching on Boonsbo- 
rough in full force. He had scarcely time to return when the 
enemy appeared. The Indians, to the number of four hundred 
and forty, were commanded by Chief Blacklish, and the Cana- 
dians, to the number of eleven, by Captain DuQuesne. The 
advancing enemy displayed both the English and French flags. 
The invaders demanded Boone to surrender in the name of His 
Britannic Majesty, and promised a liberal treatment for the 
prisoners. It was indeed a critical moment. Should they yield 
there would be no mercy shown them ; but, on the other hand, 
there was but little chance for a successful resistance. They 
had no provisions, and their cattle were abroad in the woods. 
Boone asked for two days to consider the matter, and his request 
was granted. He now set about bringing the cattle to the fort, 
which was soon accomplished. Being thus supplied with food, 
he announced the determination of his garrison to fight. Cap- 
tain DuQuesne was sorely grieved at this, for he had hoped to 
take the place without bloodshed. He now resorted to treach- 
ery. He offered to withdraw his troops if the garrison would 
make a treaty. Boone suspected all was not right, and at first 
he refused to yield ; but then he did not wish to starve in the 
fort or have it taken by storm, and he thought,' as he remem- 
bered Hamilton's kindness to him while in Detroit, that per- 
haps he would be fairly treated by his representative, so he 
agreed to treat. Boone and eight of his men now went out of 
the fort, under cover of the guns of the fortifications, and opened 
a council about sixty yards distant. Tlie treaty was made and 
signed, and then the Indians, saying it was their custom for 
two of them to shake hands with every white man when a treaty 
was made, expressed a wish to press the palms of their new 
allies. Boone and his friends must have looked doubtful at 
this proposal, but it was safer to accede than to refuse and 
be shot instantly, so they presented each his hand. As antici- 
pated, the warriors seized them with rough and fierce eagerness. 



OK, THE BORDER WAES OF TWO CENTURIES. 183 

The whites drew back, struggling. The treachery was appa- 
rent. The rifle balls from the garrison struck down the fore- 
most assailants of the little band; and, amid a fire from friends 
and foes, Boone and his fellow deputies bounded back into the 
station, with the exception of one man, unhurt. Now that the 
treaty project had failed, the enemy opened a hot fire upon the 
fortifications, which they continued ten days, though to no 
purpose. On the twentieth of August the Indians were forced 
unwillingly to retire, having lost thirty-seven of their number 
and wasted a vast amount of powder and lead. • The garrison 
picked up from the ground, after their departure, one hundred 
and twenty-five pounds of their bullets. 

Early in the summer of this year a fort was built upon the 
banks of the Ohio, a little below Fort Pitt, called Fort Mcin- 
tosh. From this point it was intended to operate in reducing 
Detroit, where mischief was still brewing. Indeed the natives 
were now more united than ever against the Americans. The 
Senecas, Cayugas, Mingoes, Wyandots, Onondagas, Ottawas, 
Ojibwas, Shawanoes and Delawares were all in the league. 
Congress now, perhaps for the first time, fully saw the difiicul- 
ties that were likely to arise from the native tribes. 

In the north and west a new cause of trouble was arising. 
Of the six tribes of the Iroquois, the Senecas, Mohawks, Cay- 
ugas and Onondagas had been from the outset inclined to 
Britain, thougli all of these but the Mohawks had now and 
then tried to persuade the Americans to the contrary. During 
the winter of 1778-9 the Onondagas, who had been for a while 
nearly neutral, were suspected by the Americans of deception, 
and this suspicion having become nearly knowledge, a band 
was sent early in April to destroy their towns and take such 
of them as could be taken prisoners. The work appointed was 
done, and the villages and wealth of the poor savages were 
annihilated. This sudden act of severity startled all. The 
Oneidas, hitherto faithful to their neutrality, were alarmed lest 
the next blow should fall on them, and it was only after a full 
explanation that their fears were quieted. As for the Onon- 
dagas, it was not to be hoped that they would sit down under 
such treatment ; and we find, accordingly, that some hundred 



184 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

of their warriors were at once in the field, and from that time 
forward a portion of their nation remained hostile to the 
United Colonies.* 

The x\mericans now determined to invade the country of the 
Six Nations, which they did, defeating a large number of these 
Indians at Newton. From this point they were driven from 
vilhxge to village, and their whole country was laid waste. 
Houses were burned, crops and orchards destroyed, and every 
thing done to render the country uninhabitable that could be 
thought of. Forty towns were burnt, and more than one hun- 
dred and sixty thousand bushels of corn destroyed. This attack 
was conducted by General Sullivan He effected a complete 
conquest of the Indian country, but passed Niagara without 
attacking it. 

On the twenty-second of March, 1779, Washington wrote to 
Colonel Daniel Brodhead, who had succeeded Mcintosh at Fort 
Pitt, that an incursion into the country of the Six Nations was 
in preparation, and that in connection therewdth it might be 
advisable for a force to ascend the Alleghany to Kittaning, and 
thence to Venango, and having fortified both points, to strike 
the Mingoes and Munceys upon French Creek and elsewhere 
in that neighborhood, and thus aid General Sullivan in the 
great blow he was to give by his march up the Susquehanna. 
Brodhead proceeded up the Alleghany, burned the towns of the 
Indians and destroyed their crops. 

The immediate result of this and other equally prompt and 
severe measures was to bring the Delawares, Shawanoes, and 
even the Wyandots, to Fort Pitt, on a treaty of peace. There 
Brodhead met them on his return in September, and a long 
conference was held to the satisfaction of both parties.f 

During this summer an expedition was sent against the 
Shawanoes of the Miami, but it failed to accomplish the end 
originally designed, and the fierce Indians of this tribe were 
unsubdued. 

In the following year, 1780, Kentucky was invaded by a large 

* Stone's Works. 
•j- Western Annals. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 185 

force of Indians and Canadians, commanded by Colonel Byrd, 
a British officer. To the number of six hundred, with two 
field pieces, they marched up the valley of the Licking, and first 
appeared before Ruddle's Station, on the twenty-second of June, 
demanding an instant surrender. As the stockades were pow- 
ei'less against cannon, the demand was complied with; but the 
"invaders, for some reason, left the country immediately. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Expedition against Moravian Indians — The Massacre — Terrible 
FATE OF Colonel Crawford — Attack op Bryant's Station — De- 
feat OF THE Frontier Men. 

Let us return once more to the villages of the Christian 
Indians, commonly called the Moravians. In 1781 they suffered 
from both Americans and from hostile Indians, and in conse- 
quence were compelled to leave their home on the Muskingum 
and go to Sandusky; but in February, 1782, they returned to 
the number of about one hundred and fifty. This act revived 
the hatred of the frontier men, who had now learned to sus- 
pect them of treachery ; and Colonel Williamson in March 
set out with a party of about one hundred men, without any 
authority, and made a rapid march to the Muskingum. The 
professed object was to capture and remove the Christian Del- 
awares, and destroy their houses and fields. A number of peo- 
ple were at work in their corn-fields when this hostile force 
appeared, who ran to the village of Gnadenhutten. Several 
men and one woman were killed. They were told it was the 
intention to take them to Pittsburgh, where they would be 
protected, and were directed to enter two houses and remain 
for the night. The commander of the party then proposed to 
leave it to his men to decide by vote their fate, and orders were 
given that those who were for sparing their lives should step 
out in front. Of some ninety men present only seventeen or 
eighteen voted to spare their lives ! This sentence was then 
announced to the people. They spent the night in prayer and 
in singing hymns. In the morning the terrible slaughter com- 
menced. No resistance was made. Guns, tomahawks and 
hatchets were used. Two only escaped. One, a young man 
(186) 



OK, THE BOKDKK WARS OF TWO CKNTUlilKS. 18* 

about seventeen years of age, wounded, bleeding and scalped, 
crept into the bushes and lived ; ano*-,her crawled under the 
floor, where he lay until the blood of his murdered relations 
poured in streams upon him * The buildings were set on fire, 
and the bodies partially consumed. Colonel Williamson and 
his men returned to receive the execrations of his countrymen. 
Both the civil and military authorities of the State and nation 
reprobated the direful deed. Forty men, twenty-two women, 
and thirty-two children were thus destroyed. 

It was in March, 1782, that this great murder was committed; 
and another expedition was at once organized to invade the 
towns of the Moravian Delawares and Wyandots, upon the 
Sandusky. No Indian was to be spared ; friend or foe, every 
red man was to die! The commander of the expedition was 
Colonel William Crawford. His troops, numbering nearly five 
hundred men, marched in June to the Sandusky, uninterrupted. 
There they found the towns deserted, and the savages on the 
alert. A battle ensued, and the whites were forced to retreat. 
In their retreat many left the main body, and nearly all who 
did so perished. Of Crawford's own fate we give the follow- 
ing account by Dr. Knight : ' • 

" Monday morning, the tenth of June, we were paraded to 
march to Sandusky, about thirty-three miles distant. They 
had eleven prisoners of us, and four scalps, the Indians being 
seventeen in number. 

" Colonel Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon 
Girty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account 
permitted to go to town the same night, with two warriors to 
guard him, having orders at the same time to pass by the place 
where the colonel had turned out his horse, that they might, 
if possible, find him. The rest of us were taken as far as the 
old town, which was within eight miles of the new. 

" Tuesday morning, the eleventh. Colonel Crawford was 
brought out to us, on purpose to be marched with the other 
prisoners. I asked the colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty. He 
told me he had, and that Girty had promised to do everything 
in his power for him, but that the Indians were very much 

* Western Annals. 



188 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

enraged against the prisoners, particularly Captain Pipe, one 
of the chiefs. He likewise told me that Girty had informed 
him that his son-in-law. Colonel Harrison, and his nephew, 
William Crawford, were made prisoners by the Shawanoes, but 
had been pardoned. This Captain Pipe had come from the 
town about an hour before Colonel Crawford, and had painted 
all the prisoners' faces black. As he was painting me he told 
me I should go to the Shawanoes towns and see my friends. 
When the colonel arrived he painted him black also, told him 
he was glad to see him, and that he would have him shaved 
when he came to see his friends at the Wyandot town. When 
we marched the colonel and I were kept back, between Pipe 
and Wyngenim, the two Delaware chiefs ; the other nine pris- 
oners were sent forward with another party of Indians. As 
we went along we saw four of the prisoners lying by the path, 
tomahawked and scalped ; some of them were at the distance 
of half a mile from each other. When we arrived within half 
a mile of the place where the colonel was executed we overtook 
the live prisoners that remained alive. The Indians had caused 
them to sit down on the ground, as they did also the colonel 
and me, at some distance from them. I was there given in 
charge to an Indian fellow, to be taken to the Shawanoes 
towns. 

"' In the place where we were made to sit down, there was 
a number of squaws and boys, who fell on the five prisoners 
and tomahawked them. There was a certain John McKinly 
amongst the prisoners, formerly an officer in the 13th Vir- 
ginia regiment, whose head an old squaw cut off, and the 
Indians kicked it about upon the ground. The young Indian 
fellows came often where the Colonel and I were, and dashed 
the scalps in our faces. We were then conducted along 
toward the place where the Colonel was afterwards executed; 
when we came within about half a mile of it, Simon Girty 
met us, with several Indians on horseback; he spoke to the 
Colonel, but as I was about one hundred and fifty yards behind, 
could not hear what passed between them. 

"Almost every Indian we met, struck us either with sticks or 
their fists. Girty waited till I was brought up, and asked, was 



OK, THK BORDER WARS OF TWO CKN'l'URIKt*. 189 

that the Doctor? I told him yes, and went towards hini^ 
reaching out my hand, but he bid me begone, and called me a 
damned rascal, upon which the fellows who had me in charge 
pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and told me I was to 
go to the Shawanoe towns. 

i" When we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked, 
ordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him with 
sticks and their fists. Presently after, I was treated in the 
same manner. They then tied a rope to the foot of a post 
about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind his 
back and fastened the rope to the ligature between his wrists. 
The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round 
the post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colonel 
then called to Girty, and asked if they intended to burn him? 
Girty answered, yes. The Colonel said he would take it all 
patiently. Upon this. Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief, made a 
speech to the Indians, viz.: about thirty or forty men, and sixty 
or seventy squaws and boys. 

" When the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and 
hearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men then 
took up their guns and shot powder into the Colonel's body, 
from his feet as far up as his neck. I think that no less than 
seventy loads were discharged upon his naked body. Tliey 
then crowded about him, and to the best of my observation, 
cut ofi" his ears; when the throng had dispersed a little, I saw 
the blood running from both sides of his head in consequence 
thereof. 

" The fire was six or seven yards from the post to which 
the Colonel was tied; it was made of small hickory poles, burnt 
quite through in the middle, each end of the poles remaining 
about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by turns 
would take up, individually, one of these burning pieces of 
wood and apply it to his naked body, already burnt black with 
the powder. These tormentors presented themselves on every 
side of him with the burning faggots and poles. Some of the 
squaws took broad boards, upon w^hich they would carry a 
quantity of burning coals and hot embers and throw on him, 



190 THE LIVES Cy PONTIAC ANT) TECUMSKH : 

80 that in a short time he had nothing but coals of fire and hot 
ashes to walk upon. 

" In the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to Simon 
Girty and begged of him to shoot him; but Girty making no 
answer, he called to him again. Girty, then, by way of deris- 
ion, told the Colonel that he had no gun, at the same time 
turning about to an Indian who was behind him, laughed 
heartily, and by all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid 
scene. 

"Girty then came up to me and bade me prepare for death. 
He said, however, that I was not to die at that place, but to 
be burnt at the Shawanoe towns. He swore by G — d I need 
not expect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its enor- 
mities. « 

" He then observed that some prisoners had given him to 
understand, that if our people had him they would not hurt 
him ; for his part, he said, he did not believe it, but desired ta 
know my opinion of the matter, but being at the time in great 
anguish and distress for the torments the Colonel was suffer- 
ing before my eyes, as well as the expectation of undergoing 
the same fate in two days, I made little or no answer. He 
expressed a great deal of ill-will for Colonel Gibson, and said 
he was one of his greatest enemies, and more to the same pur- 
pose, to all which I paid very little attention. 

" Colonel Crawford, at this period of his suffering, besought 
the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and 
bore his torments with the most manly fortitude. He con- 
tinued in all the extremities of pain for an hour and three- 
quarters or two hours longer, as near as I could judge, when at 
last, being almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly; they 
then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face, 
telling me " that was my great captain." An old squaw got a 
board, took a parcel of coals and ashes and laid them on his 
back and head, after he had been scalped ; he then raised him- 
self upon his feet and began to walk round the post; they next 
put a burning stick to him as usual, but he seemed more 
insensible of pain than before. 

" The Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me away 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OEKTURIES. 191 

to Captain Pipe's house, about tliree-quarters of a mile from 
the place of the Colonel's execution. I was bound all nighty 
and thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. 
Next morning, being June twelfth, the Indian untied me, 
painted me black, and we set oif for the Shawanoe town, which 
he told me was somewhat less than forty miles distant from 
that place. We soon came to the spot where the Colonel had 
been burnt, as it was partly in our way; I saw his bones lying 
amongst the remains of the fire, almost burnt to ashes ; I sup- 
pose after he was dead they laid his body on the fire. The 
Indian told me that was my big Captain, and gave the scalp 
halloo." 

Such were some of the more important incidents of border 
warfare in 1781-82. But still the fury of the Indians was by 
no means spent. In the middle of August, 1782, the storm 
burst around Bryant's Station. About six hundred Indians 
appeared on the fifteenth and made a desperate effort to cap- 
ture the fort. The garrison had heard, on the day previous, 
of the defeat of a party of whites not far distant, and during 
that night were busy in making preparations to march, with 
daybreak, to the assistance of their neighbors. Mr. James H. 
Peck, the compiler of the '' Western Annals." informs us that 
all night long their preparations continued, and what little 
sound the savages made as they approached, was unheard amid 
the comparative tumult within. Day stole through the forest; 
the woodsmen rose from their brief slumbers, took their arms, 
and were on the point of opening their gates to march, when 
the crack of rifles, mingled with yells and howls, told them in 
an instant how narrowly they had escaped captivity or death. 
Rushing to the loop-holes and crannies, they saw about a hun- 
dred red men, firing and gesticulating in full view of the fort. 
The young bloods, full of rage at Estill's sad defeat, wished 
instantly to rush forth upon the attackers, but there was some- 
thing in the manner of the Indians so peculiar, that the older 
heads at once suspected a trick, and looked anxiously to the 
opposite side of the fort, where they judged the main body of 
the enemy were probably concealed. 'Nor were they deceived. 
The savages were led by Simon Girty. This white savage had 



192 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

proposed, by an attack on one side of the station with a small 
part of his force, to draw out the garrison, and then intended, 
with the main body, to fall upon the other side, and secure the 
fort; but his plan was defeated by the over-acting of his red 
allies, and the sagacity of his opponents. These opponents, 
however, had still a sad difficulty to encounter; the fort was 
not supplied with water, and the spring was at some distance, 
and in the immediate vicinity of the thicket in which it was 
supposed the main force of the Indians lay concealed. The 
danger of going or sending for water was plain, the absolute 
necessity of having it was equally so ; and how it could be 
procured, was a question which made many a head shake, many 
a heart sink. At length a plan, equally sagacious and bold, 
was hit upon, and carried into execution by as great an exer- 
tion of womanly presence of mind as can, perhaps, be found 
on record. If the savages were, as was supposed, concealed 
near the spring, it was believed they would not show them- 
selves until they had reason to believe their trick had succeeded, 
and the garrison had left the fort on the other side. It was, 
therefore, proposed to all the females to go with their buckets 
to the spring, fill them, and return to the fort, before any sally 
was made against the attacking party. The danger to which 
they must be exposed was not to be concealed, but it was urged 
upon them that this must be done, or all perish; and that if 
they were steady, the Indians would not molest them ; and to 
the honor of their sex, be it said, they went forth in a body, 
and directly under five hundred rifles, tilled their buckets, and 
returned in such a manner as not to suggest to the quick- 
sighted savages that their presence in the thicket was suspected. 
This done, a small number of the garrison were sent forth 
against the attackers, with orders to multiply their numbers to 
the ear by constant firing, while the main body of the whites 
took their places to repel the anticipated rush of those in con- 
cealment. The plan succeeded perfectly. The whole body of 
Indians rushed from their ambuscade as they heard the firing 
upon the opposite side of the fort, and were received by a fair, 
well-directed discharge of all the rifles left within the station. 
Astonished and horror-stricken, the assailants turned to the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTl'RIKS. 193 

forest again as quickly as they had left it, having lost many of 
their numbers. In the morning, as soon as the presence of the 
Indians was ascertained, and before their numbers were sus- 
pected, two messengers had broken through their line, bearing 
to Lexington tidings of the siege of Bryant's Station, and 
asking succor. Assistance came about two in the afternoon; 
sixteen men l5eing mounted, and thirty or more on foot. The 
savages expected their arrival, and prepared to destroy them, 
but the horsemen, by rapid riding, and enveloped in dust, 
reached the fort unharmed, and of the footmen, after an hour's 
hard fighting, only two were killed and four wounded. The 
Indian's courage rarely supports him through long-continued 
•exertion; and Girty found his men so far disheartened by their 
failures, that before night they talked of abandoning the siege. 
After attempting to terrify the garrison into a surrender, they 
retired into the woods in the hope that when furtlier assistance 
arrived at Bryant's Station, a party would pursue them, and 
fall into their ambuscades. In this hope they were not 
■ deceived. Boone and his party arrived at the Station on the 
eighteenth, and immediately started after the enemy. The 
trail was plain, and led them to the Lower Blue Licks, whei-e 
the savages lay concealed in great numbers. Here they 
attacked the Indians, but were routed with the loss of seventy- 
seven men killed and taken prisoners, and twelve wounded. 
The few who escaped the slaughter fled in terror to the settle- 
ments. 

13 



CHAPTER XXIV. * 

The Northwest Territory — Sketch of Arthur St. Clair — Review 
OF THE Treaties with the Indians — Indian Speeches. 

Leaving the frontier settlements of the provinces, or now 
the united colonies, we will pass on to notice the events that 
transpired in the Korthwest Territory, which was erected under 
the ordinance of 1787. It is proper to state here, liowever, 
that in making this progress in the nan-ative we are obliged 
to omit the details of many contests with the Indians in Ohio 
and Kentucky, and the several treaties which resulted. But 
these were of an ordinary character. Without any considerable 
amount of bloodshed all the savages in these States were sub- 
dued, the boundary lines of their country were determined and 
a treaty of peace concluded. 

In the month of July, 1788, Gen. Arthur St. Clair, who had 
been appointed the first governor of the North-west Territory 
by Congress, arrived at Marietta and put the machinery of the 
new government in motion. He organized the government 
under the first "grade" of the ordinance,"^ the government 

* I give the ordinance in full as follpws, as it is the corner-stone of the Constitutions 
of the Northwestern States, and is, therefore, worthy of preservation : 

An Ordinanck for the Government op the Territory of the UNrTED States, 
Northwest of the Ohio Eiver. — Be it ordained by the United States in Congress 
assembled. That the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be one 
dis'irict, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as future circumstances may, 
in the opinion of Congress, make it expedient. 

Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That the estates, both of resident and non- 
resident pro)n-ietors in said territory, dying intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed 
among their children and the descendants of a deceased child, in equal parts; the 
descendants of a deceased child, or grand child, to take the share of their deceased 
parent in equal parts among them ; and where there shall be no children or descendants, 
then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal degree; and, among collaterals, the 
children of a deceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among 
them, their deceased parents' share; and there shall, in no case, be a distinction between 
kindred of the whole and half-blood; saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate, 
her third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of the personal estate; and 
(194) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 195 

consisting of a governor, secretary and three judges, who, con- 
jointly, constituted the law-making power. Winthrop Sar- 
gent was appointed secretary, and Samuel H. Parsons, James 
H. Yernum and John Cleves Symraes judges. In September, 
the governor and judges prepared and adopted a code of laws. 
Arthur St. Clair was the first governor of the Northwest 
Territory, and as his administration forms a conspicuous part 
of the narrative, a brief sketch of his life, in this connection, 
Mill not be out of place. His portrait also appears on another 
page. He was a native of Scotland, from which country he 
came to the British colonies of North America in 1755. He 



this law, relative to descents and dower, shall reroain in full force until altered by the 
Legislature of the district. And, nntil the governor and judges ehall adopt laws as 
hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said territory may be devised or bequeathed by 
wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her, in whom the estate may be, (being of 
full age,) and attested by three witnesses; and real estates maybe conveyed by lease 
and release, or bargain and sale, signed, sealed'and delivered by the person, being of 
full age, in whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses, provided such wills 
be duly proved and such conveyances be acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly 
proved, and be recorded within one year after, proper magistrates, courts and registers 
shall be appointed for that purpose; and personal property may be transferred by deliv- 
ery; saving, however, to the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the 
Kaskaskias, St. Vincents and the neighboring villages who have heretofore professed 
themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws and customs now in force among them, 
relative to the descent and conveyance of property. 

Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall he appointed, from time to 
time, by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall continue in force for three years, 
unless sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside in the district and have a freehold 
estate therein in one thousand acres of land, while in the exercise of his office. 

There shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a secretary, whose com- 
mission shall continue in force for four years, unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in 
the district and have a freehold estate therein in five hundred acres of land, while in the 
exercise of his oflice; it shall be his duty to keep and preserve the acts and laws passed 
by the Legislature, and the public records of the district, and the proceedings of the 
governor in his executive department, and transmit authentic copies of such acts and 
proceedings, every six months, to the secretary of Congress. There shall also be 
appointed a court to consist of three judges, any two of whom to form a court, who shall 
have a common law jurisdiction and reside in the district, and have each therein a free- 
hold estate in five hundred acres of land while in the exercise of their oflices; and their 
commissions shall continue in force during good behavior. 

The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the dis- 
trict such laws of the original States, criminal and civil, as may be necessary and best 
suited to the circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress from time to 
time; which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the General 
Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress; but afterwards the Legislature 
shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit. 

The governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-chief of the militia, appoint 
and commission all officers in the same below the rank of general oflicers; all general 
officers shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress. 

Previous to the organization of the General Assembly, the governor shall appoint 
such magistrates and other civil ofiicers, in each county or township, as he shall find 



196 THE LIVES OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEIi: 

joined tlie Royal Americans or Sixtieth Regiment, and served 
under Gen. Amherst at the taking of Louisbnrg in 1758. He 
carried a standard at the storming and capture of Quebec, 
under Gen. Wolfe, in 1759. Immediately after the j^eace of 
1763, he settled in Ligonier Yalley, in Western Pennsylvania, 
where he continued to reside until the Revolutionary war. 
Being a firm friend of liberty and the rights of the colonies, 
he received from Congress the commission of colonel, and 
joined the American army with a regiment of seven hundred 
and fifty men. Having been promoted to the rank of major 
general, he was tried by a court martial, in 1778, for evacuat- 

necessaiy for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same. After the Gen- 
eral Assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil 
officers shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly; but all magistrates and 
other civil officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall, during the continuance of 
this temporary government, be appointed by the governor. 

For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be adopted or made shall have 
force in all parts of the district, and for the execution of process, criminal and civil, 
the governor shall make proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed, from time to 
time, as circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the district in which the 
ludmn titles shall have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject, how- 
erer, to such alterations as may thereafter be made by tlie Legislature. 

So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants of full age in the district, 
upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall receive authority, with time and 
place, to elect representatives from their counties or townships to represent them in the 
General Assembly: Provided, That for every live hundred free male inhabitants, there 
shall be one representative, and so on progressively with the number of free male inhab- 
itants, shall the right of representation increase, until the number of representatives 
shall amount to twenty-five; after which the number and proportion of representatives 
shall be regulated by the Legislature: Provided, That no person be eligible or qualified 
to act as a representative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States 
three years and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district 
three years; and, in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two 
Hundred acres of land within the same: Provided, also. That a freehold in fifty acres 
of land in the distriet, having been a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in 
the district, or the like freehold and two years residence in the district, shall be neces- 
sary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative. 

The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of two years ; and, in case of 
the death of a representative or removal from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the 
CO jnty or township for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to serve for 
the residue of the term. 

The General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the Governor, Legislative 
Council and a House of Representatives. The Legislative Council shall consist of five 
members, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress, any three 
of whom to be a quorum; and the members of the Council shall be nominated and 
appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives shall be elected, 
the governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together; and when met 
they shall nominate ten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a free- 
hold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress ; five of whom 
Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as aforesaid; and whenever a vacancy 
shall happen in the Council, by death or removal from office, the House of Representa- 



OR, THE BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 197 

ing Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and unanimously 
acquitted with tlie highest honors. 

He remained in the service until the peace. Mr. Peck, in 
writing of this man, truthfully says: "He was rigid, some 
thought arbitrary, in his government, and, therefore, unpop- 
ular, but he was scrupulously honest — had no talent for 
speculation, and died poor." 

In a letter to a friend, St. Clair, in referring to himself, 
remarks: " In the year 1786, I entered into the public service 
in civil life, and was a member of Congress, and President of 
that body, when it was determined to erect a government in 

tives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return 
their names to Congress, one of whom Congress shall appoint and commission for the 
residue of the term. And every five years, four months at least before the expiration of 
the time of service of the members of the Council, the paid House shall nominate ten 
persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to Congress, five of whom Con- 
gress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the Council five years, 
unless sooner removed. And the governor. Legislative Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives, shall have authority to make laws in all cases, for the good government of 
the district, not repugnant to the principles and articles in this ordinance established 
and declared. And all bills, having passed by a majority in *;lie House and by a majority 
in the Council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent; but no bill, or legisla- 
tive act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent. The governor shall have 
power to convene, prorogue and dissolve the General Assembly, when, in his opinion, 
it shall be expedient. 

The governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other oiHcere as 
Congres.s shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of 
office; the governor before the President of Congress, and all other officers before the 
JJovernor. As soon as a Legis]atu.re shall be formed in the district, the Council and 
House assembled in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a delegate 
to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of 
voting, during this temporary government. 

And, after extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which 
form the basis whereon these republics, their laws and constitutions are erected; to fix 
and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions and governments, 
which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory; to provide also for the 
establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their admission to 
a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early 
periods as may be consistent with the general interest : 

It is hereby ordained and declared by the authority aforesaid. That the following arti- 
cles shall be considered as articles of compact between the original States and the 
people and States in said territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by common 
consent, to-wit: 

Akt. 1. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall 
ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments, in the said 
territory. 

Art. 2. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits 
of the writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury, of a proportionate representation 
of the people in the Legislature; and of judicial proceedings accoi'dingto the course of 
common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof 
shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate; and no cruel or 



198 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC xVND TEOUMSKli: 

tlie country to the west, that had been ceded by Virginia to 
the United States; and in the year 1788, the office of Governor 
was in a great measure forced on me. The losses I had sus- 
tained in the revolutionary war, from the depreciation of the 
money and other canses, had been very great; and my friends 
saw in this new government means that might be in my power 
to compensate myself, and to provide handsomely for my 
numerous family. They did not know how little I was qual- 
ilied to avail myself of those advantages, if they had existed. 
I had neither taste nor genius for speculation in land, neither 
did I think it very consistent with the office." 

unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty or 
property, but by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land; and should the public 
exigencies make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's prop- 
erty, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. 
And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understoodanddeclared, that no 
law ought ever to be made, or have force in said territory, that shall, in any manner what- 
ever, interfere with or aiiect private contracts or engagements, bona fide, and without 
fraud, previously formed. 

Akt. 3. Religion, morality and knowledge, being necessary to good government and 
the happiness of mankind, school« and the means of education shall forever be encour- 
aged. The utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians; their lands 
and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and, in their prop- 
erty, rights and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and 
lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity, shall, 
from time to time, be made for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving 
peacp and friendship with them. 

Akt. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be formed therein, shall forever 
renjaiil a part of this confederacy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles 
of Confederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be constitutionally made; and 
to all the acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable 
thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be subject to pay a part 
of the federal debts contracted, or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses 
of government, to be apportioned on them by Congress according to the same common rule 
and measure bywhich apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States; and the 
taxes, for paying their proportion, shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of 
the Legislatures of the district or districts, or new States, as in the original States, within 
the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. The Legislatures of 
those districts or new States, shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil 
by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find 
necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona fide purchasers.* No tax shall be 
imposed on land, the property of the United States; and, in no ca.se, shall non-resident 
proprietors be ta.xed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mis- 
sissippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common 
highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of said territory as to the citizens 
of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the Con- 
federacy, without any tax, impost or duty therefor. 

* Act of 23th February, 1811, provides the same in Louisiana; and, also, that lands 
sold by Congress shall not be taxed for five years after sale; in Mississippi, by act of Ist 
March, 1817, and so of all others. 



OK, TlIK BOKDKK WARS OF TWO (IKNTI? Fil lOS. 199 

Witli bis a23poiiitinent, he received instructions to ascertain 
the feelings of tlie Indian tribes in the Northwest, and, if pos- 
sible, to win their friendship for the future. But St. Clair 
found deadly foes instead of friends among the natives, and 
was soon surrounded by many difficulties, growing out of a 
prolonged war with them. 

Before giving an account of these hostilities, it will be proper 
to call the attention to some matters that took place several 
years before. By this means, the reader will more clearly 
understand the causes which led to this struggle. Unfortu- 
nately for the Americans, the French had made no extensive 
purchases fr(jm the Western Indians, so that the treaty of Paris 
in 1763, transferred to England only small grants about the 
various forts, Detroit, Vincennes, Kaskaskia, etc. Then, as we 
have seen, followed Pontiac's war and defeat; next we have the 
grant by the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, in 1768, of the lands 
south of the Ohio; following came Dunmore's war, which ter- 
minated without any transfer of Indian territory to the whites, 

Art. 5. There shall be t'ormed in the said territory, not less than three nor more than 
five States; and the boundaries of the States, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of 
cession, and consent to the same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to-wit: 
The western State in the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio 
and Wabash rivers; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post St. Vincent's due 
north, to the territorial line between the United States and Canada; and by the said 
territorial line, to the Lake of the Woodj and Mississippi. The middle State shall be 
bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from Post St. Vincent's, to the Ohio; by 
the Ohio, by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, to the 
said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last mentioned direct 
line, the Ohio, Pennsjdvania and the said territorial line: Provided, however, and it is 
further understood and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall be sub- 
ject so far to be altered, that if Congress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have 
authority to form one or two States in that part of the said territory which lies north of 
an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake Michigan. 
And, whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, 
such State shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States on 
an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, and shall be at liberty 
to form a permanent constitution and State government: Provided, the constitution 
and government so to be formed, shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles 
contained in these articles! and so far as it can be consistent with the general interest 
of the confederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and when 
there may be a less number of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand. 

Art. 6. There shall be neither slavery or involuntary servitude in the said territoiy, 
otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly 
convicted: Provided, always. That any person escaping into the same, from whom 
labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be 
lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as 
aforesaid. 



200 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEIi: 

and, therefore, when at the close of the Eevolution, in 1783, 
Great Britain made over her Western claims to the United 
States, she made over nothing more than she had received 
from France, excepting the title of the Six Nations, and the 
Southern Indians to a portion of the territory south of the 
Ohio. But this, however, was not the view that the Congress 
of the United Colonies took of the affair. This body conceived 
that it had, under the treaty with England, a full right to all 
the lands thereby ceded, and regarding the Indian title as for- 
feited by the hostilities of the Eevolution, proceeded not to^ 
purchase lands from the savages, but to grant them peace, and 
dictate their own terms as to the boundary lines of territory 
allowed to the Indians. 

In October, 1784,* the United States acquired in this way 
whatever title the Iroquois possessed to the western country 
both north and south of the Ohio, by the second treaty of Fort 
Stanwix; a treaty openly and fairly made, but one the validity 
of which many of the Iroquois always disputed. The ground 
of their objection appears to have been that the treaty was 
with a part only of the Indian nations, whereas the wish of the 
natives was that every act of the States with them should be 
as with a confederacy, embracing all the tribes bordering upon 
the great lakes. It will be remembered that the instructions 
given the Indian commissioners in October, 1783, provided for 
one convention with all the tribes, and that this provision was 
changed in the following March for one by which as many 
separate conventions were to be had, if possible, as there were 
separate tribes. In pursuance of this last plan the commis- 
sioners, in October, 1784, refused to listen to the proposal 
which is ^aid then to have been made for one general congress 
of the northern tribes, and in opposition to Brant, Eed Jacket, 
and other influential chiefs of the Iroquois, concluded the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix. Then came the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, 
in January, 1785, with the Wyandots, Delaware, Ojibwa and 
Ottawa nations. The third treaty made by the United States 
was with the Shawanoes, at Fort Finney, in January, 1786, 
which, it will be remembered, the Wabash tribes refused to- 

* Western Anuals. 



OB, THE BORDER WAKS OK TWO CEN'J UKIKS. 201 

attend. The foiirtli and liftli, which were acts of confirmation, 
were made at Fort Ilarniar, in 1789, one witli the Six Nations, 
and the other with the Wyandots and their associates, namely, 
the Delawares, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawatomies and Sacs, 
This hist treaty the confederated nations of the lake refused to 
acknowledge as binding, and in their council, in 1793, they 
explained the reasons in the following speech : 

Brothers : A fjeneral council of all tlie Indian confederacy Avas held, as 
you well know, in tlie fall of the year 1788, at this place ; and that general 
council was invited by your commissioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet 
him for the purpose of holding a treaty with regard to the lands men- 
tioned by you to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stauwix and Fort 
Mcintosh. 

Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters which 
passed on that occasion between those deputed by the confederate Indians 
and Governor St. Clair, the commissioner of the United States. These 
papers prove that your said commissioner, in the beginning of the year 
1789, after having been informed by the general council of the preceding 
fall that no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian lands would be 
considered as valid or binding unless agreed to by a general council, 
nevertheless persisted in collecting together a few chiefs of two or three 
nations only, and with them held a treaty jFor the cession of an immense 
country, in which they were no more interested than as a branch of the 
general confederacy, and who were in no manner authorized to make any 
grant or cession whatever. 

Brothers : How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy peace 
and quietly to hold these lands, when j^our commissioner was informed, 
long before he held the treaty of Fort Harmar, that the consent of a general 
council was absolutely necessary to convey any part of these lands to the 
United States. 

Massas, the Ojibwa chief, who signed the treaty at Fort 
Harmar, was present at the council at Greenville, in 1795, and 
declared that he did not fully understand the objects of the 
compact he had signed, and that his people would not 
acknowledge it The AVyandots, however, acknowledged even 
the transfer on the Muskingum, and their chief, Tarke, con- 
firmed it, in behalf of his nation in the following words at the 
council at Greenville : 

Brothers : You have proposed to us to build our good work on the treaty 
of Muskingum; that treaty I have always considered us formed upon the 
fairest principles. You took pity on us Indians ; you did not do as our 



202 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

fathers, the English, agreed you should. You might, by that agreement, 
have taken all our lands, hut you pitied us and let us hold part. I alwaj^s 
looked upon that treaty to be binding upon the United States and us 
Indians. 

The confederated nations, as a whole, did not sanction the 
treaty at Fort Harmar, and in their council in 1778, they could 
not agree concerning it. 

Such were the relations between the Indians and the United 
States in 1789. Territory had been conveyed by the Iroquois, 
the Wyandots, the Delawares, and the Shawanoes, which conld 
not be objected to, but the Ojibwas, Ottawas, Kickapoos, Weas, 
Piankeshaws, Pottawatomies, Eel Kiver Indians, Kaskaskias, 
and the Miamis, were not bound by any existing treaties to 
yield their claims to the land north of the Ohio, and these 
tribes wished the Ohio to be the perpetual western boundary 
of civilization, and would not therefore sell an acre north of it. 
So strong was their feeling in this determination that the more 
reckless warriors of these nations could not be restrained from 
warfare upon the invading Long Knives, and in this way the 
many attacks upon the settlers of the west took place. In 
Peck's compilation we find the following: "Washington 
expressed doubts as to the justness of an offensive war upon 
the tribes of the Wabash and Maumee; and had the treaty of 
Fort Harmar been the sole ground whereon the United States 
could have claimed of the Indians the Northwestern Territory, 
it may be doubted whether right would have justified the steps 
taken in 1790, '91, and '94 ; but the truth was, that before . 
that treaty, the Iroquois, Delawares, Wyandots, and Shawanoes 
liad yielded the south of Ohio, the ground on which they had 
long dwelt; and neither the sale to Putnam and his associates, 
nor that of Symmes, was intended to reach beyond the lands 
ceded. Of this we have proof in the third article of the 
ordinance of 1787, passed the day before the proposition to sell 
to the Ohio" Company was for the first time debated; which 
article declares that the lands of the Indians shall never be 
taken from them without their consent. It appears to us, 
therefore, that the United States were fully justified in taking 
possession of the northwest shore of the Belle Kiviere, and that 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CEN'lURIES. 203 

without refei'ence to tlie treaty at Fort Harniar, wliicli we will 
allow to liave been, if the Indians spoke truly, (and they were 
_not contradicted by the United States commissioners,) morally 
worthless. But it also appears to us that in taking ojffensive 
steps in 1T90, and 1791, the federal government acted unwisely, 
and that it should then, at the outset, have done what it did in 
1793, after St. Clair's terrible defeat — namely, it should have 
sent commissioners of the highest character to the lake tribes, 
and in the presence of the British, learnt their causes of com- 
plaint and offered fair terms of compromise. That such a 
step was \\dse and just, the government acknowledged by its 
after action;* and surely none can question the position that it 
was more likely to have been effective before the savages had 
twice defeated the armies of the confederacy than afterward." 
According to instructions, Grovernor St. Clair now sent a 
deputy into the Indian country of the Miamies and Shawanoes, 
but these Indians could not, for some reason, tell him the state 
of their minds, being no doubt under English influence. They 
requested thirty days in which to send an answer to Fort 
Knox, (Vincennes) and gave the messenger but little reason to 
believe their answer would be favorable to the speeches which 
be had delivered to them. No sooner had the messenger 
returned to Fort Knox than news came that all the Indians of 
the Wabasli, with many tribes from the lake region, had united 
against the Americans, and that an American captive had been 
burned in the village of the Miamies only a few days after the 
deputy from St. Clair had left. It was now evident that a new 
t2-ouble was breaking, upon the frontier, and St. Clair hastened 
to Fort AYashington (Cincinnati) to consult watli Gen. Harmar 
in reference to another campaign into the Indian country of 
the hostile tribes. 

* The fair minded student cannot fail to admit of the truthfulness of 
this comment. — Ed. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

The English, the Indians and the Americans — Harmar's Expe- 
dition — Harmar's Defeat— Measures for Subduing the Indians 
— Proctor's Mission a Failure — Jealousy op the English. 

Before giving an account of Harmar's campaign, which 
now follows, the reader is invited to look in upon the opera- 
tions of the English in their secret measures to keep up Indian 
hostilities after the peace of 1783. As the narrative has shown, 
most of the tribes of the Northwest adhered to England during 
the Revolutionary contest, but when the war closed, Great 
Britain made no provision for the savages of the Northwest, 
but transferred them, territory and all, to the Americans. The 
United States now began to make treaties of peace with the 
Indians, ceding them tracts of their own lands, regarding the 
country of the hostile tribes as conquered and forfeited. This 
produced discontent, and led to the formation of the great 
Indian confederacy under Brant.''^ 

In order to accomplish the ends for which this league was 
formed, it was necessary that the British should retain posses- 
sion of the forts along the lakes. These would be required 
both for the protection of supplies and for defense. On the 
other hand, the British claimed that they had a right tq hold 
these posts, as the Americans had broken the treaty of 1783. 
Again, the trade with the Indians, even though England might 
be at war with the United States, they regarded as perfectly 
fair and just. " Having thus a sort of legal right to the posi- 
tion they occupied, the British did, undoubtedly and purposely, 
aid and abet the Indians hostile to the United States." In 
1785, after the formation of his confederacy, Brant went to 
Eno-land, and his arrival was thus announced in the London 

* Stone's Life of Brant. 

(204) 



OR, THE BOKDER WARS OF TWO Cn-:NTURIES. 205 

papers : " This extraordinary personage is said to have pre- 
sided at the late grand Congress of confederate chiefs of the 
Indian nations in America, and to be by them appointed to 
the conduct and chief command in the war which tliey now 
meditate against the United States of America. He took his 
departure for England immediately as that assembly broke up; 
and it is conjectured that his embassy to the British Court is 
of great importance. This country owes much to the services 
of Colonel Brant during the late war in America. He was 
educated at Philadelphia; is a very shrewd, intelligent person, 
possesses great courage and abilities as a warrior, and is invio- 
lably attached to the British nation." 

Brant visited Lord Sidney, the Colonial Secretary, on the 
fourth of January, 1T86, and boldly stated the trouble in 
America. He closed his remarks with these words: "This 
(meaning war,) we shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as 
dearly as we love our lands. But should it, contrary to our 
wishes, happen, we desire to know whether we are to be con- 
sidered as His Majesty's faithful allies, and have that support 
and countenance such as old and true friends expect." 

The Colonial Minister answered him indefinitely, and when 
the Mohawk chieftain returned, he could give but little assur- 
ances, to his brethren, that in the event of war, they would 
receive aid from England. On the other hand, John Johnson, 
+he Indian Superintendent, wrote to him in these words: " Do 
not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be 
for your interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt the 
posts. It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold 
them. If you become indifferent about them, they may per- 
haps be given up; what security would you then have? You 
would be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud 
for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us 
to hold them, and encourage the new settlements, already con- 
siderable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who 
find they can't live in the States. Many thousands are pre- 
paring to come in. This increase of His Majesty's subjects 
will serve as a protection for you, should the subjects of the 
States, by endeavoring to make furtlier encroachments on you, 



206 ^ THE LIVES OF P014TIAC AND TECUMSEII : 

disturb your quiet." This letter was written in March, 1787, 
and two months afterwards. Major Matthews, who had been 
appointed to the command at Detroit by Lord Dorchester, 
wrote to Brant, in the name of the governor, as follows: " Plis 
Lordship was sorry that while the Indians were soliciting his 
assistance in their preparations for war, some of the Six 
JSTations had sent deputies to Albany to treat with tlie' Amer- 
icans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, granting 
permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to Niag- 
ara; but that, notwithstanding these things, the Indians should 
have their presents, as they are marks of the king's approba- 
tion of their former conduct. In future his lordship wishes 
them to act as is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war 
with the Americans, because some of their people encroach 
and make depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but 
they must see it is his lordship's intention to defend the posts; 
and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find great 
security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater 
difficulty in taking possession of their lands; but should they 
once become masters of the posts, they will surround the 
Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble. 
From a consideration of all which, it therefore remains with 
the Indians to decide what is most for their own interest, and 
to let his lordship know their determination, that he may take 
his measures accordingly ; but, whatever their resolution is, it 
should be taken as by one and the same people, by which 
means they will be respected and become strong; but if they 
divide, and act one part against tlie other, they will become 
weak, and help to destroy each other. This is a substance of 
what his lordship desired me to tell you, and I request you 
will give his sentiments that mature consideration which their 
justice, generosity and desire to promote the weltare and 
happiness of the Indians, must appear to all the woi-ld to 
merit. 

" In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the Eng- 
lish are not very anxious about the defense of the posts. You 
will soon be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart, 
provided that it continues to be the wish of the Indians, and 



OR, THE BOKDER WAUS OF TWO OENTIRII-S. 207 

that tliej remain tirin in doing their part of the business, by 
preventing the Americans from coming into their country, 
and consequently from marcliing to the posts. On the other 
hand, if the Indians think it more for their interest that the 
Americans should have possession of the posts, and be estab- 
lished in their country, they ought to declare it, that the 
English need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary 
expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object 
of which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who 
have suffered with them. It is well known that no encroach- 
ments ever have or ever will be made by the English upon the 
lands or property of the Indians in consequence of possessing 
the posts; how far that will be the case if ever the Americans 
get into them, may very easily be imagined, from their hostile 
perseverance, even without that advantage, in driving the 
Indians off their lands and taking possession of them." 

Tins assurance from the British authorities and the delay of 
Congress in answering the address of the confederated tribes, 
led to the general council which was held in 1788. In this 
assembly the Indians were divided, and Brant, who was 
thoroughly English, for the time gave up his interest in the 
efforts of Western tribes. From this day the Miamis were the 
leaders among them. Thus I might go on through the wdiole 
volume, giving evidences that the Indians w^ere excited to 
hostility against the Americans by the English. But if the 
English acted deceitfully, the Americans met the aggressors 
unwisely. Had the proper persons been sent among the sav- 
ages to teach them their real situation, a prolonged war would 
have been averted ; but they did not choose to adopt this course. 
St. Clair called upon Virginia for one thousand, and upon 
Pennsylvania for five hundred militia. Of these three hun- 
dred were to meet at Fort Steuben, (Jeffersonville) to aid the 
troops from Fort Knox, (Vincennes) against the Indians of the 
Wabash. Seven hundred were to gather at Fort Washington, 
(Cincinnati) and five hundred just below Wheeling; the two 
latter bodies being intended to march with the federal troops 



■208 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

from Fort "Washington, under Gen. Harmar, against the towns 
at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph.* 

The troops were organized and moved forward in the follow- 
ing order: The Kentuckians composed three battalions, under 
Majors Hall, McMullen and Bay, with Lieut. Col. Trotter at 
their head. The Pennsylvanians were formed into one battalion, 
under Lieut. Col. Trnbley and Major Paul, the whole to be 
commanded by Col. John Hardin, subject to the orders of Gen. 
Harmar. This was the detachment sent against the Miami 
villages when the main army was within thirty-five miles of 
their forts. On the thirtieth of October, 1790, the General 
moved out with the federal troops, formed into two small bat- 
talions under the immediate command of Major Wyllys and 
Major Doughty, together with Capt. Ferguson's company of 
artillery, and three pieces of oi'dnance. On the third of Octo- 
ber Gen. Harmar joined the advanced troops early in the 
morning; the remaining part of the da_y was spent in forming 
tlie line of march, the order of encampment and battle, and 
explaining the same to the militia field officers. On the fourth, 
the army took up tlie order of march. On the fifth, a rein- 
forcement of horsemen and mounted infantry joined from 
Kentucky. The dragoons were formed into two troops; the 
mounted riflemen made a company, and this small battalion of 
light troops was put under the command of Major Fontaine.f 

On the fourteenth this party marched forward, and upon the 
next day, about three o'clock, reached the villages, but they 
were deserted. On the morning of the seventeenth the main 
ai'my arrived and the work of destruction commenced ; by the 
twenty-first, the chief town, five other villages, and nearly 
twenty thousand bushels of corn in ears had been destroyed. 
When Harmar reached the Maumee towns and found no enemy, 
he thought of pushing forward to attack the Wea and other 
Indian settlements upon the Wabash, but was prevented by 
the loss both of pack horses and cavalry horses, which the 
Indians seem to have stolen in quantities to suit themselves, 
in consequence of the willful carelessness of the owners. The 
Wabash plan being dropped, Col. Trotter was dispatched with 

* American State Papers. f Western Annals. 



OR, THE J}ORDEB WARS OF TWO OENTURIKS. 209 

three hundred men to scour the woods in search of an enemy 
as the tracks of women and children had been seen near by. 

Parties were sent out in different directions; but throuo-h 
the utter want of discipline but little was accomplished, and 
in one instance the militia was badly defeated. A few scatter- 
ing Indians were killed, while on the other hand tlie invaders 
lost heavily. The campaign was a complete failure, causing 
much -suffering among the Indians, but in no degree subduing 
them. Perhaps the most truthful report of this campaign was 
given hj the Indians themselves to the English. It was this: 
"There have been two engagements about the Miami towns 
between the Americans and tlie Indians, in M-liich it is said 
the former had about five hundred men killed, and that the 
rest have retreated. The loss was ou\j fifteen or twenty on the 
side of the Indians. The Shawanoes, the Miamis and the 
Potto watomies were, I understand, the principal tribes who 
were engaged, but I do not learn that any of the nations have 
refused their alliance or assistance, and it is confidently reported 
that they are now inarching against the frontiers on tlie Ohio." 
Nor w^as the report of the invasion of the settlements on the 
Ohio short of the truth. On the evening of the second of 
January, 1791, the Indians surprised a new settlement at a 
place on the Muskingum called Big Bottom. In this disaster 
eleven men, one Avoman and two children were killed; three 
M'ere taken prisoners and four others made their escape. 

At this time the situation of the settlements north of the 
Ohio was truly deplorable. At Marietta were about eighty 
houses, in a distance of one mile, with scattering dwellings 
about tliree miles up the Ohio. There were a set of mills at 
Duck Creek, four miles distant, and another mill about two 
miles up the Muskingum. " Twenty-two miles up this river," 
says Rufus Putnam, writing to the President, " is a settlement 
consisting of about twenty families; about two miles from 
them on Wolf Creek, are five families and a set of mills. Down 
the Ohio, and opposite the Little Kanawha, commences the 
settlement called Belle Prairie, which extends down the river, 
with little interruption, about twelve miles, and contains 
between thirty and forty houses. Before tlie last disaster, we 
14 



210 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC ANJ) TECUMSKIi: 

had several other settlements, which are already broken up. I 
have taken the liberty to inclose the proceedings of the Ohio 
company and justices of the sessions on this occasion, and beg 
leave, with the greatest deference, to observe, that unless the 
government speedily send a body of troops for our protection^ 
we are a ruined people. The removal of the women and 
children, etc., will reduce many of the poorer sort to tlie great- 
est straits; but if we add to this the destruction of their corn, 
forage and cattle by the enemy, which is very probable to ensue, 
I know of no way they can be supported ; but, if this should 
not happen, where these people are to raise bread another year 
is not easy to conjecture, and most of them have nothing left 
to buy with. But my fears do not stop here; we are a people 
so far detached from all others, in point of situation, that we 
can hope for no timely relief, in case of emergency, from any 
of our neighbors; and among the number that compose our 
present military sti-ength, almost one-half are young men, 
hired into the country, intending to settle by and by; these, 
under present circumstances, will probably leave us soon, unless 
prospects should iDrighten ; and, as to new settlers, we can expect 
none in our present situation, so that, instead of increasing in 
strength, we are likely to diminish daily; and, if we do not 
fall a prey to the savages, we shall be so reduced and dis- 
couraged as to give up the settlement, unless government 
shall give us timely protection. It has been a mystery with 
some why the troops have been withdrawn from this quarter 
and collected at the Miami. That settlement is, I believe, 
Mnthin three or four days' march of a very populous part of 
Kentucky, fi-om whence, in a few days, they might be rein- 
forced with several thousand men, whereas we are not within 
two hundred miles of any settlement that can probably more 
than protect themselves." 

After the defeat Harmar marched to Fort Washington, and, 
as we have seen, the tribes he expected to have conquered were 
already upon the settlements with furious onslaught. " The 
spirit thus manifested by the tribes which had just been 
attacked," says Mr. Peck, " and the general feelings along the 
frontier in relation to Harmar's expedition, made tlie United 



OR, THK BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CKNTUKIES. 211 

States government sensible that their lirst step iu the conduct 
of backwoods warfare had been a failure, and that prompt and 
strong measures, calculated either to win or force a state of 
peace, must be adopted." The plan which was resorted to 
was as follows: 1st. To send a messenger to the Western 
Indians with offers of peace, to be accompanied by some of 
the Iroquois chieftains favorable to America. 2d. At the same 
time to organize expeditions in the West, to strike the Wea, 
Miami and Shawanoe towns, in case it should, be clear the peace 
messenger would fail in his mission; and, 3d. To prepare a 
grand and overwhelming force with which to take possession 
of the country of the enemies and build forts in their midst. 
Col. Thomas Proctor was the person selected to carry mes- 
sages of peace. He received his commission on tlie twelfth 
of March, 1791, and immediately left Philadelphia for the set- 
tlement of Cornplanter, or Capt. O'Beel, the chief warrior of the 
Senecas. This chief, Mdio was a iirm friend of Washington and 
the Union, had promised to do all in his power to secure peace, 
and now Proctor hoped to induce him to accompany him into 
the west. He might have succeeded in this had not the British 
commander at Niagara refused them a vessel to carry the 
ambassadors up Lake Erie. Thwarted in this, Proctor's plan 
was a failure. After Harman's campaign, tlie tribes of the 
Northwest sent a deputation to Lord Dorchester to learn what 
aid England would give in the contest that had now fairly 
begun. Dorchester's reply was not definite, but indicated that 
he was in favor of peace. It would now seem that the English 
were anxious for peace, expecting it could be obtained while 
they still held possession of the western outposts. Colonel 
Gordon, the British commandant at Niagara, wrote a letter to 
Brant, asking him to urge the western tribes into an honorable 
peace, and Brant, in turn, wrote a letter to the agent among 
the Miamies advising peace. Yet, with these views, Brant, 
Gordon and other influential officers did but very little to pro- 
mote peace; but the reasons were probably these: First, the 
Mohawk chieftain, Brant, was offended at tlie favor shown to 
Cornplanter, his greatest foe, by the Americans, and by their 
attempt to divide the Iroquois, Secondly, tliere is no doubt 



212 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

but that the representatives of England in Canada w^ere oft'ended 
at the entire disregard shown by tlie American government 
of their influences over the savages of the Northwest. Those 
tribes were closely connected with the British agents, and 
under their control, and Lord Dorchester, Colonel Gordon and 
Brant looked for an appeal to them as mediators in the quarrel 
about to burst forth; or at any rate for an acceptance by the 
Americans of their mediation, if asked by the Indians; an 
acceptance of the kind given in 1793, after St. Clair's defeat, 
and which was not, of course, dishonorable or degrading. 
Tliirdly, both the Indians and English were puzzled and 
excited by the seeming want of good faith on the part of the 
States ; which, at the same moment almost, commissioned 
Scott to war upon the Miami es. Proctor to treat of peace with 
them, St. Clair to invade and take possession of their lands, 
and Pickering to hold a council with their brethren for bury- 
ing the fatal hatchet, and quenching the destructive brand. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Proctor'8 Pp:ace Mission — Its Failure — Orders for St. Clair's 
Campaign — St. Clair Marches into the Indian Country — His 
Defeat — Account of the Disaster. 

But tlie Americans were also desirous to enlist Brant as a 
peace-maker, and steps were taken' looking to this end, but 
before he conld be approached he had departed for the west. 
His mission was nnknown, although suspected to have been to 
promote war. Measures were now taken to secure a council 
of the Six ISTations, on the sixteenth of June, 1791, at the 
Painted Post, near the junction of the Coshocton and Tioga 
rivers. The object of this council was to secure the neutrality 
of the Iroquois by presents and speeches. This plan partially 
succeeded. The council closed on the fifteenth of July, and the 
Indians returned satisfied.* 

It had been calculated that Proctor would return from his 
mission by the fifth of May, and report the result of his journey 
at Fort Washington, and upon this calculation had been based 
the second part of the plan for the campaign. Accordingly, on 
the ninth of March, 1791, orders were issued to Brigadier 
General Charles Scott, authorizing him, in conjunction with 
Harry Innis, John Brown, Benjamin Logan, and Isaac Shelley, 
to organize an expedition of mounted volunteers against the 
nations upon the Wabash, to start upon May the tenth, unless 
countermanded, which would take place in the event of Proc- 
tor's success. These orders were obeyed, and the troops were 
in readiness at the time appointed, but no intelligence of 
Proctor having reached Fort Washington up to the twenty- 
second of May, the detachment took up its line of march from 
the Ohio. Col. John Hardin led the advance party. On the 

* American State Papers, p. 181. 

(213) 



214 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSKH: 

first of June tlie towns of the enemy were discovered.* Gen. 
Scott immediately detached John Hardin with sixty mounted 
infantry, and a troop of liglit-horse under Capt. McCoy, to 
attack the villages to the left, and moved on briskly with the 
main body, in order of battle, towards the town, the smoke of 
which was discernable. The guides were deceived with respect 
to the situation of the town; for instead of standing at the 
edge of the plain through which they marched, they found it 
on the low ground bordering on the Wabash; on turning the 
point of woods, one house was presented in their front. Capt. 
Price was ordered io assault that with forty men. He executed 
the command with great gallantry, and killed two warriors. 
When Scott gained the summit of tlie eminence which over- 
looks the villages on the banks of the Wabash, he discovered 
the enemy in great confusion, endeavoring to make their 
escape over the river in canoes. He instantly ordered Lieut. 
Colonel-commandant Wilkinson to rush forward with the first 
battalion. The order was executed with promptitude, and this 
detachment gained the bank of the river just as the rear of the 
enemy had embarked; and, regardless of a brisk fire kept up 
from the Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they, in a few 
minutes, by a well directed fire from their rifles, destroyed all 
the savages with which five canoes were crowded. To Scott's 
great mortification the Wabash was many feet beyond fording 
at this place; he therefore detached Col. Wilkinson to a ford 
two miles above, wdiich the guides informed him was moi-e 
practicable. Wilkinson moved the first battalion up to the 
fording place but found it impassable and returned. Tlie 
enemy still kept possession of Kickapoo town, but Scott deter- 
mined to dislodge them, and for that purpose ordered Capt. 
King and Logsdone's companies to march down the river 
below the town, and cross, under the conduct of Major Barboe. 
Several of tlie men swam the i-iver, and others passed in a 
small canoe. This movement was unobserved; and the men 
had taken post on the bank before they were discovered by 
the enemy, who immediately abandoned the village. About 
this time word was brought to Scott that Col. Hardin was 
* Peck's Compilation 



OK, THE BOKDKK MAKS OF TWO CENTUKIES. 215 

encuinbered with prisoners, and had discovered a stronger 
vilhige further to his left than those Scott had observed, which 
he was proceeding to attack. The General immediately 
detached Captain Brown with his compan^^, to support tlie 
Colonel; hut the distance being six miles, before the Captain 
arrived the business was done, and Col. Hardin joined him a 
little before sun-set, having killed six warriors and taken fiftv- 
two prisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior who had discovered 
the army in the morning, had gained the main town and given 
the alarm a short time before the troops reached it, but the 
other villages were not aware of their approach, and could, 
therefore, make no retreat. The next morning Gen. Scott 
detached three hundred and sixty men under Col. Wilkinson, 
to destroy the important town of Tippecanoe, eighteen miles 
from the camp on the Wabash. The detachment left at half- 
past five in the evening, but returned at one o'clock on the 
next day, having marched thirty-six miles in twelve hours and 
destroyed the most important settlement of the enemy. 

Although this expedition under Scott was successful. Gov- 
ernor St. Clair determined to send another against the villages 
of Eel river, and Wilkinson was appointed to the command. 
He marched from Fort Washington on the first of August, 
and reached the Wabash on the seventh, just above the mouth 
of the river he was in search of. At this point he received 
w^ord that the Indians on Eel River had been warned of his 
approach, and were preparing for a flight. A general charge 
was immediately ordered. The men, forcing their way over 
every obstacle, plunged through the river and scaled the banks 
beyond. The enemy was unable to make the smallest resist- 
ance. Six warriors, two squaws and a child were killed, and 
thirty-four prisoners were taken, and an unfortunate captive 
released, with a loss on the side of the Americans of two men 
killed and one wounded. Wilkinson encamped in the town that 
night, and the next morning he cut up the corn, scarcely in the 
milk, burnt the cabins, mounted the young warriors, squaws 
and children, and leaving two infirm squaws and a child, with 
a short talk, he commenced his march for the Kickapoo town 
in the prairie. But this village was not reached. The horses' 



216 THE LIVES OF PO>fTIAC AMD TKCUMSKII : 

were too sore, and the bogs too deep; but as General Wilkin- 
son said, four hundred acres of corn were destroyed, and a 
Kickapoo town given to the tlanies ; for which the General was 
duly thanked by his country. Meantime, while Proctor was 
attempting to hurry the slow-moving Iroquois, who told him 
it took them a great while to think; and Wilkinson was flound- 
ering up to his arm-pits in mud and water, among the 
morasses of the Wabash ; the needful preparations were con- 
stantly going forward for the great expedition of St. Clair, 
which, by founding posts throughout the western country, 
from the Ohio to Lake Erie, and especially at the head of the 
Maumee, was to give the United States a sure means of control 
over the savages.* 

Governor St. Olair received full instructionsf tor tlie cam- 

* Peck's Compilation. 

t Ttie instructious to St. Clair for this campaign were communicated to him by Gen. 
Knox, in the following language: The President of the United States having, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed you a Major General in the ser- 
vice of the United States, and of consequence invested you with the chief command of 
the troops to be employed upon tlie frontiers during the ensuing campaign, it is proper 
that you should be possessed of the views of the government respecting the objects of 
your command. I am, therefore, authorized and commanded, by the President of the 
United States, to deliver you the following instructions, in order to serve as the general 
principles of your conduct. 

But, it is only general principles which can be pointed out. In the execution of the 
duties of your station, circumstances which cannot now be foreseen may arise to render 
material deviations necessary. Such circumstances will require the exercise of your 
talents. The government possesses the security of your character and mature experi- 
ence, that your judgment will be proper on all occasions. You are well informed of the 
unfavorable impressions which the issue of the last expedition has made on the public 
mind, and you are also aware of the expectations which are formed of the success of the 
ensuing campaign. 

An Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarded by the great mass of the people 
of the United States as an event which ought, if possible, to be avoided. It is consid- 
ered that the sacrifice of blood and treasure in such a war exceed any advantages which 
can possibly be reaped by it. The great policy, therefore, of the general government, is 
to establish a just and liberal peace with all the Indian tribes within the limits and in 
the vicinity of the territory of the United States. Your intimations to the hostile Indi- 
ans, immediately after the late expedition, through the Wyandots and Delawares; the 
arrangements with the Sonecas who were lately in this city, that part of the Six Nations 
should repair to the said hostile Iddians, to influence them to pacific measures; together 
with the recent mission of Colonel Proctor to them for the same purpose, will strongly 
evince the desire of the general government to prevent the effusion of blood, and to 
quiet all disturbances. And when you shall arrive upon the frontiers, if any other or 
further measures to effect the same object should present, you will eagerly embrace 
them, and the reasonable expenses thereof shall be defrayed by the public. But, if all 
the lenient measures taken, or which may be taken, should fail to bring the hostile Indi- 
ans to a just sense of their situation, it will be necessary that you should use such 
coercive means as you shall possess, for that purpose. You are informed that, by an act 




BRANT, THE MOHAWK CHIEFTAIN 



- XJi^'^- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO 0ENTURIE8. 217 

paign, and proceeded at once to organize his army. At the 
close of April, 1701, he was in Pittsburgh (Fort Pitt,) towards 
which point troops from all quarters, horses, stores and ammu- 
nition were going forward. 

On the fifteenth of May, St. Clair reached Fort Washing- 
ton, and at that time, the United States troops in the West 
amounted to but two hundred and sixty -four non-commissioned 
officers and privates lit for duty. On the fifteenth of July, 
this number was more than doubled, as the first regiment, con- 
ing two hundred and ninety-nine men, on that day reached 
Fort Washington. General Butler, who had been appoin';ed 
second in command, was employed through part of April and 

of Congress, passed the second iust., another regiment is to be raised, and added to the 
military establishment, and provision made for raising two thousand levies, for the term 
of six months, for the service of the frontiers. It is contemplated that the mass of the 
regulars and levies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washington, by the tenth of 
July. In this case, you will have assembled a force of three thousand eflectives at least, 
besides leaving small garrisons on the Ohio, in order to perform your main expedition, 
hereinafter mentioned. But, in the meantime, if the Indians refuse to listen to the 
messengers of peace sent to them, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread 
themselves along the line of frontiers, for the purpose of committing all the deprada- 
tions in their power. In order to avoid bo calamitous an event. Brigadier General Charles 
Scott, of Kentucky, has been authorized by me, on the part of the President of the United 
States, to make an expedition against the Wea, or Ouiatenon towns, with mounted vol- 
unteers, or militia from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven hundred and fifty, 
officers included. You will perceive, by the instructions to Brigadier General Scott, that 
it is confided to your discretion, whether there should be more than one of the said expe- 
ditions of mounted volunteers ormilitia. Your nearer view of the objects to be effected, 
by a second desultory expedition, will enable you to form abetter judgment than can at 
present be formed at this distance. The propriety of a second operation would, in some 
degree, depend on the alacrity and good composition of the troops of which the first may 
have been formed; of its success; of the: probable effects a second similar blow would 
have upon the Indians, with respect to its influencing them to peace; or, if they should 
be still hostilely disposed, of preventing them from desolating the frontiers by their 
parties. 

You will observe, in the instructions to Brigadier General Scott, which are to serve as 
a basis for the instructions of the commanders who may succeed him, that all captives 
are to be treated with great humanity. It will be sound policy to attract the Indians by 
kindness, after demonstrating to them our power to punish them, on all occasions. While 
you are making such use of desultory operations as in your judgment the occasion may 
require, you will proceed vigorously, in every operation in your power, for the purpose of 
the main expedition ; and having assembled your force, and all things being in readiness, 
if no decisive indications of peace should have been produced, either by the messenges, 
or by the desultory operations, you will commence your march for the Miami village, in 
order to establish a strong and permanent military post at that place. In your advance, 
you will establish such posts of communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as 
you may judge proper. The post at the Miami village is intended for the purpose of 
awing and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive of future hos- 
tilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all attempts andinsults of the 
Indians. The garrison which should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient 
for the defense of the place, but always to aft'ord a detachment of five or six hundred 



218 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

May in obtaining recruits, but when obtained, there was no 
money to pay tliem, nor to provide stores for them. In the 
quartermaster's department, meantime, everything went on 
slowly and badly; tents, pack-saddles, kettles, knapsacks and 
cartridge boxes were all " deficient in quantity and quality." 
Worse than this, the powder was poor or injured, the arms 
and accoutrements out of repair, and not even proper tools 
to mend them. And as the troops gathered at Fort 
Washington, after wearisome detentions at Pittsburgh and 
upon the river, a new source of troubles arose, in the habits 
of intemperance indulged and acquired by the idlers. To 
withdraw them from temptation, St. Clair was forced to 

men either to chastise any of the Wabash, or other hostile Indians, or to secure any con- 
voy of provisions. The establishment of such a post is considered as an important 
object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, 
the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point, if possible; and it is presumed, good 
arguments may be oilered, to induce their acquiescence. The situation, nature and con- 
struction of the works you may direct, will depend upon your own judgment. Major 
Ferguson, of the artillery, will be fully capable of the execution. He will be furnished 
with three five and a half-inch howitzers, three six-pounders, and three three-pounders, 
all brass, with a sufficient quantity of shot and shells, for the purpose of the expedition. 
The appropriation of these pieces will depend upon your orders. 

Having commenced your march, upou the main expedition, and the Indians continu- 
ing hostile, you will use every possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your 
superiority ; and after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works in a defen- 
sible state, you will seek the enemy with the whole of your remaining force, and endeavor, 
by all possible means, to strike them with great severity. It will be left to your dis- 
cretion whether to employ, if attainable, any Indians of the Sis Nations, and the 
Chickasaws or other Southern nations. Most probably the employment of about fifty of 
each, under the direction of some discreet and able chief, would be advantageous, but 
these ought not to be assembled before the line of march is taken up, because they are 
soon tired and will not be detained. The force contemplated for the garrisons of the 
Miami village, and the communications, has been from a thousand to twelve hundred 
non-commissioned officers and privates. This is mentioned as a general idea, to which 
you will adhere, or from which you will deviate, as circumstances may require. The 
garrison stationed at the Miami village, and its communications, must have in store at 
least six months good salted meat, and flour in proportion. 

It is hardly possible, if the Indians continue hostile, that you will be suffered quietly 
to establish a postal the Miami village; conflicts, therefore, may be expected; and it is 
to be presumed that disciplined valor will triumph over undisciplined Indians. In this 
event it is probable that the Indians will sue for peace; if this should be the case, the 
dignity of the United States will require that the terms should be liberal. In order to 
avoid future wars, it might be proper to make the Wabash, thence over to the Miami, and 
down the same to its mouth at Lake Erie, the boundary, excepting so far as the same 
should relate to the Wyandots and Delawares, on the supposition of their continuing 
faithful to the treaties. But, if they should join in the war against the United States, 
and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be removed without the boundary 
mentioned. You will also judge whether it would be proper to extend the boundary, 
from the mouth of the River au Pause of the Wabash, in a due west line to the Missis- 
sippi. Few Indians, besides the Kickapoos, would be affected by such aline; this ought 
to be tenderly managed. The modification of the boundary must be confided to your die- 



OR, THE BOKDKR WAIiS OF TWO CKNTl'RIKS. 219 

remove liis men, now numbering two thousand, to Ludlow's 
Station, about six miles from the fort. Here the armj con- 
tinued until the seventeenth of September, when, being two 
thousand three hundred strong, exclusive of militia, it moved 
forward to a point upon the Great Miami, where Fort Hamil- 
ton was built, the first in the proposed chain of fortresses. 
This being completed, the troops moved on fortj-fonr miles 
farther, and on the twelfth of October, commenced Fort Jeffer- 
son, about six miles south of the town of Greenville. On the 
twenty-fourth, the toilsome march through the wilderness 
began again. At this time the commander-in-chief, whose 
duties through the summer had been very severe, was suffering 
from an indisposition which was by turns in his stomach, lungs 
and limbs; provisions were scarce, the roads wet and heavy, 
the troops going with much difficulty, seven miles a day; the 
militia deserting sixty at a time. Thus toiling along, the army, 
rapidly lessening by desertion, sickness, and troops sent to 
arrest deserters, on the third of November reached a stream 
twelve yards wide, which St. Clair supposed to be the St. Maiy 
of the Maumee, but which was in reality a branch of the 

cretion, with this single observatiou, that the policy and interest of the United States 
dictate their being at peace with the Indians. This is of more value than millions of 
■uncultivated acres, the right to which may be conceded by some, and disputed by others. 
The establishment of a post at the Miami village will probably be regarded, by the British 
olficers on the frontiers, as a circumstance of jealousy; it may, therefore, be necessary 
that you should, at a proper time, make such intimations as may remove all such disposi- 
tions. This intimation had better follow than precede the possession of the post, unless 
circumstances dictate otherwise. As it is not the inclination or interest of the United 
States to enter into a contest with Great Britain, every measure tending to any discussion 
or altercation must be prevented. The delicate situation of atfairs may, therefore, render 
it improper, at present, to make any naval arrangement upon Lake Erie. After you have 
effected all the injury to the hostile Indians of which your force may be capable, and after 
having established the posts and garrisons at the Miami villages and its communications, 
and placing the same under the orders of an oflacer worthy of such high trust, you will 
return to Fort Washington. 

It is proper to observe, that certain jealousies have existed among the people of the 
frontiers, relative to a supposed interference betw^een their interest, and those of the 
marine States; that these jealousies are ill-founded, with respect to the present govern- 
ment, is obvious. The United States embrace, with equal care, all i)arts of the Union ; 
and, in the present case, are making expensive arrangements for the protection of the 
frontiers, and partly in the modes, too, which appear to be highly favored by the Kentucky 
people. 

The high stations yon fill, ofcommanderof the troops, and Governor of the Western Ter- 
ritory, will afford you frequent opportunities to impress the frontier citizens of the entire 
good disposition of the general government towards them In all reasonable things, and 
you will render acceptable service, by cordially embracing all such opportunities. 



220 THE LIVES OF PONTEAC AND TEOUMSEII I 

Wabash. Upon the banks of this Stream St. Chiir, with his army,, 
about fourteen hundred stron^^, encamped in two lines. The 
right wing, composed of Butler's, Clark's and Patterson's battal- 
ions, commanded by Major-General Butler, formed the first 
line; and the left wing, consisting of Bedinger's and Gaither's 
battalions, and the second regiment, commanded by Lieut.- 
Col. Drake, formed the second line, with an interval between 
them of about seventy yards, which was all the ground would 
allow. The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek, a 
steep bank, and Faulkner's corps and some of the cavalry cov- 
ered the left flank. The militia were thrown over the creek, 
and advanced about a quarter of a mile and encamped in the 
same order. There w^ere a few Indians who appeared on the 
opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipita- 
tion, on the advance of the militia. 

At this place, which St. Clair judged to be about fifteen 
miles from the Miami village, he determined to throw up a 
slight work for the protection of the knapsacks and the bag- 
gage, and to move thence on to attack the enemy as soon as the 
first regiment should come up. But in this he was disap- 
pointed, for on the fourth, about half an hour before sunset 
and when the men had just been dismissed from parade, an 
attack was made upon the militia, which gave way in a short 
time and rushed into camp through Major Butler's battalion, 
the Indians following close at their heels. The fire, however, 
of the front line checked them, but almost instantly a very 
heavy attack begun upon that line, and in a few minutes it was 
extended to the second line. The great weight of it was 
directed against the centre of each, where the artillery was 
placed and from which the men were repeatedly driven, with 
great slaughter. Finding no great eff'ect from the fire of the 
troops, and confusion beginning to spread from the great num- 
ber of men who were falling in all quarters, St. Clair resolved 
to see what could be done with the bayonet. Lieut.-Col. Drake 
was accordingly ordered to make a charge with a part of the 
second line and to turn the left flank of the enemy. This was 
executed with great spirit. The Indians instantly gave way 
and were driven back three or four hundred yards; but for 



OR, THE BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CENTUKIES. 221 

want of a sufficient number of riflemen to pursue tliis advan- 
tage, they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to fall 
back in tlieir turn. At this moment they had entered the 
camp bj the left flank, having pushed back the troops that 
were posted there. Another charge was made here by the sec- 
ond regiment, Butler's and Clark's battalions, with equal eflfect, 
and it was repeated several times and always with success; but 
in all of them many men were lost, and particularly the officers, 
a loss altogether irreparable. In the last charge Major Butler 
was dangerously wounded, and every officer of the second regi- 
ment fell except three, one of whom, Mr. Greaton, was shot 
througli the body. 

The artillery being now silenced and all the officers killed, 
except Capt. Foi'd, who was very badly wounded, and more 
than half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it 
became necessary to attempt the regaining of it and to make a 
retreat, if possible. To this purpose the remains of the army 
were formed as well as circumstances would admit towards the 
right of the encampment, from which, by the way of the sec- 
ond line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if with 
the design to turn their right flank, but in fact to gain the road. 
This was effected, and as soon as it was open, the militia took 
along it, followed by the troops, Major Clark, with his bat- 
talion, covering the rear,* 

The retreat, in those circumstances, was, as may be imagined, 
a very precipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight. The camp and 
the artillery were abandoned; but that was unavoidable, for 
not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it other- 
wise been practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the 
business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their 
arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which con- 
tinued about four miles, had ceased. St. Clair found the road 
strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy 
it, for having had all his horses killed, and being mounted 
upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, he could 
not get forward himself, and the orders he sent forward either 
to halt the front, or to prevent the men from parting with 

* St. Clair's report. 



222 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

tlieir arms, were unattended to. The flight continued to Fort 
Jefferson, twentj-nine miles, wliich was reached a little after 
sunset. The action began about half an hour before sunrise, 
and the retreat was attempted at half an hour after nine o'clock. 
Maj. Gen. Butler, Lieut. Col. Oldham, of the militia, Major 
Ferguson, Major Hart and Major Clark were among the killed. 

St. Clair, in giving the details of this disaster, closes with 
these remarks: " I have nothing to lay to the charge of the 
troops but their want of discipline, which, for the short time 
they had been in the service, it was impossible they should 
have acquired." He continues: "We were overpowered by 
numbers; but it is no more than justice to observe that, though 
composed of so many different species of troops, the utmost 
harmony prevailed during the campaign." 

In addition to the above brief account of St. Clair's defeat, 
I give the following from the pen of Mr. Van Cleve, who was 
in the Quartermastei- General's service on the occasion and 
witnessed the disaster: 

We were encamped just within the lines, on the right. The attack was 
made on the Kentucky militia. Almost instantaneously the small rem- 
nant of them that escaped broke through the line near us, and this line 
gave way. Followed by a tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed 
me. I threw my bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had been 
cut, and followed a short distance, when finding the troops had halted, I 
returned and brought my horse a little farther. I was now between the 
fires, and finding the troops giving way again, was obliged to leave him a 
second time. As I quitted him he was shot down, and I felt rather glad 
of it, as I concluded that now I should be at liberty to share in the engage- 
ment. My inexperience prompted me to calculate on our forces being far 
superior to any that the savages could assemble, and that we should soon 
have the pleasure of driving them. Not more than five minutes had yet 
elapsed, when a soldier near me had his arm swinging with a wound. I 
requested his arms and accoutrements, as he was unable to use them, pro- 
mising to return them to him, and commenced firing. The smoke was 
settled down to about within three feet of the ground, but I generally put 
one knee on the ground, and with a rest from behind a tree, waited the 
appearance of an Indian's head from behind his cover, or for one to run 
and change his position. Before I was convinced of my mistaken calcula- 
tion, the battle was half over and I had become familiarized to the 
scene. Hearing tlie firing at one time unusually brisk near the rear of 
the left wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy officers were just 
ordering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition and some of tlie 



OK, THE BOKDKK WAK!« OF TWO (MONTl'RIKS. 22S- 

bands of mj' musket had flown oil'. I i)ickcd up anotlirr and a cartrid<^e 
box nearly full, and pushed forward with about thirly others. The In- 
dians ran to the right, where there was a small ravine tilled with logs. I 
bent my course after them, and on looking round I found I was with only 
seven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward and halted 
about thirty yards ofl'. We halted also, and being so near where the 
savages lay concealed, the second fire from them left me standing alone. 
My cover was a small sugar tree or beech, scarcely large enough to hide 
me. I fired away all my ammunition ; I am uncertain whether with any 
effect or not. I then looked for the party near me, and saw them retreat- 
ing and half way back to the lines. I followed them, running my best, 
and was soon in. By this time our artillery had been taken, I do not 
know whether the first or second time, and our troops had just retaken it 
and were charging the enemy across the creek in front, and some person 
told me to look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of powder, but 
I did not see him. There were about thirty of our men and officers lying 
scalped around the pieces of artillery. It appeared that the Indians had 
not been in a hurry, for their hair was all skinned oft". 

Daniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought up with 
me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time received a shot 
through his hips and was unable to walk. I procured a horse and got him 
on. My uncle had received a ball near his wrist that lodged near his 
elbow. The ground w^as literally covered with dead and dying men, the 
commander gave orders to take the way — perhaps they had been given 
more explicitly. Happening to see my uncle, he told me that a retreat 
had been ordered, and that I must do the best I could and take care of 
myself. Bonham insisted that he had a better chance of escaping than I 
had, and urged me to look to my own safety alone. I found the troops 
pressing like a drove of bullocks to the right. I saw an officer whom I 
took to be Lieut. Morgan, an aid to Gen. Butler, with six or eight men, 
start on a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately ran and 
fell in with them. In a short distance we were so suddenly among the 
Indians, who were not apprised of our object, that they opened to us, and 
ran to the right and left without firing. I think about two hundred of our 
men passed through them before they fired, except a chance shot. When 
we had proceeded about two miles, most of those mounted had passed 
me. A boy had been thrown or fell oft' a horse, and begged my assistance. 
I ran, pulled him along about two miles further, until I had become 
nearly exhausted. Of the last two horses in the rear, one carried two men 
and the other three. I made an exertion and threw him on behind the 
two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile further. The boy 
was thrown off some time after, but escaped and got in safely. My friend 
Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but understood he was thrown off 
about this place, and lay on the left of the trace, where he was found in 
the winter and was buried. I took the cramp violently in my thighs and 
could scarcely walk until I got within a hundred yards of the rear, where- 
the Indians were tomahawking the old and wounded men ; and I stopped 



224 THE LIVKS OF PON'HAC AND TECUMSEH ! 

here to tie my pocket handkerchief round a wounded man's knee. I saw 
the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a moment my spirit sunk 
and I felt in despair for my safety. I considered whether I should leave 
the road or whether I was capable of any further exertion. If I left the 
road, the Indians were in plain sight and could easily overtake me. I 
threw the shoes off my feet, and tlie coolness of the ground seemed to 
revive me. I again began a trot and recollect that when a bend in the 
road offered, and I got before half a dozen persons, I thought it would 
occupy some time for the enemy to massacre them, before my turn would 
come. By the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had 
gained the centre of the flying troops, and, like them, came to a walk. I 
fell in with Lieut. Shaumburg, who, I think, was the only officer of artil- 
lery that got away unhurt, with Corporal Mott, and a woman who was 
called red-headed Nance. The latter two were both crying. Mott was 
lamenting the loss of a wife and Nance that of an infant child. Shaum- 
burg was nearly exhausted and hung on Mott's arm. I carried his fusil 
and accoutrements and led Nance; and in this sociable way we arrived at 
Fort Jefferson a little after sunset. 

The Commander-in-Chief had .ordered Col. Darke to press forward to 
the convoj^s of provisions and hurry them on to the army. Major Truman, 
Capt. Sedan and my uncle were setting forward with him. A number of 
soldiers and pack-horsemen on foot and myself among them, joined them. 
We came on a few miles, when all, overcome with fatigue, agreed to halt. 
Darius Curtius Orcott, a pack-horse master, had stolen at Jefferson one 
pocket full of flour and the other full of beef. One of the men had a 
kettle, and one Jacob Fowler and myself groped about in the dark until 
we found some water, where a tree had been l)lown out of root. We made 
a kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among the many. It was 
then concluded, a« there was a bend in the road a few miles further on, 
that the Indians might undertake to intercept us there, and we decamped 
and traveled about four or five miles further. I had got a rifle and am- 
munition at Jefferson from a wounded militia man, an old acquaintance, 
to bring in. A sentinel was set and we lay down and slept, until the Gov- 
ernor came up a few hours afterward. I think I never slept so profoundly. 
I could hardly get awake after I was on my feet. On the day before the 
defeat the ground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled with 
water frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife blade. I was worn out with 
fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces against the roots in the night and 
splashing through the ice without shoes. In the morning we got to a 
camp of pack-horsemen, and amongst them I got a doughboy or water- 
dumpling, and proceeded. We got within seven miles of Hamilton on 
this day and arrived there soon on the morning of the sixth. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Results uf St. Clair's Defeat — The Americans, tke Enwtjsh, 
AiSD THE Indians — Brant Intited to Philadelphia — Hormify- 
iNG Scenes ok St. Clair's Battle Field — The Peace Makers — 
Their Instructions — Americans desire Peace — The Init>aiss 
FOR Wah. 

Thus was the plan of establishing a chain of forts between 
Cincinnati and the Miami xdllages overthrown by the defeat 
of St. Clair. The savages again victorious, could neither be 
expected to make terms or show mercy, and along the line of 
the whole frontier the settlers were filled with anxiety, terror, 
and despair. Out of St. Clair's army of fourteen hundred men, 
eight hundred and ninety were killed and wounded. The 
battle took place on the fourth of November, 1791, and on the 
eighth of the same month the remains of the army reached 
Fort Washington. The news of the defeat was at once com- 
municated to Congress, and on tlie twenty-sixth of December 
Gen, Knox laid before the President a plan for future opera- 
tions. It provided for raising and equipping a large force, 
and the immediate invasion of the Indian country, but Wash- 
ington desired that before this army was organized every effort 
should again be made to prevent bloodshed. Col. Pickering, 
in his meeting with the Iroquois, of June and July, 1791, at 
the Painted Post, had, among other things, proposed that 
certain chiefs should, in the following January, go to Philadel- 
phia, while ( 'ongress was in session, and " shake hands with 
their newly adopted father." The importance of the proposed 
visit became more evident after the news of St. Clair's defeat, 
for now, the New York Indians were suspected. On the twen- 
tieth of December, 1791, Gen. Knox wrote to a missionary 
among the Iroquois, pressing through him the invitation given 
15 (235) 



226 THE IJVKS (>V FONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

by the commissioner, and especially urging the presence of 
Brant. To aid the proposed peace measures, a respectful and 
kind message was sent to theSenecas on the seventh of January, 
1792 ; while, to guard against surj^rise, means were adopted to 
learn the purpose of a great council called at Buifalo Creek, 
and also to' ascertain the intentions of the tribes on the Wabash 
and Miami. While these events were taking place in the 
north, Wilkinson, commanding at Cincinnati, was instructed 
to send word to Major Hamtramck, at Vincennes, that the Gov- 
ernment wished to secure the agency of the French colonists 
and friendly Indians in quelling the war spirit. In February, 
also, further friendly messages were sent to the Senecas, and 
an invitation forwarded to Brant from the Secretary of War 
himself asking him to come to Philadelphia. 

In March iifty Iroquois chiefs reached the Quaker city and 
met in council with the Americans, expressing friendly senti- 
ments, and during April and May Capt. Trueman and others 
were sent from the Ohio to tlie hostile tribes, bearing messages 
of friendship. But before relating the unfortunate issue of 
Truemau's expedition, I will notice the movements made by 
Congress in reference to military preparations, which were to 
be carried out in case the peace measures should fail. 

St. Clair resigned his position as commander of the ]!!^orth- 
western forces and Gen. Wayne was appointed in his place, and 
in June, 1792, the latter moved westward to Pittsburgh, and 
proceeded to organize the army which " was to be the ultimate 
argument of the American with the Indian confederation." 

Through the summer of 1792, the preparation of the soldiers 
was steadily attended to; "train and discipline them for the 
service they are meant for," said Washington, "and do not 
spare powder and lead, so the men be made marksmen." In 
December, 1792, the forces now recruited and trained, were 
gathered at a point about twenty-two miles below Pitts- 
burgh, on the Ohio, called Legionville; the army itself having 
been denominated the Legion of the United States, divided 
into four sub -legions, and provided with legionary and sub- 
legionary officers. Meantime, at Fort Washington, Wilkinson 
had succeeded St. Clair as commandant, and in January had 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OKNTUKIES. 227 

ordered an expedition to examine the iield of the late disastrous 
conflict. 

Tliis expedition reached the site of St. Clair's disastrous 
battle on the first of February, and found one of the most 
horrifying spectacles ever presented to human eyes. It was 
evident, from what was found there, that the unfortunate 
soldiers in St. Clair's army who fell into the enemy's hands 
with life received the greatest torture — having their limbs torn 
off. The women were treated with the most indecent cruelty, 
having stakes as thick as a person's arm driven through their 
bodies. 

But while Wayne's army were gathering and target-shooting 
near Pittsburgh, the jDeace measures of the United States were 
pressed with great effort. In the first place, the Iroquois, 
through their chiefs who visited Philadelphia, were induced to 
act as peace-makers between the Americans and the hostile 
Indians; and, as we have seen, Trueman received instructions 
to repair to the Miami villages with friendly words. Follow- 
ing is the speech with which he was charged, and which he 
delivered to these hostile tribes : 

Brothers: The President of the United States entertains the opinion 
that the war wliicli exists is founded in error and mistalie on your part. 
That you believe the United States want to deprive you of your lands, and 
drive you out of the country. Be assured this is not so: on the contrary, 
that we should be greatly gratified with the opportunity of imparting to 
you all the blessings of civilized life; of teaching you to cultivate the 
earth, and raise corn; to raise oxen, sheep, and other domestic animals; 
to build comfortable houses, and to educate your children, so as ever to 
dwell upon the land. 

Brothers : The President of the United States requests you to take this 
subject into your serious consideration, and to reflect how abundantly 
more it will be for your interest to be at peace with the United States, and 
to receive all the benefit thereof, than to continue a war which, however 
flattering it may be to you for a moment, must, in the end, prove ruinous. 

This desire cf peace has not arisen in consequence of the late defeat of 
the troops under Major General St. Clair; because, in the beginning of the 
last year a similar message was sent you by Col. Proctor, but who was 
prevented from reaching you by some insurmountable difficulties. All 
the Senecas at Buflalo Creek can witness for the truth of this assertion, as 
he held, during the month of April last, long conferences with them, to 
devise the means o<f getting to you in safety. 



228 THK LIVES OF PONTIAC AND 'H<;0UiVI8EH ". 

War, at all times, is a dreadful evil to those who are engaged therein, 
and more particularly so where a few people engage to act against so great 
numbers as the people of the United States. 

Brothers : Do not suffer the advantages you have gained to mislead 
your judgment, and to influence you to continue the war; but reflect upon 
the destructive consequences which must attend such a measure. 

The President of the United States is highly desirous of seeing a number 
of 3'our principal chiefs, and convincing you, in person, how much he 
wishes to avoid the evils of war for your sake, and the sake of humanity. 
Consult, therefore, upon the great object of peace; call in your parties, 
and enjoin a cessation of all other depredations; and as many of the 
principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to Philadelphia, the seat of the 
general government, and there make a peace, founded upon the principles 
of justice and humanity. Remember that no additional lands will be 
required of you, or any other tribe, to those that have been ceded by 
former treaties, particularly by the tribes who had a right to make the 
treaty of Muskingum in the year 1789. 

But if any of your tribes can prove that you have a fair right to any 
lands comprehended by the said treaty, and have not been compensated 
therefor, you shall receive full satisfaction upon that head. The chiefs 
you send shall be safely escorted to this city, and shall be well fed and 
provided with all things for their journey, and the faith of the United 
States is hereby pledged to you for the true and liberal performance of 
every thing herein contained and suggested, and all this is confirmed in 
your manner by the great white belt hereunto attached. 

But this was not all. The Americans were sincere in their 
desires to conclude a permanent peace with the native tribes, 
and, theretbre, Captain Hendrick, chief of the Stockbridge 
Indians, was dispatched on the eighth of May, to present the 
views of the President to the approaching council of the 
Northwestern Confederacy. General JRufus Putman was also 
instructed to go into the Indian country, in company with 
John Hecke welder, and to do all in his power to secure peace 
and a permanent treaty. Following are a few extracts from 
the information and orders which he received, which, in addi- 
tion to the speech of Col. Tfueman, go very far to prove that 
Washington was disposed to treat with the savages on a liberal 
basis : 

The chiefs of the Five Nations of Indians, who were so long in this city, 
lately, were astonished at the moderation of our claim of land, it being 
very different from what they had been taught, by designing people, to 
believe. 



OK, THK BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 2'29 

It would seem that the Indians have been misled with respect to our 
claims, by a certain map, published in Connecticut, wherein are laid out 
♦en new States, agreeably to a report of a committee of Congress. 

The United States are desirous, in any treaty which shall be formed in 
future, to avoid all causes of war, relative to boundaries, by fixing the same 
in sucli a mauner as not to be mistaken by the meanest capacity. As the 
basis, therefore, of your negotiation, you will, in the strongest and most 
explicit terms, renounce, on the part of the United States, all claim to any 
Indian land which shall not have been ceded by fair [treaties, made with 
the Indian nations. 

You may say — that we conceive the treaty of Fort Harmar to have been 
formed by the tribes having a just right to make the same, and that it was 
done with their full understanding and free consent. 

That if, however,''the said tribes should judge the compensation to have 
been inadequate to the object, or that any other tribes have a just claim, 
in both cases they shall receive a liberal allowance, on their finally settling 
all disputes upon the subject. 

As the United States never made any treaties with the Wabash Indians, 
although the said Indians have been repeatedly invited thereto, their 
claims to the lands east and south of the said Wabash have not been 
defined. 

This circumstance will be a subject of your inquiry with the assembled 
Indian tribes; and you may assure the parties concerned, that an equita- 
ble boundarj' shall be arranged with them. 

You will make it clearly understood, that we want not a foot of their 
land, and that it is theirs, and theirs only; that they have the right to sell, 
and the right to refuse to sell, and the United States will guarantee to them 
tlie said just right. 

Tliat it is not only the sincere desire of the United States to be at peace 
with all the neighboring Indian tribes, but to protect them in their just 
rights, agaiust lawless, violent white people. If such should commit any 
injury on the person or property of a peaceable Indian, they will be 
regarded equally as the enemies of the general government as the Indians, 
and will be punished accordingly. 

Your first great object, upon meeting the Indians, will be to convince 
them that the United States require none of their lands. 

The second, that we shall guaranty all that remain, and take the Indians 
under our protection. 

Thirdly; they must agree to the truce, and immediately to call in all 
their war parties. It will be in vain to be negotiating with them while 
they shall be murdering the frontier citizens. 

Having happily eff'ected a truce, founded on the above assurances, it will 
then be your primary endeavor to obtain from each of the hostile and 
neigliboring tribes two of the most respectable chiefs, to repair to the seat 
of government, and there conclude a treaty with the President of the 
L-nited States, in which all causes of difference should be buried forever. 
You will give the chiefs every assurance of personal protection, while 



230 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

on their journey to Philadelphia, and, should they insist upon it, hostages 
of officers for the safe return of the chiefs, and, in case of their compli- 
ance, you will take every precaution by the troops for the protection of the 
said chiefs, which the nature of the case may require. 

But if, after having used your utmost exertions, the chiefs should decline 
the journey to Philadelphia, then you will agree with them on a plan for 
a general treaty,* 

As already mentioned, Brant, the Mohawk chieftain, had 
been requested to visit Pliiladelphia and hold a conference with 
"Washington. The English, on hearing this, did all in their 
power to prevent him from complying with the request. Bat 
this independent chief would not listen to their representations, 
and on the twentieth of June appeared at the Federal Capital. 
He remained there ten or twelve days, and was treated by all 
with marked attention. 'Great pains were taken to give him 
a correct understanding of affairs, but he left the American 
Capital still an Englishman at heart. 

Notwithstanding the liberal terms offered, and that different 
peace-makers were sent into the Indian country, all proposi- 
tions for peace were rejected in one form or another. The 
recent victories which the savages had gained, and the favora- 
ble representations of English agents, closed the ears of the 
red men, and, no doubt, led them to murder the peace deputies 
whose fate I now proceed to record. 

* American State Papers, v. 234, 336. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Fate op the Peace-Makers — Great CornsrciL op the Madmee — 
Propositions op Peace Rejected by the Indians — Watne 
Marches into the Indian Country — The Skulls on St. Clair's 
Battlefield — Fort Recovery Established. 

The fate of those who were sent out to induce the ludians 
to measures of peace, may be imagined. Freeman, who left 
Fort Washington on the seventh of April; Trueman, who left 
on the twentj-second of May, for the Maumee, and Col. Har- 
din, who, on the same day, started for Sandusky, were all 
murdered. Brant did not attend the Western Council, although 
he had agreed to in Philadelphia. Hendricks gave his message 
into the hands of Col. McKee, and kept away from the gath- 
ering of the confederated nations, and of the three messengers, 
Trueman, Hendricks and Putnam, Putnam alone reached his 
destination. He formed a treaty with several of the Wabash 
tribes, but, as it was not ratified by Congress, it proved of no 
avail. 

Indian councils were now in order — councils where Indians 
met Indians, and where no white man intruded himself. 
Probably the largest Indian council ever held was at the mouth 
of the Eiver Auglaize, in 1792. It was assembled through 
the influence of the Iroquois, but did not accomplish the de- 
sired result. Besides, the New York, Western and Canadian 
Indians, there were present twenty-seven other nations. At 
this council the boundary line between the Americans and 
Indians was fully discussed, and all agreed that it must not 
extend north of the Ohio. However, nothing was fully resolved, 
the council agreeing to assemble again in the following spring. 
This meeting took place, and both the Americans and the 
Indians were fully represented. The United States Commis- 
(231) 



232 THE IJVES OF PONTIAC AND TECJUMSEH : 

isioners laid before the savages a plan for the settlemeut of all 
flifficulties, but it proved dissatisfactory. The speech which 
was submitted by the Confederated Nations in reply to the 
commissioners, and which put an end to all negqtiations, and 
opened the way for another bloody contest, is of such import- 
ance as to merit preservation in this volume. It was in these 
words : 

To the Commissioners of the United States. — Brothers : We have received 
your speech, dated the thirty-first of last month, and it has been inter- 
preted to all the different nations. We have been long in sending you an 
answer because of the great importance of the subject. But we now 
answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our power. 

Brothers: You tell us that after you had made peace with the King, our 
father, about ten years ago, "it remained to make peace between the 
United States and the Indian nations who had taken part with the King. 
For this purpose commissioners were appointed, who sent messages to all 
those Indian nations, inviting them to come and make peace," and after 
reciting the periods at which you say treaties were held at Fort Stanwix, 
Fort Mcintosh and Miami, all which treaties, according to your own 
acknowledgment, were for the sole purpose of making peace, you then 
say, " Brothers, the commissioners who conducted these treaties in behalf 
of the United States sent the papers containing them to the general 
council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the nations 
treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands thereby ceded." 

Brothers: This is telling us plainly what we always understood to be 
the case, and it agrees with the declarations of those few who attended 
those treaties, viz. : That they went to your commissioners to make peace ; 
but, through fear, were oblige to sign any paper that was laid before them, 
and it has since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by them, in- 
stead of treaties of peace. 

Brothers : You then say, " after some time it appears that a numbej;. of 
people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Fort Mcintosh 
and Miami; therefore, the council of the United States appointed Gov. 
St. Clair their commissioner, with full power, for the purpose of removing 
all causes of controversy, relating to trade, and settling boundaries, between 
the Indian nations in the northern department and the United States. He 
accordingly sent messages, inviting all the nations concerned to meet him 
at a council fire he kindled at the Falls of the Muskingum. While he was 
waiting for them some mischief happened at that place and the fire was 
put out; so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmar, where near six hun- 
dred Indians of different nations attended. The Six Nations then renewed 
and confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and the Wyandots and Dela. 
wares renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh ; some Ottawas, 
Chippewas, Pottawatomies and Sacs were also parties to the treaty of Fort 



OK, THE BORDER WAKS OK IWO (JENTURIES. 23S 

Harmar." Now, brothers, these are your words, and it is necessary for us 
to make a short reply to them. 

Brothers : A geueral council of all the Indian confederacy was held, as 
you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at this place, and that general 
couticil was invited by your commissioner. Gov. St. Clair, to meet him for 
the purpose of holding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned 
by you to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort 
Mcintosh. 

Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters wliich passed 
on that occasion between those deputed by the confederated Indians and 
Gov. St. Clair, the commissioner of the United States. These papers prove 
that your said commissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789, and after 
having been informed by the general council of the preceding fall, that 
no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian lands would be considered 
as valid or binding unless agreed to by a general council, nevertheless 
persisted in collecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, 
and with them held a treaty for the cession of an immense country, in 
which they were no more interested, than as a branch of the general con- 
federacy, and who were in no manner authorized to make any grant or 
concession whatever. 

Brothers: How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy peace, 
and quietly to hold these lands, when your commissioner was informed, 
long before he had the treaty of Fort Harmar, that the consent of a gen- 
eral council was absolutely necessary to convey any part of these lands to 
the United States. The part of these lands which the United States now 
wish us to relinquish and which you say are settled, have been sold by the 
United States since that time. 

Brothers : You say " the United States wish to have confirmed all the 
lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort Harmar, and also a small tract 
at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed by Gen. Clark, for the use of himself 
and his warriors. And, in consideration thereof, the United States would 
give such a large sum of money or goods as was never given, at any one 
time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the white people first set 
their feet on this island. And, because these lands did every year furnish 
you with skins and furs, with which you bought clothing and other neces- 
saries, the United States will now furnish the like constant supplies. And, 
therefore, besides the great sum to be delivered at once, tliey will every 
year deliver you a large quantity of such goods as are best fitted to the 
wants of yourselves, your women and children." 

Brothers : Money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown ; and,, 
as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell the lands on which we 
get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to 
point out a mode by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace 
thereby obtained. 

Brothers : We know that these settlers are poor, or they would never 
have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble 
ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of 



234 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

money, which you have otfered to us, among these people. Give to each, 
also, a proportion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over 
and above this very large sum of money ; and, as we are persuaded, they 
would most readily accept of it in lieu of the land you sold them. If you 
add, also, the great sums you must expend in raising and paying armies, 
with a view to force us to yield you our country, you will certainly have 
more than sufficient for the purpose of repaying these settlers for all their 
labor and their improvements. 

Brothers : You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange 
that you should expect any from us who have only been defending our 
just rights against your invasions. We want peace. Kestore to us our 
country and we shall be enemies no longer. 

Brothers : You make one concession to us by offering us your money, 
and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having long and 
injuriously withheld it; we mean in the acknowledgment you now have 
made, that the King of England never did, nor never had a right to give 
you our country, by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act 
of common justice a great part of your concessions, and seem to expect 
that, because you have at last acknowledged our independence, we should 
for such a favor, surrender to you our country. 

Brothers : You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-emption, and 
your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded to you by the 
king at the treaty of peace. 

Brothers: We never made any agreement with the king, nor with any 
other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right of purchasing 
our lands; and we declare to you that w^e consider ourselves free to make 
any bargain or cession of lands, whenever and to whomsoever we please. 
If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the 
king should purchase of us, and that he has given that right to the United 
States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us; we have 
never parted with such a power. 

Brothers : At our general council, held at the Glaize last fall, we agreed 
to meet commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of restoring 
peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm our boundary 
line to be the Ohio, and we determined not to meet you, until you gave us 
satisfacUon on that point; that is the reason we have never met. 

We desire you to consider, brothers, that our only demand is the peace- 
able possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back and 
review the lands from whence we have been driven to this spot. We can 
retreat no farther, because the country behind hardly affords food for its 
inhabitants; and we have, therefore, resolved to leave our bones in this 
small space to which we are now confined. 

Brothers: We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if you 
agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between us. If you 
will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary. This 
is the great point which we hoped would have been explained before you 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OENTDRIES. 235 

left your homes, as our messtige, last fall, was principally directed to 
obtain that information. 

Done in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, the thir- 
teenth day of August, 1793. 

Nations. 

Wy;\jsT)ots, Miamis, Mohicans, 

Seven Nations, Ottawas, Connots, 

of Canada, Pottawatomies, Messasagoes, 

Delawares, Senegas, Ojibwas, 

Nantakokies, Shawanoes, Munsees. 

Creeks, Cherokees, 

This communication closed the attempts of the United 
States to make peace. Wayne had pushed forward his prepa- 
rations, but was still at " Hobson's choice," near Fort 
Washington. On the fifth of October, 1793, he wrote to the 
Secretary of War saying that he could not hope to have more 
than two thousand six hundred regular troops, three hundred 
and sixty mounted volunteers, and thirty-six guides and spies 
to go with him into the country of the enemy. Yet he was 
hopefid, and thought with this force he would conquer the 
enemy. On the seventh of the same month, the leigon left 
Cincinnati, and upon the thirteenth, without any accident, 
encamped in a strong position. Here, upon the twenty -fourth 
of October, he was joined by one thousand mounted Kentucky 
volunteers under Gen, Scott, to whom he had written pressing 
requests to hasten forward with all the men he could muster. 
This request Scott hastened to comply with, and the Governor, 
upon the twenty-eighth of September, had ordered, in addition, 
a draft of militia. The Kentucky troops, however, were soon 
dismissed again, until spring; but their march had not been in 
vain, for they had seen enough of Wayne's army to give them 
confidence in it and in him; and upon their return home, 
spread that confidence abroad, so that the full number of vol- 
unteers was easily procured in the spring.* 

The troops had been attacked once previous to the twenty- 
tliird of October, within seven miles of Fort St. Clair, and 
Lieut. Lowery and Ensign Boyd, with thirteen others, were 
killed. Although so little opposition had thus far been 

* Western Annals. 



236 THK LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

encountered, General Wayne determined to stay where he 
was, for the winter, and having seventy thousand rations on hand 
in October, with the prospect of one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand more, while the Indians were sure to be short of provisions, 
he proceeded to fortify his position ; which he named Fort Green- 
ville, and which was situated upon the spot now occupied by 
the town of that name. This being done on the twenty-third 
or twenty-fourth of December, a detachment was sent forward 
to take possession of the held of St. Clair's defeat. They 
arrived upon the spot upon Christmas day. " Six hundred 
skulls," says one present, "' were gathered up and buried; when 
we went to lay down in our tents at night, we had to scrape 
the bones together and carry them out, to make our beds.* 
Here they built Fort Recovery, which was properly garrisoned 
and placed under the command of Capt. Alexander Gibson. 

During the early months of 1794, Wayne was steadily 
engaged in preparing everything for a sure blow when the time 
came, and by means of Capt. Gibson and his various spies, 
kept himself informed of the plans and movements of the sav- 
ages. All his information showed the faith in British assistance 
which still animated the doomed race of red men. 
* American Pioneer. Western Annals. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

General Wayne'^^ Battle on the Banks of the Maumee — Posi- 
tion OP THE American and Indian Forces — The Victory — New 
Forts Erected — Destruction of Indian Dwellings — The Indi- 
ans Sue for Peace — The Treaty op Greenville. 

At Fort Recx)veky, on the thirtieth of June, 1794, the 
advanced American post was assailed by Little Turtle, at the 
head of fifteen hundred warriors. Such was their answer to 
the messages of peace which the American government had 
sent among them — and, although repelled, the assailants rallied 
and returned to the charge, and kept up the attack through the 
whole of the day. Among the Indians were a large number 
of British,* who were aiding them, and who, it would seem, 
expected to find the artillery captured from St, Clair on the 
fourth of the previous November; but, fortunately, the Amer- 
icans had already discovered them, and they were noM^ used in 
defending Fort Recovery. 

On the twenty-sixth of July, Scott with some sixteen hun- 
dred mounted men from Kentucky, joined Wayne at Greenville, 
and on the twenty-eighth the whole legion moved forward. 
On the eighth of August, the army reached the Grand Glaize, 
near the junction of the Maumee and Auglaize, and at once 
proceeded to build Fort Defiance.f While engaged upon this 
fort, Wayne received fuU information of the movements of the 
Indians, and the aid they were to receive from the volunteers 
of Detroit and elsewhere, and, after considering the situation 
of aifairs, he determined to march forward and strike the blow 
at once. But, however, before taking this step, he sent a special 

* General Wayne's Report,. American State Papers. 

f American Pioneer. Western Annals. 
(237) 



238 THE Ln^ES OF PONTIAC ANT) TECUMSEH : 

messeiuger to the hostile Indians, with the following last offer 

of peace: 

To the Delawares, Shawanoes, Miainis and Wyandots, and to each and every 
of them, and to all other nations of Indians, northwest of the Ohio, whom 
it may concern : 

I, Anthony Wayne, Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Fed- 
eral army now at Grand Glaize, and commissioner plenipotentiary of the 
United States of America, for settling the terms upon which a permanent 
and lasting peace shall be made with each and every of the hostile tribes, 
or nations of Indians northwest of the Ohio, and of the said United States, 
actuated by the purest principles of humanity, and urged by pity for the 
errors into which bad and designing men have led you, from the head of 
my army, now in possession of your abandoned villages and settlements, 
do hereby once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you, and 
invite each and every of the hostile tribes of Indians to appoint deputies 
to meet me and my army, without delay, between this place and Roche de 
Bout, in order to settle the preliminaries of a lasting peace, which may 
eventually and soon restore to you, the Delawares, Miamis, Shawanoes 
and all other tribes and nations lately settled at this place, and on the 
margins of the Miami and Auglaize rivers, your late grounds and posses- 
sions, and to preserve you and your distressed and hapless women and 
children from danger and famine, during the present fall and ensuing 
winter. 

The arm of the United States is strong and powerful, but they love mercy 
and kindness more than war and desolation. 

And to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to the persons of 
the deputies whom you may appoint to meet this army, I hereby pledge 
my sacred honor for their safety and return, and send Christopher Miller, 
an adopted Shawanoe, and a Shawanoe warrior, whom I took prisoner two 
days ago, as a flag, who will advance in their front to meet me. 

Mr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors, six moons 
since, and can testify to you the kindness which I have shown to your 
people, my prisoners, that is, five warriors and two women, who are now 
all safe and well at Greenville. 

But, should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr. Miller, be 
detained or injured, I will immediately order all those prisoners to be put 
to death, without distinction, and some of them are known to belong to 
the first families of your nation. 

Brothers : Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and 
language of the bad white men at the foot of the Rapids; they have 
neither power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut your eyes 
to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to this overture of peace. 
But, in pity to your innocent women and children, come and prevent the 
further effusion of your blood; let them experience the kindness and 
friendship of the United States of America, and the invaluable blessings 
of peace and tranquility. ANTHONY WAYNE. 

Gkand Glaize, August 13th, 1794. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 239 

But Wayne did not remain idle waiting for an answer, but 
moved on with his troops, and on the sixteenth of August he 
met his messengers returning with information that if the 
Americans would wait ten days the Indians would decide for 
peace or war. Wayne replied to this by marching rapidly 
forward. 

After advancing forty-one miles from Grand Glaize, and 
being near the expected enemy, Wayne, on the eighteenth, 
halted his array and began the erection of Fort Deposit, which 
was intended as a protection to the baggage during the 
expected battle. On the same day five of Wayne's spies, among 
whom was May, the man who had been sent after Trueman, 
and who had pretended to desert to the Indians, rode into the 
very camp of the enemy; in attempting to retreat again. May's 
horse fell and he was taken. The following day, the day before 
the battle, he was tied to a tree and shot at as a target.* 

On the twentieth Wayne's forces moved down the north 
bank of the Maumee, the legion on its right, the flank covered 
by the Maumee; one brigade of mounted volunteers on the 
left, under Brigadier-General Todd, and the other in the rear 
under Brigadier-General Barbee. A select battalion of n:ioanted 
volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major 
Price, who was directed to keep sufliciently advanced so as to 
give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action. 
Having advanced about five miles, Major Price's corps received 
a very severe fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the 
woods and high grass. After a short contest the advanced 
guard retreated. The legion was immediately formed into 
two lines in the midst of a close, thick woods, which extended 
for a considerable distance on either hand. The ground was 
covered with fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, 
which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with 
effect, and afibrded the enemy a favorable opportunity for 
their peculiar mode of fighting. 

Tlie savages were formed into three lines, within supporting 
distance of each other, and extending nearly two miles at right 
angles with the river. Wayne soon discovered, from tho 

* American Pioneer — Western Annals. 



240 THE UVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSKH : 

weight of the fire and extent of the Indian lines, that the 
enemy were in full force in front, in possession of their favorite 
ground, and endeavoring to turn his left flank. He therefore 
gave orders for the second line to advance and support the 
first, and directed Major-General Scott to gain and turn the 
right flank of the savages with the whole of the mounted vol- 
unteers, by a circuitous route. At the same time the General 
ordered the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms 
and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point of the 
bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed tire 
on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give 
them time to load again. 

Wayne also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the 
legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next to 
the river. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and 
promptness. Such was the effect of the charge by the first 
line of infantry that the Indians and Canadian militia and 
volunteers were driven from their strongholds before the 
second line of the legion and the mounted volunteers could 
get up to participate in the action. The enemy was driven, in 
the course of one hour, more than two miles through the thick 
woods already mentioned, by less than one-half their number. 
From every account the Indians amounted to . two thousand 
combatants. The troops actually engaged against them were 
short of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with their 
allies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with 
terror and dismay, leaving Wayne's victorious army in full 
and quiet possession of the field of battle. 

In reporting the battle to the Secretary of War. Wayne says, 
" the bravery and conduct of every oflicer belonging to the 
army, from the Generals down to the ensigns, merit my highest 
approbation." The loss in killed and wounded was much 
heavier on the side of the enemy than in Wayne's army,* For 
a considerable distance the woods were strewn with the dead 
bodies of Indians and their white auxiliaries. The Americans 

* The loss of the Americans in this action was thirty-three killed and 
one hundred wounded, includintr twenty-one oflicers, of wliom only five 
were killed. — Ed. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 241 

remained three days and nights on the banks of the river 
Manmee, in front of the field of battle, during which all the 
houses and cornfields were consumed and destroyed for a long 
distance both above and below Fort Miami, as well as within 
pistol shot of the British garrison. 

The army returned to Fort Defiance on the twenty-seventh, 
laying waste in its return march the villages and cornfields 
for about fifty miles on either side of the Maumee. Here 
Wayne remained until the fourteenth of September, strength- 
ening the works. On this date he marched for the Miami 
villages at the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, to 
build Fort Wayne, which was named by Col. Hamtramck, who 
was placed in command of this post on the twenty-second of 
October. 

On the twenty-eighth of October the legion began its return 
march to Greenville, leaving the posts it had established well 
fortified and strongly garrisoned. The British now, to a great 
measure, withheld their support from the Indians, and the 
latter soon began to sue for peace. On the twenty-eighth of 
December, 1794, the chiefs of the Chippewas, (Ojibwas) Otta- 
was, Sacs, Pottawatomies, and Miamis, came to Col. Ham- 
tramck, the commandant at Fort Wayne, with peace messages, 
and on the twenty-fourth of January, 1795, at Greenville, they 
entered, together with the Delawares, Wyandots and Shawanoes, 
into preliminary articles with the Commander-in-Chief. The 
truth was, the red men had been entirely disappointed in the 
conduct of their white allies after their defeat on the previous 
August. Brant, in giving his feelings on this matter, said 
that a fort had been built in their country under pretence of 
giving refuge in case of necessity, but when that time came 
the gates were shut against them as enemies. During the 
winter, Wayne having entirely laid waste their fertile fields, 
the poor savages were wholly dependent on the English, who 
did not half supply them ; their cattle and dogs died, and they 
were themselves nearly starved. Under these circumstances, 
losing faith in the English, and at last impressed with a respect 
for American power, the various tribes, by degrees, made up 
their minds to ask for peace. During the winter and spring 
16 



242 THK LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH t 

they exchanged prisoners and prepared to meet Wayne at 
Greenville, in June, for the purpose of forming a definite 
treaty founded upon the preliminaries which had been estab- 
lished on the previous January, of which mention has already 
been made. 

Accordingly, early in June, 1795, the representatives of the 
Northwestern tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 
sixteenth of that month General Wayne met in council the 
Delawares, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, and Eel River Indians. 
The council continued until the tenth of August. Soon after 
the council opened other noted chiefs began to arrive. Among 
these were Buckongehelas, Little Turtle, Tarke, Blue Jacket, 
and Masass. They had all determined to make a permanent 
peace with the "Thirteen Fire," and upon the thirtieth of July 
the treaty was agreed upon, which was to bury the hatchet 
forever. It was signed by all the nations present, and the 
presents from the United States distributed forthwith. 

This treaty which, perhaps, is the most important one ever 
made between the red men of the forest and the Americans, 
contained the following provisions:* 

Art. 1. Hostilities were to cease. 

Art. 2. All prisoners were to be restored. 

Art. 3. The general boundary lines between the lands of the United 
States and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall be,i!;in at the mouth of 
Cuyahoga river, and run thence up the same to the portage between that 
and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum; thence down that branch 
to the crossing place above Fort Lawrence; thence westwardly, to a fork 
of that branch of the Great Miami river, running into the Ohio, at or near 
which fork stood Laramie's store, and where commences the portage 
between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary's river, which is a branch of 
the Miami which runs into Lake Erie; thence a westerly course, to Fort 
Recovery, which stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence southwesterly, 
in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that river opposite the mouth 
of Kentucky or Cuttawa river. And in consideration of the peace now 
established ; of the goods formerly received from the United States ; of 
those now to be delivered ; and of the yearly delivery of goods now stipu- 
lated to be made hereafter; and to indemnify the United States for the 
injuries and expenses they have sustained during the war; the said Indian 
tribes do hereby cede and relinquish, forever, all their claims to the lands 
lying eastwardly and southwardly of the general boundary line now 

* -American State Papers. Western Annals. 



OR, Tlffi BOKOKR WARS OF TWO CKNTUIilK". 243 

described ; and these lands, or any part of them, shall never hereafter be 
made a cause or pretense, on the part of the said tribes, or any of them, 
of war or injury to the United States, or any other people thereof 

And for the same consideration, and as an evidence of the returning 
friendship of the said Indian tribes, of their confidence in the United 
States, and desire to provide for their accommodation, and for that conve- 
nient intercourse which will be beneficial to both parties, the said Indian 
tribes do also cede to the United States the following pieces of land, to-wit: 
1. One piece of land six miles square, at or near Laramie's store, before 
mentioned. 2. One piece, two miles square, at the head of the navigable 
water or landing, on the St. Mary's river, near Girty's town. 3. One 
piece, six miles square, at the head of the navigable waters of the Auglaize 
river. 4. One piece, six miles square, at the confluence of the Auglaize 
and Miami rivers, where Fort Defiance now stands. 5. One piece, six 
miles square, at or near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary's and St. 
Joseph's, where Fort Wayne now stands, or near it. 6. One piece, two 
miles square, on the Wabash river, at the end of the portage from the 
Miami of the lake, and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 7. 
One piece, six miles square, at the Ouatanon, or old Wea towns, on the 
Wabash river. 8. One piece, twelve miles square, at the British fort on 
the Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids. 9. One piece, six miles 
square, at the mouth of the said river, where it empties into the lake. 10. 
One piece, six miles square, upon Sanduskj^ lake, where a fort formerly 
stood. 11 One piece, two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandusky 
river. 12. The post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north, the west 
and south of it, of which the Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or 
grants to the French or English governments ; and so much more land to 
be annexed to the district of Detroit, as shall be comprehended between 
the river Rasine on the south, and lake St. Clair on the north, and a line, 
the general course whereof shall be six miles distant from the west end of 
Lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The post of Michilimackinac, and all 
the land on the island on which that post stands, and the main land adja- 
cent, of which the Indian title has been extinguished b}' gifts or grants to 
the French or English governments; and a piece of land on the main to 
the north of the island, to measure six miles, on Lake Huron, or the strait 
between Lakes Huron and Michigan, and to extend three miles back from 
the water on the lake or strait; and also, the Island de Bois Blanc, being 
an extra and voluntary gift of the Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of 
land, six miles square, at the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the 
southwest end of Lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood. 15. One 
piece, twelve miles square, at or near the mouth of the Illinois river, 
emptying into the Mississippi. 16. One piece, six miles square, at the 
old Peorias fort and village, near the south end of the Illinois lake, on 
said Illinois river. And Avhenever the United States shall think proper to 
survey and mark the boundaries of the lands hereby ceded to them, they 
shall give timely notice thereof to the said tribes of Indians, that they may 



244 THE LTVKS OF PONTIAO AND TECUMSEH ! 

appoint some of their wise chiefs to attend and see that the lines are run 
according to the terms of this treaty. 

And the said Indian tribes will allow to the people of the United States, 
a free passage, by land and by water, as one and the other shall be found 
convenient, through their country, along the chain of posts herein before 
mentioned; that is to say: from the commencement of the portage afore- 
said, at or near Laramie's store, thence along said portage, to the St. Mary's, 
and down the same to Fort Wayne, and then down the Miami to Lake 
Erie ; again, from the commencement of the portage, at or near Laramie's 
store, along the portage, from thence to the river Auglaize, and down the 
same to its junction with the Miami at Port Defiance; again, from the 
commencement of the portage aforesaid, to Sandusky river, and down the 
same to Sandusky bay, and Lake Erie, and from Sandusky to the post 
which shall be taken at or near the foot of the rapids of the Miami of the 
lake; and from thence to Detroit. Again, from the mouth of Chicago 
river, to the commencement of the portage between that river and the Illi- 
nois, and down the Illinois to the Mississippi ; also, from Fort Wayne, 
along the portage aforesaid, which leads to the Wabash, and then down 
the Wabash to the Ohio. And the said Indian tribes will also allow to the 
people of the United States, the free use of the harbors and mouths of 
rivers, along the lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering vessels 
and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes when necessary for their 
safety. 

Art. 4. In consideration of the peace now established, and of the ces- 
sions and relinquishments of lands, made in the preceding article, by the 
said tribes of Indians, and to manifest the liberality of the United States, 
as the great means of rendering this peace strong and perpetual, the United 
States relinquish their claims to all other Indian lands, northward of the 
river Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and southward of 
the Great Lakes, and the waters uniting them, according to the boundary 
line agreed on by the United States and the King of Great Britain, in the 
treaty of peace made between them in the year 1783. But from this relin- 
quishment by the United States, the following tracts of land are explicitly 
excepted: 1st. The tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near 
the rapids of the river Ohio, which has been assigned to General Clark, 
for the use of himself and his warriors. 3d. The post at St. Vincennes, 
on the river Wabash, and the lands adjacent, of which the Indian title has 
been extinguished. 3d. The lands at all other places, in possession of the 
French people, and other white settlers among them, of which the Indian 
title has been extinguished, as mentioned in the 3d article ; and 4th. The 
post of Fort Massac, towards the mouth of the Ohio. To which several 
parcels of land, so excepted, the said tribes relinquish all the title and 
claim, which they or any of them may have. 

And, for the same consideration, and with the same views as above men- 
tioned, the United States now deliver to the said Indian tribes, a quantity 
of goods to the value of twenty thousand dollars, the receipt whereof they 
do hereby acknowledge ; and henceforward, every year, forever, the United 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO 0P:NTURIE8. 245 

States will deliver, at some convenient place, northward of tlie river Oliio, 
like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians, of the value 
of nine thousand five hundred dollars; reckoning that value at the first 
cost of the goods in the city or place in the United States, where thej' shall be 
procured. The tribes to which those goods are to be annually delivered, 
and the proportions in which they are to be delivered, are the following: 

1st. To the Wyandots, the amount of one thousand dollars. 2d. To the 
Delawares, the amount of one thousand dollars. 3d. To the Shawanoes, 
the amount of one thousand dollars. 4th. To the Miamis, the amount of 
one thousand dollars, oth. To the OttawaS; the amount of one thousand 
dollars. 6th. To the Chippewas, the amount of one thousand dollars. 
7th. To the Pottawatomies, the amount of one thousand dollars. 8th. 
And to the Kickapoo, Wea, Eel River, Piankeshaw and Kaskaskia tribes, 
the amount of five hundred dollars each. 

Provided, that if either of the said tribes shall hereafter, at an annua] 
delivery of their share of the goods aforesaid, desire that a part of their 
annuity should be furnished in domestic animals, implements of hus- 
bandry, and other utensils, convenient for them, and in compensation to 
useful artificers who may reside with or near them, and be employed for 
their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual deliveries, be fur- 
nished accordingly. 

Art. 5. To prevent any misunderstanding, about the Indian lands 
relinquished by the United States, in the fourth article, it is now explicitly 
declared, that the meaning of that relinquishment is this: the Indian 
tribes who have a right to these lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunting, 
planting and dwelling thereon, so long as they please, without any moles- 
tation from the United States ; but when those tribes, or any of them, shall 
be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them, they are to be sold 
only to the United States; and until such sale, the United States will pro- 
tect all the said Indian tribes, in the quiet enjoyment of their lands, 
against all citizens of the United States, and against all other white per- 
sons who intrude upon the same. And the said Indian tribes again 
acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United States, 
and no other power whatever. 

Art. 6. The Indians or United States may remove and punish intruders 
on Indian lands. 

Art. 7. Indians may hunt within ceded lands. 

Art. 8. Trade shall be opened in substance, as by provisions in treaty 
of Fort Harmer. 

Art. 9. All injuries shall be referred to law; not privately avenged; 
and all hostile plans known to either, shall be revealed to the other party 

Art. 10. All previous treaties annulled. 

This treaty was signed by all the nations named in the fourth 
article, and dated Angnst third, 1795. It was ratified by the 
United States on the twenty-second of the following December, 



246 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

and thus the old Indian boundary wars of the west were put 
to an end. 

Wayne's victory having broken tlie Indian power, and the 
treaty of Greenville binding them from further aggression, 
the Island of Mackinaw, the fort of Detroit and the other 
posts in the territory, occupied by British troops, were surren- 
dered by the English to their proper owners * 

* Tuttle's History of Michigan. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

The Indians Cede their Lantjs — Tecumseh and the Prophet — 
The New Indian Confederacy— Its Objects — Curious Speech 
OP the Prophet — The Approaching War — The Prophet De- 
clares HIS Innocence. 

From 1795 to 1804, we have but little border war to record. 
Settlements in the west progressed rapidly, and in the latter 
year events took place leading the way for another general 
Indian war. During tlie month of August, 1804, a series of 
treaties were made by Governor Harrison, at Vincennes, by 
which the claims of several Indian tribes to large tracts of land 
in Indiana and Illinois were relinquished to the United States. 
The Delawares sold their claim to a large tract between the 
Wabash and Ohio rivers, and Pionkeshaws gave up their title 
to lands granted by the Kaskaskia Indians the preceding year. 
In November of the same year, Governor Harrison negotiated 
with the chiefs of the united nations of Sacs and Poxes for 
their claim to the immense tract of country lying between the 
Mississippi, Illinois, Fox river of Illinois, and Wisconsin rivers, 
comprising about fifty millions of acres.* The consideration 
given was the protection of the United States, and goods 
■delivered at the value of two thousand two hundred and thirty- 
four dollars and fifty cents, and an annuity of one thousand 
dollars, (six hundred dollars to the Sacs and four hundred to 
the Foxes) forever. An article in this treaty provided, that as 
long as the United States remained the owner of the land, " the 
Indians belonging to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege 
■of living and hunting " on the land. 

On the fourth of July, 1805, the Wyandots and others at 
Fort Industry, on the Maumee, ceded all their lands as far west 

* Western Annals. 

(247) 



248 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

as tlie western boundary of the Connecticut Reserve, and on the 
twenty-iirst of August, of the same year, Governor Harrison, 
at Yincennes, received from the Miamis a region containing 
two million acres within what is now the state of Indiana, and 
again, upon the thirteenth of December, at the same place, he 
purchased of the Piankeshaws a tract eighty or ninety miles 
wide, extending from the Wabash west to the cession by the 
Kaskaskias, which was made in 1803. 

At this time, excepting an occasional murder, the Indians 
were conducting themselves in a peaceful manner. "But," 
says Mr. Peck, "mischief was gathering." Tecumseh and his 
brother, the prophet, and other leading men, had formed & 
union of the tribes at a council at Greenville, by which it was 
intended to prevent the whites from making further settle- 
ments upon their lands. It appears that the efforts of Tecum- 
seh and his brother were directed to accomplish two important 
ends: First, the reformation of the Tribes, whose habits unfit- 
ted them for intelligent effort; and second, such a union of the 
tribes as would make the purchase of their lands by the United 
States impossible, and give to the Indians a formidable strength 
such as the civilized nations would be compelled to respect. 
The objects were openly avowed and pursued with good suc- 
cess. In the whole country bordering on the lakes, the power 
of the Shawanoe prophet was felt, and the work of reforming 
the Indians from habits of intoxication and civilization went 
rapidly forward.* 

It appears to have been Tecumseh's plan to effect a grand 
union of all the tribes which maintained any intercourse with 
the United States, and admit of no treaties or sales of lands 
without the united consent of all the tribes. Such a con- 
federation had never existed, and Tecumseh fully relied upon 
the success of the plan. He was well educated, could read and 
write, and had a confidential secretary and adviser, named 
Billy Caldwell, a half-breed, who was afterwards head chief of 
the Pottawatomies. 

Time passed on, and in 1806 the conviction become stronger 
that the northwestern tribes were preparing for war against 

* Drake's Tecumseh — Peck's Compilation. 




TECUMSEH, THE SHAWANOE CHIEFTAIN. 



OR, thp: border wars of two centuries. 249 

the United States. However, nothing of consequence took 
place during this year, although Tecumseh and the prophet 
labored on diligently, and with good success, to accomplish 
their plans. On the twenty-seventh of January, 1807, Governor 
Hull, of Michigan Territoiw, having been authorized by the 
federal government to enter into a treaty with the JSTorthwes- 
tern Indians for the lands on the eastern side of the peninsula 
and for those west of the Connecticut Eeserve, as far as the 
Auglaize, a council was held in Detroit, and a treaty made in 
November with the Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots and Potta- 
watomies, by which the country from the Mauraee to Saginaw 
Bay, on the eastern side of Michigan, was transferred to the 
United States. 

In my history of the State of Michigan, published in 1873, 
we find Tecumseh's plan set forth in these words: "These new 
troubles were indeed nothing more than the Americans might 
have expected. The Indians saw a new power encroaching 
upon the inheritance that had been handed down to them from 
their ancestors. It was not difficult, therefore, to unite them 
in one last desperate effort to resist this usurping power. 
Their titles had been only partially extinguished, and they 
complained that where this had been done the treaties had 
been unfairly conducted; that the Indians had been deceived; 
that they were in a state of intoxication at the time they 
signed away their lands, and that even under these circum- 
stances, only a part of the tribes had given their consent." 

It is believed that the dissatisfaction existing among the 
Indians in the Northwest was increased by the repi-esentations 
of England, who still held a bad feeling towards the Americans, 
and the agents of the Northwest Fur Company, " who fore- 
saw that if the Americans were permitted to occupy this 
country they would be cut oif from a valuable portion of their 
trade. The American pioneers of the lake region had no 
doubt encroached upon the rights of the savages. The English 
took advantage of these circumstances and did all in their 
power to rouse the natives towards this war. As we have 
seen, the prophet had already commenced his mission. He 



250 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

did all that artful superstition could do to excite the tribes 
into a war against the Americans. 

The principles of the league, wi^.h a few exceptions, were 
similar to those of that grand confederacy, which was, as we 
have observed in the first part of this narrative, formed by 
Pontiac. Cj'ecumseh's plan was to surprise and capture Forts 
Detroit, Wayne, Chicago, St. Louis, Vincennes and the adjacent 
American posts, and to unite all the tribes east of the Missis- 
sippi. As early as 1807 the Shawanoe chieftain and his brother 
were actively engaged in sending their deputies, with large 
presents and bloody war belts, to the most distant nations, to 
persuade the*n to come into the league, " and when the comet 
appeared in 1811, the prophet artfully turned it to account by 
practicing on the superstitions of the savages." Early in 
May, a special emissary was sent to the distant tribes of Lake 
Superior, and a grand council being there assembled by the 
deputy, " he told the Indians that he had been sent by the 
messenger and representative of the Great Spirit, and that he 
was commissioned to deliver to them a speech from the first 
man whom God had created, said to be in the Shawanoes 
country." He delivered the speech with which he was charged 
in these words: " I am the father of the English, and of the 
French, and of the Spaniards, and of the Indians. I created 
the first man, who was the common father of all these people, 
as well as of ourselves, and it is through him, whom I have 
awakened from his long sleep, that I now address you. But 
the Americans I did not make. They are not my children, 
but the children of the evil spirit. They grew from the scum 
of the great water when it was troubled by the evil spirit and 
the froth was driven into the woods by a strong east wind. 
But I hate them. My children, you must not speak of this 
talk to the whites; it must be hidden from them, I am now 
on the earth sent by the Great Spirit to instruct you that you 
may be taught. The bearer of this must point out to you the 
way to my wigwam. I could not come myself, L'Arbre Croche, 
because this world is changed from what it was. It is broken 
and leans down, and as it declines the Chippewas and all 
beyond will fall off and die. Therefore, you must come to me 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIJis. 251 

and be instructed. Those villages which do nut listen to this 
talk will be cut off from the face of the earth." 

Such were the measures adopted by the artful prophet to 
induce the savages to" fall into the ranks of Tecumseh's army, 
and they were in every respect successful. Thus did the cun- 
ning Shawanoe chief carry his work forward. Before the month 
of June, 1806, they had removed from Greenville to the banks 
of the Tippecanoe, a tributary of the upper Wabash, where a 
tract of land had been granted them by the Pottawatomies and 
Kickapoos. In the following July the prophet sent a mes- 
senger to Gen. Harrison, begging him not to believe the tale 
told by his enemies and promising to visit him soon. In 
August he repaired to Post Vincennes, and by his line talk 
convinced the governor that he had no evil designs. 

Mr. Brown, in speaking of Chief Tecumseh and his brother, 
the prophet, in his History of Illinois, says : " Tecumseh 
entered upon the great work he long contemplated in the year 
1805 or 1806.. He was then about thirty-eight years of age. 
To unite the several Indian tribes, many of which M^ere hostile 
to, and had often been at war with each other, in this great and 
important undertaking, prejudices were to be overcome, their 
original manners and customs to be re-established, the use of 
ardent spirits to be abandoned, and all intercourse with the 
whites to be suspended. The task was herculean in its char- 
acter and beset with difficulties on every side. Here was a 
field for the display of the highest moral and intellectual powers. 
He had already gained the reputation of a brave and sagacious 
warrior, and a cool-headed, upright, wise and efficient coun- 
sellor. He was neither a war nor a peace chief, and yet he 
wielded the power and influence of both. The time having 
now arrived for action, and knowing full well that to win 
savage attention some bold and striking movement was neces- 
sary, he imparted his plan to his brother, the prophet, who 
adroitly and without a moment's delay, prepared himself for 
the part he was appointed to play in this great drama of sav- 
age life. Tecumseh well knew that excessive superstition was 
everywhere a prominent trait in the Indian character, and, 
therefore, with the skill of another Cromwell, brought supersti- 



252 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

tion to his aid. Suddenly, his brother began to dream dreams 
and see visions ; he became afterward an inspired prophet, 
favored with a divine commission from the Great Spirit — the 
power of life and death was placed in his hands — he was 
appointed agent for preserving the property and lands of the 
Indians, and for restoring them to their original happy con- 
dition. He thereupon commenced his sacred work. The public 
mind was aroused, unbelief gradually gave way, credulity and 
wild fanaticism began to spread its circles, widening and deep- 
ening, until the fame of the prophet and the divine character 
of his mission had reached the frozen shores of the lakes and 
overran the broad plauis which stretched far beyond ' the great 
Father of Waters.' Pilgrims from remote tribes sought with 
fear and trembling the headquarters of the prophet and the 
sage. Proselytes were multiplied and his followers increased 
beyond all former example. Even Tecumseh became a believer, 
and seizing upon the golden opportunity, he mingled with the 
pilgrims, won them by his address, and on their return sent a 
knowledge of his plan of concert and union to the most dis- 
tant tribes. The bodily and mental labors of Tecumseh next 
commenced. His life became one of ceaseless activity. He 
traveled, he argued, he commanded. His persuasive voice was 
one day listened to by the Wyandots, on the plains of San- 
dusky; on the next his commands were issued on the banks of 
the Wabash. He was anon seen paddling his canoe across the 
Mississippi, then boldly confronting the Governor of Indiana 
in the council house at Yincennes. Now carrying his banner 
of union among the Creeks and Cherokees of the south, and 
from thence to the cold and inhospitable regions of the north, 
neither intoxicated by success nor discouraged by failure.") 

It is not my purpose, in this narrative, to explain any of 
those international disputes which led to the war of 1812. We 
have only to deal with those events which induced the Indians 
to join in that war against the Americans, and of these the 
reader has already observed many. 



CIIAPTEE XXXI. 

Tecumseh and the Prophet Uniting the Savages for War — 
Trouble in the Council at Vincennes — Governor Harrison 
Denounces Tecumseh and Orders Him to Leave the Village 
— The Battle of Tippecanoe — Harrison's Victory. 

Theoughout tlie year 1809, we find Tecumseh and the 
prophet preparing themselves for the contest that was approach- 
ing. Governor Harrison again suspected that the Indians 
were preparing for another war, and he wrote to the Sec- 
retary of War to that efiect, giving, also, his views of the 
defenses of the frontier, and the course proper to be pursued 
in case of a war with England. 

In the latter part of the year 1809, the Governor of Indiana 
made several treaties with the Delawares, Pottawatomies, 
Miamis, Eel River Indians, Weas and Kickapoos, in which these 
nations ceded certain lands upon the Wabash, but against all of 
these Tecumseh entered a bitter protest in the following year, and 
now it was plain to Governor Harrison that the Shawanoe 
chieftain had formed a determination to unite all the Western 
tribes in hostility to the United States, unless the government 
of the latter should consent to relinquish all the lands bought 
at the treaties of Fort Wayne, and, for the future, recognize 
the principle that no purchases could be made unless from a 
council representing all the tribes united as one nation. By 
various acts, the feelings of Tecumseh became evident, and in 
August, 1810, he met Governor Harrison in council at Vin- 
cennes. The Governor had made arrangements for holding 
the council on the portico of his own house, which had been 
fitted up with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning 
-of the fifteenth of August, he awaited the arrival of the chief, 
being attended by the Judges of the Supreme Court, some 



254 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECDMSEH : 

officers of the army, a sergeant and twelve men from Fort 
Knox, and a large number of citizens. At the appointed time 
Tecumseh arrived, followed by forty of his principal warriors, 
the others remaining outside of the village. When the chief 
had approached within thirty or forty yards of the house, he 
suddenly stopped, as if awaiting some further invitation from 
tlie Governor. An interpreter was sent out to tell him to take 
seats on the portico. To this Tecumseh ol>jected. He did not 
think, he said, that the place was suitable for holding a council, 
but preferred that they should repair to a neighboring grove. 
The Governor said he had no objection to the grove, except that 
there were no seats in it for their accommodation. Tecumseh 
replied that that constituted no objection to the grove, " the 
earth being the most suitable place for the Indians, who loved 
to repose upon the bosom of their mother." Governor Harri- 
son consented to remove to the grove, where the chiefs were 
soon seated in order on the grass. 

The council was. opened by Tecumseh, who stated at length 
his objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Governor 
Harrison in the previous year; and in the course of his speech, 
boldly avowed the principles of his party to be, that of resist- 
ance to every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes, 
who, he contended, formed but one nation. He admitted that 
he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of 
Fort Wayne; and that it was his fixed determination not to 
permit the village chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but 
to place the power with which they had been heretofore invested, 
in the hands of the war chiefs. The Americans, he said, had 
driven the Indians from the sea coast, and would soon push 
them into the lakes; and, while he disclaimed all intention of 
making war upon the United States, he declared it to be his 
unalterable resolution to take a stand, and resolutely oppose 
the further intrusion of the whites upon the Indian lands. 
He concluded, by making a brief but impassioned recital of 
the various wrongs and aggressions inflicted by the white men 
upon the Indians, from the commencement of the revolution- 
ary war down to the period of that council; all of which was 



OR, THK HORDKK WAR8 OF TWO CKNTIKIES. 255 

calculated to arouse and inilaine the minds of such of his fol- 
lowers as were present.'^' 

Governor Plarrison replied, and the interpreter at once be^^an 
ex])laining the speech to the Shawanoe chieftain, who, becomino- 
offended at some portion of it, sprang to his feet, interrupting- 
the interpreter, and began to speak with great force. The 
governor was completely astonished at this proceedino-, but 
as he did not understand him, thought he was making some 
explanation, and suffered his attention to be drawn towards 
Wiimemac, a friendly Indian lying on the grass before him, 
who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had kept 
concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the gov- 
ernor. His attention, however, was again directed towards 
Tecumseh, by hearing General Gibson, who was intimately 
acquainted with the Shawanoe language, say to Lieut. Jennings, 
" those fellows intend mischief; you had better bring up the 
guard." At that moment the followers of Tecumseh seized 
their tomahawks ancf war clubs, and sprang upon their feet, 
their eyes turned upon the governor. As soon as he could dis- 
engage himself from the arm chair in which he sat, he rose, 
drew a small sword which he had by his side, and stood on the 
defensive. Capt. G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near 
him, drew a dirk, and the chief, Winnemac, cocked his pistol. 
The citizens present were more numerous than the Indians, but 
were unarmed; some of them procured clubs and brick-bats, 
and also stood on the defensive. The Eev. Mr. Winans, of the 
Methodist Church, ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and 
posted himself at the door to defend the family. Durino- this 
frightful scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running 
up, and appeared to be in the act of firing. The governor 
gave orders for them to halt, and then demanded of the inter- 
preter an explanation of what had happened. He replied that 
Tecumseh had interrupted him, declaring that all the governor 
had said was false; and that he and the Seventeen Fires had 
cheated and imposed on the Indians. 

The governor then declared that Tecumseh ^vas a bad man, 
and ordered him to leave the village at once, which, of course, 

* American State Papers. 



256 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

terminated the council. It was now evident tliat the savages 
were bent on war, and Harrison began to strengthen his posi- 
tion, in expectation of it. He soon received reinforcements 
and marched to the Wabash, where, about sixty miles above 
Yincennes, he built " Fort Harrison." At this place one of 
his sentinels was fired upon, and news received which plainly- 
indicated that the Indians were preparing for battle. The 
governor then determined to move directly upon Tippecanoe — 
Tecumseh's headquarters — and upon the thirty-first of October, 
he arrived near the mouth of the Vermilion Eiver, where he 
built a blockhouse for the protection of his boats, and a place 
of deposit for his heavy baggage. From tliis place he marched 
directly into the prophet's town, where he was met by ambas- 
sadors; he told them he had no hostile intentions, provided the 
Indians were true to existing treaties, and made preparations 
^to encamp.* 

The spot where the troops encamped was not altogether w^hat 
could have been vashed, as it afforded* great facility to the 
approach of savages. It was a piece of dry oak land, rising 
about ten feet above the level of a marshy prairie in fi-ont 
(towards the Indian town) and nearly twice that height above 
a similar prairie in the rear, through which and near to this 
bank, ran a small stream clothed with willows and brushwood. 
Towards the left flank this bench of high land widened con- 
siderably, but became gradually narrow in the opposite direction, 
and at the distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the 
right flank, terminated in an abrupt point. The two columns 
of infantry occupied the front and rear of this ground, at the dis- 
tance of about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the 
left, and something more than half that distance on the right 
flank — these flanks were filled up, the first by two companies 
of mounted riflemen, amounting to about one hundred and 
twenty men, under the command of Maj.-Gen. Wells, of the 
Kentucky militia, who served as a Major; the other by Spen- 
cer's company of mounted riflemen, which amounted to eighty 
men. The front line was composed of one battalion of United 

* Dawson's Historical Narrative. American State Papers. Western 
Annals. 



OK, TllK BOKDKK VVAKS OK TWO CKNTUKIKS. 2.>l 

States infantry, under the command of Major Flojd, tianked 
on the right by two companies of militia, and on the left by 
one company. The rear line was composed of a battalion of 
United States troops under the command of Clapt. Bean, acting 
as Major, and four companies of militia infantry under Lieut.- 
Col. Decker. The regular troops of this line joined the 
mounted i-iflemen under General Wells, on the left flank, and 
Col. Decker's battalion formed an angle with Spencer's com- 
pany on the left. Two troops of dragoons, amounting, in the 
aggregate, to about sixty men, were encamped in the rear 
of the left flank, and Capt. Parke's troop, which was larger 
than the other two, in the rear of the front line. 

For a night attack the order of encampment was the order 
of battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his 
post in the line. In the formation of the troops, single file or 
Indian file was adopted, for the reason that in Indian warfare 
there is but little shock to resist, one rank being quite as 
cflfective as two; and, again, the extension of the lines is of 
great importance. 

At this place they remained until the seventh of November, 
when about four o'clock in the morning, just after the governor 
had risen, the left flank was attacked by the enemy. But a 
signal gun was fired by the sentinels or by the guard in that 
direction, which made no resistance, abandoning their posts 
and fleeing into camp; and the first notice which the troops of 
that flank had of the danger, was from the yells of the savages 
within a short distance of the line. But even under these 
circumstances, the men were not wanting in courage and dis- 
cipline. Such of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, 
seized their arms and took their stations; others which were 
more tardy, had to contend with the enemy in the doors of 
their tents. The storm first fell upon Capt. Barton's company 
of the fourth United States regiment, and Capt. Geiger's com- 
pany of mounted riflemen, which formed the left angle of the 
rear line. The fire from the Indians was exceedingly severe, and 
men in these companies suffered considerably before relief 
could be brought to them. Some few Indians passed into the 
encampment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to 
17 



258 TIIK LIVKS OF I'ONTJAO AND ■I'ECUMSEH : 

some distance before tliej were killed. All the other cotnpa- 
iiies were formed for action before they were tired on. 

The morning was dark and cloudy and the fires of the 
Americans afforded only a partial light, which gave greater 
advantage to the enemy than to the troops, and they were 
therefore extinguished. As soon as the governor could mount 
his horse he rode to the angle that was attacked, where he 
found that Barton's company had suffered severely and the left 
of Geiger's entirely broken. He immediately ordered Cook's 
and Wentworth's companies to march up to the centre of the 
rear line and form across the angle in support. His attention 
was then attracted by a heavy fire ujDon the left of the front 
line, where were stationed the small company of United States 
riflemen and the companies of Bean, Snelling and Prescott, 
As the General rode up he found Major Daviess forming the 
dragoons in the rear of those companies, and having ascer- 
tained that the heaviest fire proceeded from some trees about 
fifteen or twenty paces in front of those companies, he directed 
the Major to dislodge them with a part of the dragoons. Un- 
fortunately the Major's gallantry caused him to undertake the 
execution of the order with a smaller force than was required, 
which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack his 
flanks. The Major was mortally wounded and the party driven 
back. 

The Indians were, however, immediately and gallantly dis- 
lodged from their advantageous position by Capt. Snelling, at 
the head of his company. In the course of a few minutes 
after the commencement of the attack, the fire extended along 
the left flank, the whole of the front, the right flank and part 
of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted riflemen and the 
right of Warwick's company, which was posted on the right 
of the rear line, it was excessively severe. ( 'apt. Spencer and 
his first and second lieutenants were killed, and Capt. Warwick 
was mortally wounded, those companies, however, still bravely 
maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so severely, 
and having originall}^ too much ground to occupy, Harrison 
reinforced them with Robb's company of riflemen, which had 
been driven, or by mistake ordered i'rom their position on the 



OK, THE BORDEK WAKS OF IWX) CKNTMRIKS. 259 

left flank, towards the centre of the camp, and iilled the vacancy 
that had been occupied by Eobb with Prescott's company of 
the Fourth United States regiment. The General's great object 
was to keep the lines entire, to pi'event the enemy from break- 
ing into the camp until daylight, which should enable him to 
make a general and effectual charge. With this view he had 
reinforced every part of the line that had suffered much, and 
with the approach of morning he withdrew from the front line 
Snelling's, Posey's and Scott's, and from the rear line Wilson's 
companies, and drew them up upon the left flank, and at the 
same time ordered Cook's and Bean's companies, the former 
from the rear, and the latter from the front line, to reinforce 
the right flank, forseeing that at these points the enemy would 
make their last efforts. Major Wells, who commanded on the 
left flank, took command of these companies and charged upon 
the enemy, driving them at the point of the bayonet into the 
marsh, where they could not be followed. Meanwhile Capt. 
Cook and Lieut. Barabee marched their companies to the right 
flank and formed them under the Are of the eneni}^, and being 
then joined by the riflemen of that flank, chai'ged the enemy, 
killing a number of Indians and putting the rest to a precipi- 
tate flight.* 

In this battle Gen. Harrison commanded only about seven 
hundred efiicient men, while the Indians numbered nearly one 
thousand warriors. The loss of the American army was thirty- 
seven killed on the field, twenty-five mortally wounded and 
one hundred and twenty-six wounded; that of the Indians 
about forty killed on the spot, the number of wounded being 
unknown. The battle of Tippecanoe was fought on the seventh 
of, November, 1811. It was a decisive victory for the United 
States, and for some time after the frontiers enjoyed peace. 

* American State Papers. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

TEcruMSEn's Anger — He Joins the British — Hull's Inglorious 
Campaign — Surrender of Detroit — Surrender op Mackinac — 
Triumphs op the British — Hull's Incapacity. 

WniLE the prophet was leading the confederated warriors 
to battle against Harrison's army near Tippecanoe, Tecumseh 
was absent among the Southern Indians for the purpose of 
bringing them into the confederacy. On his return a few days 
after Harrison's victory, he found, to his great dissatisfaction, 
that many of his followers had dispersed; that his brother had 
disgraced himself by his imprudence, and that his best hopes 
were destroyed. He was very angry at his brother, seized him 
by the hair, shook him violently and threatened to take his 
life. By his imprudence in attacking the American army at 
Tippecanoe the prophet had destroyed his own power and 
ruined the projected confederacy. 

Tecumsdi immediately sent word to Gov. Harrison that he 
had returned from the south, and that he was ready to visit 
the President as had been previously proposed. The Governor 
gave him permission to proceed to Washington, but not as the 
leader of a party of Indians, as he desired. The proud chief, 
who had appeared at Yincennes in 1810 with a large party of 
braves, had no desire to appear before his " Great Father," the 
President, without his retinue. The proposed visit was de- 
clined and the intercourse between Tecumseh and the Governor 
terminated. In June, he sought an interview with the Indian 
agent at Fort Wayne, disavowed any intention of making war 
on the United States, and reproached Gen. Harrison for having 
marched against his people during his absence. The agent 
replied to ^his; Tecumseh listened with frigid indifference, and 
after making a few general remarks with a haughty air, left 
(260) 



OR, THE BOKDEB WARS OF TWO CENTUR1I<:S. 261 

the council house and departed for Fort Maiden, in Upper 
Canada, where he joined the British standard.* 

During the winter of 1811-12 we find the Congreso of the 
United States discussing the subject of war with Great Britain. 
The reader is probably familiar with the causes which led to 
this. Even as early as December, 1811, a proposition was 
openly made to invade Canada in the following spring, before 
the ice broke up, and in particular was urged the necessity of 
such operations at the outset of the anticipated contest as 
should wrest from the enemy the command of the upper lakes 
and secure the neutrality or favor of the Indian tribes by the 
conquest of Upper Canada. 

Measures were also taken for the defense of the ISTorthwcst 
frontier against Indian hostility, and which, in the event of a 
rupture with Great Britain, would enable the United States to 
obtain command of Lake Erie. These steps were, however, 
by no means suitable to the attainment of this object. In 
place of a naval force on Lake Erie, the importance of which 
had been frequently urged, the government proposed to use 
no other military means, and hoped, by the presence of two 
thousand soldiers, to eflect the capture or destruction of the 
British fleet. When, therefore. Gen. Hull, to whom the com- 
mand of the army destined for the conquest of Canada had 
been confided, commenced his march from Dayton, on the first 
of June, it was with means which he himself regarded as 
utterly inadequate to the object aimed at, a fact which suffi- 
ciently explains his vascillating, nerveless conduct. Through 
that whole month, he and his troops toiled on toward the 
Maumee, busy with their roads, bridges and block-houses. On 
the twenty-fourth, advices from the Secretary of War, dated on 
the eighteenth, came to hand, but not a word contained in 
them made it probable that the long expected war would be 
immediately declared, although Col. McArthur at the same 
time received word from Chillicothe warning him, on the 
authority of Thomas Worthington, then Senator from Ohio, 
that before the letter reached him, the declaration would have 
been made public. This information McArthur laid before 

* Brown's History of Illinois. 



ZiOZ THK LIVES OF PONTLtVC AJSI) TK(;UMSEH : 

Gen. Hull; and when, upon reaching the Maumee, that com- 
mander proposed to place his baggage, stores and sick on board 
a vessel, and send them by water to Detroit, the backwoodsman 
warned him of the danger, and refused to trust his own 
property on board. Hull, however, treated the report of war 
as the old story which had been current through all the spring, 
and refused to believe it possible that the government would 
not give him information at the earliest moment that the 
measure was resolved on. He, accordingly, on the first of July, 
embarked his disabled men and most of his goods on board 
the Cuyahoga packet, suffering his aid-de-camp in his careless- 
ness to send by her even his instructions and army-roll, and 
then proceeded upon his way. The next day, July second, 
a letter of the same date of that received upon the twenty- 
fourth of June, reached him with the intelligence that war 
had that day been declared. Before his astonishment was 
over, word was brought of the capture of his packet off Maiden, 
with all his official papers. The latter passed into the hands 
of the foe, and thus informed them of his purposes and his 
strength. However no effort was made by the British to 
prevent the Americans from marching to Detroit, nor to inter- 
fere with their passage across the river to Sandwich, where 
they established themselves on the twelfth of July, preparatory 
to attacking Maiden itself. " And here, at once," says Mr. 
Peck, in the Western Annals, " the incapacity of Hull showed 
itself. By his own confession he took every step under the 
influence of two sets of fears; he dared not, on the one hand, 
act boldly for fear that his incompetent force would be all 
destroyed; while, on the other hand, he dared not refuse to 
act for fear his militia, already uneasy, would desert him." 
Thus embarrassed, he proclaimed freedom to the Americans, 
holding out inducements to the British militia to desert, and 
to the Indians to keep quiet. Satisfied with this he sat still at 
Sandwich, endeavoring to pacify his bloodthirsty backwoods- 
men, who seemed furious to attack Maiden. Meanwhile Col. 
Cass and Col. Miller, by an attack upon the advanced parties 
of the enemy, demonstrated the willingness and power of their 
men to push their conquests if the chance were given, but 



OK, THE JiORDEK WARS OF TWO OKNTURIK>!. 263 

Hull refused the opportunity, and when the appointed time 
arrived that the army was to make the assault, Hull, for some 
reason, returned with most of his army to Detroit, " having 
effected nothing except the destruction of all confidence in 
him on the part of the whole force under his control, officers 
and privates." 

By this time, Col. Proctor had reached Maiden, and perceiv- 
ing at once the power which the position of that post gave him 
over the supplies of the army of the United States, he com- 
menced a series of operations, the object of which was to cut 
off the communications of Hull with Ohio, and thus not 
merely neutralize all active operations on his part, but starve 
him into surrender or force him to detail his whole array in 
order to keep open his way to the only point from which sup- 
plies could reach him. A proper force on Lake Erie, or the 
capture of Maiden, would have prevented this annoying and 
fatal mode of warfare, but the imbecility of the government 
and that of the General, combined to favor the plans of Proc- 
tor.''^ He stopped the stores on their way to Detroit, at the 
river Kaisin, and defeated the insufficient band of two hundred 
men under Yan Horn, sent by Hull to escort them. Further 
than this, he so far withstood a detachment of live hundred 
under Col. Miller as to cause Hull to recall the remnant of that 
victorious and gallant band, though it had completely routed 
both Britisli and Indians. In this way Proctor held the 
Americans in check until the arrival of Gen. Brock. This 
officer reached Maiden on the thirteenth of August, and imme- 
diately began operations for the conquest of Detroit. 

On the fourteenth of August, while a party under Col, 
McArthur was dispatched by Hull to open communication 
with the river Eaisin, Gen. Brock appeared at Sandwich and 
began to erect batteries to protect his further operations. 
Hull would not permit any of his men to molest these batteries, 
saying that if the enemy did not fire on him he would not on 
them, and though, when summoned to surrender on the 
fifteenth of August, he stoutly refused, yet, upon tlie sixteenth, 
without striking a blow, he surrendered the town of Detroit 
* See Hull's Defense — Western Annals. 



264 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

and territory of Michigan, together with fourteen hundred 
men, longing for battle, to three hundred English soldiers, four 
hundred Canadian militia, disguised in red coats, and a band 
of Tecumseh's warriors* For this conduct he was accused 
of treason and cowardice, and convicted of the latter. " Nor 
can we doubt," says Mr, Peck, " the justice of the sentence. 
However brave he may have been personally, he was as a com- 
mander a coward; and moreover he was influenced, confessedly, 
by his fears as a father, lest his daughter and her children 
should fall into the hands of the Indians. In truth his 
faculties seem to have been paralized by fear; fear that he 
should fail ; fear that his troops would be unfair to him ; fear 
that the savages would spare no one if opposed with vigor; 
fear of some undefined horrid evil impending." 

But the fall of Detroit was not the only misfortune of this 
summer. On the seventeenth of July a British force, together 
with Canadians and Indians, numbering in all, one thousand 
and twenty, attacked the American garrison at Mackinac, and 
the latter, amounting to but fifty-seven effective men, felt 
unable to withstand so formidable a body, and to avoid the 
constantly threatened Indian massacre, surrendered as prison- 
ers of war, and were dismissed on parole. 

* McAffee's Account — Hull's Trial — Western Annals. 



CHAPTEE XXXIII. 

Chicago — Its Early Settlement — Its Condition in 1812 — Order 
FOR Evacuation — Council with the Indians — Their Promises 
AND their Treachery — The Massacre — Heroism op Women — 
Accounts of Mrs. Helm and Others — Thrilling Incidents. 

We next come to one of tlie saddest events in the whole- 
narrative — the massacre of Chicago. A small trading post 
had been established at Chicago in the jDeriod of French ex- 
plorations, but no village formed; and it will be remembered 
that at the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, the Pottawatomies, 
Miamis and other nations agreed to relinquish their right to 
a peace of land six miles square at the mouth of the Chicao-o 
river, " where a fort formerly stood." 

The United States erected a small fort upon the site of the 
present city of Chicago in 1804, called Fort Dearborn. It 
stood in the same place where the fort was erected in 1833, 
but was of a different construction, having two block houses 
on the southern side, and on the northern side, a sally port or 
subterranean passage from the parade ground to the river. In 
1812 the fort was garrisoned by Capt. Heald, commanding, 
Lieut. Helm, Ensign Konan, Surgeon Voorhees and seventy- 
five men, very few of whom were effective. 

The Indians in the vicinity had always manifested a friend- 
ship for the officers and soldiers of the garrison. However,.' 
the principal chiefs and braves of the Pottawatomie nation- 
visited Fort Maiden, on the Canada side, annually, received 
presents to a large amount, and were in alliance with Great 
Britain. Many Pottawatomies, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and 
Shawanoes were in the battle of Tippecanoe, yet the principal 
chiefs in the immediate vicinity were on amicable terms with 
the Americans at this post. Besides those persons, attached to 

(2(55) 



266 THK IA\& OF I'ONTIAC AND TEOUMSEH: 

the garrison there was in tlie fort the family of Mr. Kinzie, 
who had been engaged in the fur trade at that spot from 1804, 
and a few Canadians, or engages, with their wives and children. 

On the seventh 'of April, 1812, a band of hostile Winneba- 
goes attacked JVIr. Lee's settlement, at a place called Hard- 
scrabble, about four miles from Chicago, and massacred a Mr. 
White, and a Frenchman in his employ. Two other men 
escaped. For some days after this there were signs of hostile 
Indians, and repeated alarms at the garrison, but the whole 
passed off in quietness until all apprehension was dismissed. 
On the seventh of the following August, "Winnemeg, or Catfish, 
a friendly Pottawattomie chief, arrived at Chicago (Fort 
Dearborn) bringing dispatches from Governor Hull, the 
commander-in-chief in the Northwest. These dispatches 
announced the declaration of war between the United States 
and Great Britain; that General Hull, at the head of the army 
in the Northwest, was on his way from Fort Wayne to Detroit, 
and that the British had possessed themselves of Mackinac. 
His orders to Captain Heald, were, "to evacuate the post, 
if practicable, and, in that event, to distribute the property 
belonging to the United States, in the fort, and in the factory 
or agency, to the Indians in the neighborhood." * 

Chief Winnemeg, after delivering his dispatches, repaired to 
the house of Mr. Kinzie and stated to him that he was 
acquainted with the purport of the communications he had 
brought, and begged him to ascertain if it were the intention 
of Captain Heald to evacuate the post. He advised strongly 
that such a step should not be taken, since the garrison was 
well supplied with ammunition, and with provisions for a six 
month's siege. He added that it would be far better to remain 
until a reinforcement could be sent to their assistance. If, 
however, Capt. Heald should decide on leaving the post, it 
should by all means be done immediately. The Pottawato- 
mies, through whose country they must pass, being ignorant 
of Winnemeg's mission, a forced march might be made before 
the hostile Indians were prepared to interrupt them. 

* Western Annals. 



OK, THE BOKDKK WARS OF TWO (^ENlliKlKS. 267 

Capt. Heald was immediately informed of tliis advice. He 
said that it was bis intention to evacuate the post, but that 
inasmuch as he had received orders to distribute the United 
States property, he would not leave until he had collected the 
Indians in the neio^hborhood, and made a fair division of the 
property among them. Winnemeg then urged the expediency 
of marching out and leaving all things standing. Possibly, 
he said, while the savages were engaged in apportioning the 
spoils, the troops might effect their retreat unmolested. Mr. 
Kinzie strongly supported this advice, but it did not meet the 
approbation of the commanding officer. The order for evac- 
uating the post was read on the following morning at parade. 
For some reason, Capt. Heald relied on his own judgment in 
this matter, and refused to hold a council with his officers. In 
the course of the day, finding no council was called, the officers 
waited upon Capt. Heald, wishing to be informed as to what 
course he had determined to pursue. When they learned his 
intention to leave the fort, they remonstrated with him, setting 
forth the dangers that such a measure would incur upon the 
garrison. It was highly improbable, they said, that the com- 
mand would be permitted to pass through the country in safety 
to Fort Wayne. For, although it had been said that some of 
the chiefs had opposed an attack upon the post, planned the 
preceding autumn, yet, it was well known that they had been 
actuated in that matter by motives of private regard to one 
family, and not to any general friendly feeling towards the 
Americans; and that, at any rate, it was hardly to be expected 
that these few individuals would be able to control the whole 
tribe, who were thirstj'^ for blood. In the next place, their 
march must necessarily be slow as their movements must be 
accommodated to the helplessness of the women and children, 
of whom there were many with the garrison ; that, of their 
small force, some of the soldiers were superannuated and others 
invalid ; therefore, since the course to be pursued was left dis- 
cretional, their advice was to remain where they were, and 
fortify themselves as strongly as possible. Succor from the 
other side of the peninsula might arrive before they could be 
attacked by the British from Mackinac, and even should there 



268 THE LIVES OF I'ONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

not, it were far better to fall into the hands of the latter, than 
to become the victims of the savages, 

Capt. Heald's reply was that a special order had been issued 
by the War Department, that no post should be surrendered 
without battle having been given ; and that his force was 
totally inadequate to an engagement with the Indians. That 
he should, unquestionably, be censured for remaining when 
there appeared a prospect of a safe march through, and that 
upon the whole, he deemed it expedient to assemble the 
Indians, distribute the property among them, and then ask of 
them an escort to Fort Wayne, with the promise of a consid- 
erable reward upon their safe arrival — adding, that he had full 
confidence in the friendly professions of the Indians, from 
whom, as well as from the soldiers, the capture of Mackinac 
had been kept a profound secret. 

From this time the officers held themselves aloof, and spoke 
but little upon the subject, though they considered the project 
of Capt. Heald little short of madness. The dissatisfaction 
among the soldiers hourly increased, until it reached a high 
degree of insubordination. Upon one occasion, as Captain 
Heald was conversing with Mr. Kinzie, upon the parade, he 
said, '' I could not remain, even if I thought it best, for I have 
bu<; a small store of provisions." ''Why, Captain," said a 
soldier, who stood near, forgetting all etiquette, in the excite- 
ment of the moment, "you have cattle enough to last the 
troops six months." "But," replied Captain Heald, " I have 
no salt to preserve the beef with." "Then jerk^ it," said the 
man. " as the Indians do their venison." 

The Indians now became daily more unruly. Entering the 
fort in defiance of the sentinels, they made their way without 
ceremony into the quarters of the officers. On one occasion, 
an Indian took up a rifle and fired it in the parlor of the com- 
manding officer, as an expression of defiance. Some were of 
opinion, that it was intended, among the young men, as a 
signal for an attack. The old chiefs passed backward and for- 

* This is done by cutting the meat in thin slices, placing it upon a 
scaffold and making a slow fire under it, which dries and smokes it at the 
same time. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 269 

ward, among the assembled groups, with the appearance of the 
most lively agitation, while the squaws rushed to and fro in 
great excitement, and evidently prepared for some fearful 
scene.* Any further manifestation of ill-feeling was, how- 
ever, suppressed for the present, and Captain Heald, strange as 
it may seem, continued to entertain a conviction of his having 
created so amicable a disposition among the Indians, as would 
insure the safety of the command, on their march to Fort 
Wayne. 

In the midst of this excitement, a messenger arrived among 
the Indians from Tecumseh, with the news of the capture of 
Mackinac, the defeat of Van Home, and the retreat of Gen. 
Hull from Canada. He desired them to arm immediately, and 
intimated that Hull would soon be compelled to surrender. 

Matters continued in this state until the twelfth of August, 
when a council was held with the Indians who had collected. 
None of the military oflScers attended except Capt. Heald, 
although requested by him to do so. They had been informed 
that it was the intention of the young chiefs to massacre them 
in council, and as soon as the commander left the fort, they 
took command of the blockhouses, opened the port holes and. 
pointed the loaded cannon so as to command the whole council. 
This, probably, caused a postponement of their horrid designs. 

At the council the captain informed the Indians of his 
intentions to distribute, the next day, among them, all the 
goods in the storehouses, with the ammunition and provisions. 
He requested the Pottawatomies to furnish him an escort to 
Fort Wayne, promising them a liberal reward upon their 
arrival there, in addition to the liberal presents they were now 
to receive. The Indians were profuse in their professions of 
good- will and friendship, assented to all he proposed, and prom- 
ised all that he desired. The result shows the true character 
of the savages. " No act of kindness, nor offer of reward, 
could assuage their thirst for blood." Mr. Kinzie, who well 
understood the Indian character and their designs, waited on 
the commander, in the hope of showing him his real situation. 
He told him that the Indians had been secretly hostile to the 

* Western Annals. 



270 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH : 

Americans for a long time; that since the battle of Tippe- 
canoe he had dispatched orders to all his traders to furnish no 
ammunition to them, and pointed out the wretched policy of 
Capt. Heald in furnishing the enemy with arms and ammuni- 
tion to destroy the Americans. This argument opened Heald \s 
eyes, and he resolved to destroy the ammunition and liquor. 
On the thirteenth the goods were distributed, and the liquor 
and ammunition destroyed. 

Meanwhile, Capt. Wells was hastening forward from Fort 
Wayne to aid the garrison at Chicago. He had heard of the 
order of Gen. Hull to evacuate Fort Dearborn, and knowing 
the hostile intentions of the Pottawatomies, he had made a 
rapid march through the wilderness, to prevent, if possible, 
the exposure of his sister, Mrs. Heald, the officers and garri- 
son, to certain destruction. But he came too late! The 
ammunition had been destroyed, and the provisions were in the 
hands of the enemy. He, therefore, urged an immediate 
departure, and, accordingly every preparation was made for 
the march of the troops on the following morning. (3n the 
day of Capt. Wells' arrival another council was held with the 
savages, in which they expressed great dissatisfaction at the 
destruction of the liquor and ammunition. " Murmurs and 
threats were heard in every quarter." Among the chiefs and 
braves were several who, although they partook of the feelings 
of hostility to the Americans, yet retained a personal regard 
for the troops and the white families in the place. They 
exerted their utmost influence to allay the angry feelings of 
the savage warriors, but to no purpose. Among those was 
Black Partridge, a chief of some distinction. The evening 
after the second council, he entered Heald's room and said: 
" Father, I come to deliver up to you the medal I wear. It 
was given me by the Americans, and I have long worn it in 
token of mutual friendship. But our young men are resolved 
to imbrue their hands in the blood of the whites. I cannot 
restrain them, and I will not wear a token of peace while I am 
compelled to act as an enemy." The ammunition that had 
been reserved — twenty-five rounds to a man — was now distrib- 
uted. The baggage wagons for the sick, the women and 



OK, THE BORDER M'AKS OF T\V<» CENTUKIES. 271 

children were ready, and, " amidst the surrounding gloom, and 
the expectation of a fatiguing march through the ^^■ilderness^ 
or a disastrous issue on the morrow, the whole party, except 
the watchful sentinels, retired for a little rest." At length the 
fatal morning of the fifteenth of August arrived. The sun 
rose in splendor above the placid bosom of Lake Michigan, the 
air was balmy, and, excepting the distressing apprehensions of 
the garrison and their families, the morning M'as delightful. 

At an early hour Mr. Kinzie received a message from Tope- 
neebe, a friendly chief of the St. Joseph's band, informing him 
that the Pottawatomies, who had promised to be an escort to 
the detachment, designed mischief Mr. Kinzie had placed his 
family under the protection of some friendly Indians. This 
party embarked in a boat, and consisted of Mrs. Kinzie, four 
children, a clerk of Mr. Kinzie's, two servants and the boat- 
men, with two Indians as protectors. This boat was intended 
to pass along the southern shore of the lake to St. Joseph, 
while Mr. Kinzie and his eldest son had agreed to accompany 
(Japt. Heald and the troops, as he thought his influence over 
the Indians would enable him to restrain the fury of the sav- 
ages, as they were much attached to him and his family. 
Topeneebe urged him and his son to accompany his family in 
the boat, assuring him the hostile Indians would allow his 
boat to pass in safety to St. Joseph's. The boat had but 
reached the lake, when another messenger arrived from the 
same chief to detain them where they were. 

At nine o'clock the troops, with the baggage wagons, left 
the fort '' with martial music and in military array." Capt. 
Wells, at the head of his band of Miamis, led the advance, 
with his face blackened after the manner of Indians; the troops 
with the wagons, containing the women and children, the sick 
and lame, followed, while, at a little distance behind, were the 
Pottawatomies, about five hundred in number, who had pledged 
their honor to escort them in safety to Fort Wayne. The party 
took the road along the lake shore, and on reaching the point 
where a range of sand hills commenced, the Pottawatomies 
defiled on the right into the prairie, so as to bring the sand 
hills between them and the Americans. Thev had marched 



272 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: ' 

about a mile and a lialf from the fort, when Capt. Wells, who, 
with his Miamis, was in advance, rode furiously back and 
exclaimed: 

" Thev are about to attack us; form instantly, and charge 
upon them!" 

But these words had scarcely been uttered, when a volly of 
balls from Indian muskets, behind the sand-hills, poured upon 
them. The troops were formed as quick as possible and 
charged up the bank. One man, a veteran soldier of seventy, 
fell as they mounted the bank. The battle became general. 
The Miamis fled at the outset, though Capt. Wells did his 
utmost to induce them to stand their ground. Their chief rode 
up to the Pottawatomies, charged them with treachery, and, 
brandishing his tomahawk, declared, " he would be the first to 
head a party of Americans and punish them." He then 
turned his horse and galloped after his companions over the 
prairie.* The American troops charged upon the Indians in 
a gallant manner, and " sold their lives dearly." Mrs, Helm, 
wife of Lieut. Helm, was in the thickest of the action, and 
behaved with singular presence of mind. Indeed every woman 
present acted with great composure. Mrs. Helm, in giving an 
account of the battle, or the massacre, said that the horses 
pranced and bounded, and could hardly be restrained, as the 
balls whistled around them. She drew off to one side and gazed 
upon Lieut. Helm, her husband, who was as yet unharmed. 
She says: "I felt that my hour was come and endeavored to 
forget those I loved, and prepare myself for my approaching 
fate. While I was thus engaged, the surgeon, Dr. Y., came 
up; he was badly wounded. His horse had been shot under 
him, and he had received a ball in his leg. Every muscle of 
his countenance was quivering with the agony of terror. He 
said to me, ' Do you think they will take our lives? I am badly 
wounded, but I think not mortally. Perhaps we might pur- 
chase our lives by promising them a large reward. Do you 
think there is any chance?' 

" ' Dr. Y.,' said I, ' do not let us waste the few moments that 
yet remain to us in such vain hopes. Our fate is inevitable. 

* Western Annals. 



OK, '['UK BOKDKR WAKS OF TWO CENTURIES. 273 

In u few moments we must appear before tlie bar of God. Let 
lis endeavor to make what preparation is yet in our power.' 
*()li ! I cannot die !' exclaimed he; 'I am not fit to die — if I 
had but a short time to prepare — death is awful !' I pointed 
to ensign Ronan, who, though mortally wounded, and nearly 
down, was still fighting with desperation upon one knee. 

" *• Look at that man,' said I, ' at least he dies like a soldier!' 

" ' Yes,' replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive 
gasp, 'but he has no terrors of tlie future — he is an unbe- 
liever!' 

"At this moment a young Indian raised his tomahawk at 
me. By springing aside I avoided the blow which was aimed 
at my skull, but which alighted on my shoulder. I seized him 
around the neck, and, while exerting my utmost efi^brts to get 
possession of his scalping-knife, which hung in a scabbard 
over his breast, I was dragged from his grasp by another and 
older Indian. 

"The latter bore me, struggling and resisting, towards the 
lake. Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurried 
along, I recognized, as I passed them, the lifeless remains of 
the unfortunate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had 
stretched him upon the very spot where I had last seen him. 

" I was immediately plunged into the water, and held there 
with a forcible hand, notwithstanding my i-esistance. I soon 
perceived, however, that the object of ray captor was not to 
drown me, as he held me firmly in such a position as to place 
my head above the water. This reassured rae, and regarding 
him attentively, I soon recognized, in spite of the paint, with 
which he was disguised, The Black Partridge. 

" When the firing had somewhat subsided, my preserver bore 
me from the water and conducted me up the sand-banks. It 
was a burning August morning, and walking through the 
sand in my drenched condition, was inexpressibly painful and 
fatiguing. I stopped and took off my shoes to free them from 
the sand, with which they were nearly filled, when a squaw 
seized and carried them off, and I was obliged to proceed 
without them. When we had gained the prairie, I was met 
by my father, who told me that my husband was safe, and but 
18 



274 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSKH: 

slightly wounded. They led me gently back toward the 
Chicago river, along the southern bank of which was the Pot- 
tawatomie encampment. At one time I was placed upon a 
horse without a saddle, but soon finding the motion insup- 
portable, I sprang off. Supported partly by my kind con- 
ductor, and partly by another Indian, Pee-so-tum, who held 
dangling in his hand the scalp of Capt. Wells, I dragged my 
fainting steps to one of the wigwams, 

"The wife of Wau-hee-nee-mah^ a chief from the Illinois 
river, was standing near, and seeing my exhausted condition, 
she seized a kettle, dipped up some water from a little stream 
that flowed near, threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring 
it up with her hand, gave it to me to drink. This act of kind- 
ness, in the midst of so many atrocities, touched me most 
sensibly, but ni}' attention was soon diverted to another object. 
The fort had become a scene of plunder to such as remained 
after the troops had marched out. The cattle had been shot 
down as they ran at large and lay dead or dying around. 

" As the noise of the firing grew gradually less, and the 
stragglers from the victorious party dropped in, I received 
confirmation of what my father had hurriedly communicated 
in our renconter on the lake shore; namely, that the whites 
had surrendered after the loss of about two-thirds their num- 
ber. They had stipulated for the preservation of their lives, 
and those of the remaining women and children, and for their 
delivery at some of the British posts, unless ransomed by 
traders in the Indian country. It appears that the wounded 
prisoners were not considered as included in the stipulation, 
and a horrible scene occurred upon their being brought into 
camp. 

" An old squaw, infuriated by the loss of friends, or excited 
by the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a 
demoniac ferocity. She seized a stable fork and assaulted one 
miserable victim who lay groaning and writhing in the agony 
of his wounds, aggravated by -the scorching beams of the sun. 
With a delicacy of feeling scarcely to have been expected 
under such circumstances, Wau-bee-nee-mah stretched a mat 
across two poles between me and this dreadful scene. I was 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 275 

thus Spared, in some degree, a view of its horrors, although I 
could not entirely close 'my ears to the cries of the sufferer. 
The following night five more of the wounded prisoners were 
tomahawked." 

But why dwell upon this painful subject? Why describe 
the butchery of the children, twelve of whom, placed together 
on one baggage-wagon, fell beneath the merciless tomahawk 
of one young savage? This atrocious act was committed after 
the whites, twenty-seven in number, had surrendered. When 
Capt. Wells beheld it he exclaimed; '' Is that their game? Then 
I will kill too!" So saying, he turned his horse's head, and 
started for the Indian camp near the fort, where had been left 
their squaws and children. 

Several Indians pursued him, firing at him as he galloped 
along. He laid himself flat on the neck of his horse, loading 
and firing in that position ; at length the balls of his pursuers 
took effect, killing his horse and severely M'ounding himself. 
At this moment he was met by Winnemeg and Wau-ban-see, 
who endeavored to save him from the savages who had now 
overtaken him; but as they supported him along, after having 
disengaged him from his horse, he received his death-blow 
from one of the party, (Pee-so-tum,) who stabbed him in the 
back. 

The heroic resolution of one of the soldier's wives deserves 
to be recorded. She had, from the first, expressed a determi- 
nation never to fall into the hands of the savages, believina: 
that their prisoners were always subjected to tortures worse 
than death. When, therefore, a party came up to her, to make 
her prisoner, she fought with desperation, refusing to surrender, 
although assured of safe treatment, and literally suffered herself 
to be cut to pieces, rather than become their captive.* 

The heart of Capt. Wells was taken out and cut into pieces, 
and distributed among the tribes. His mutilated body was 
not interred until " Billy Caldwell," Tecumseh's Secretary, 
arrived and buried it. The head was entirely separated from 
the body, and the latter was cut into several pieces. The fam- 
ily of Mr. Kinzie had been taken from the boat to their home, 
* Western Annals. 



276 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECDMSEH : 

by friendly Indians, and there strictly guarded. Very soon a 
hostile party of the Pottawatomies arrived from the Wabash, 
and " it required all the skill and bravery of Black Partridge, 
Waubansee, Billy Caldwell and other friendly Indians to pro- 
tect them." Messengers had been sent by the Chicago Indians 
to notify all hostile tribes of the intended evacuation of the 
fort, and of their plan of attacking the troops. Wherever 
these messages were delivered, the Indians wasted no time in 
repairing to the scene of massacre, but most of them arrived 
too late. These were infuriated at their disappointment, and 
sought to glut their vengeance on the wounded and prisoners. 
Mr. Kinzie and his family escaped through the protection of 
the savages. Of the other prisoners, Capt. Heald and Mrs. 
Heald were sent across the lake to St. Joseph's, the day after 
the battle. Capt. Heald had received two wounds, and his wife 
seven, the ball of one of which was cut from her arm by Mr. 
Kinzie with a pen-knife, after the engagement. Mrs. Heald 
was ransomed on the battle-field by a half-breed, for a mule 
and ten bottles of whisky. Capt. Heald was taken prisoner by 
an Indian from the Kankakee, who, seeing the wounded and 
suffering condition of Mrs. Heald, generoulsy released his pris- 
oner, that he might accompany his wife. But when this Indian 
returned to his village on the Kankakee, he found that his gen- 
erosity had excited so much dissatisfaction in his band that he 
resolved to visit St. Josepli's and reclaim his prisoner. News 
of his intention, having reached Topeneebe, Keepotah, Chan- 
donnai and other friendly braves, they sent them in a bark 
canoe, under the charge of Robinson, a half-breed, along the 
eastern side of Lake Michigan, three hundred miles, to Mack- 
inac, where they were delivered over to the commanding 
officer. 

Lieut. Helm was wounded in the action and taken prisoner; 
and afterwards taken by some friendly Indians to the Au Sable, 
and from thence to St. Louis, and liberated from captivity 
through the agency of Thomas Forsyth. Mrs. Helm received 
a slight wound in the ankle; had her horse shot from under 
her; and, after passing through the agonizing scenes described, 
went with the family of Mr. Kinzie to Detroit. The soldiers, 



OB, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 277 

with their wives and children, were dispered among the differ- 
ent villages of the Pottawatomies, upon the Illinois, Wabash, 
Rock River and Milwaukee. The largest proportion were taken 
to Detroit, and ransomed the following spring. Some, how- 
ever, remained in captivity another year, and experienced more 
kindness than was expected from an enem.}' so merciless.* 

In addition to the accounts of the massacre of Fort Dear- 
born, already given, I will affix the official report of Capt. 
Heald, which differs in no essential particular from that already 



" On the ninth of August, I received orders from Gen. Hull to evacuate 
the post, and proceed with my command to Detroit, leaving it at my dis- 
cretion to dispose of the public property as I thought proper. The 
neighboring Indians got the information as early as I did, and came from 
all quarters to receive the goods in the factory store, which they understood 
were to be given to them. On the thirteenth, Capt. Wells, of Fort Wayne, 
arrived with about thirty Miamis, for the purpose of escorting us in by the 
request of Gen. Hull. On the fourteenth, I deliveredShe Indians all the 
goods in the factory store, and a considerable quantity of provisions, 
which we could not take away with us. 

The surplus arms and ammunition, I thought proper to destroy, fearing 
they would make bad use of it, if put in their possession. 

I also destroyed all the liquor on hand, soon after they began to collect. 
The collection was unusually large for that place, but they conducted with 
the strictest propriety, till after I left the fort. 

On the fifteenth, at nine o'clock a. m., we commenced our march — a part 
of the Miamis were detached in front, the remainder in our rear as guards, 
under the direction of Capt. Wells. The situation of the country ren- 
dered it necessary for us to take the beach, with the lake on our left, and a 
high bank on our right, at about one hundred yards distance. We pro- 
ceeded about a mile and a half, when it was discovered the Indians were 
prepared to attack us from behind the bank. 

I immediately marched up the company to the top of the bank, when 
the action commenced; after firing one round, recharged, and the Indians 
gave way in front and joined those on our flanks. In about fifteen min- 
utes, they got posssssion of all our horses, provision and baggage of every 
description, and, finding the Miamis did not assist us, I drew otf the few 
men I had left, and took possession of a small elevation in the open prairie 
out of shot of the bank or any other cover. The Indians did not follow 
me, but assembled in a body on the the top of the bank, and after some 
consultation among themselves, made signs to me to approach them. I 

* Peck's Compilation. 



278 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

advanced towards them alone, and was met by one of the Pottawatomie 
chiefs called the Blackbird, with an interpreter. 

After shaking hands, he requested me to surrender, promising to spare 
the lives of all the prisoners. On a few moments' consideration, I con- 
eluded it would be the most prudent to comply with his request, although 
I did not put entire confidence in his promise. After delivering up our 
arms, we were taken back to their encampment near the fort, and distrib- 
uted among the different tribes. 

The next morning they set fire to the fort, and left the place, taking the 
prisoners wi*,h them. Their number of warriors was between four and 
five hundred, mostly of the Pottawatomie nation, and their loss, from the 
best information I could get, .was about fifteen. Our strength was fifty- 
four regulars and twelve militia, out of which twenty-six regulars and all 
the militia, -were killed in the action, with two women and twelve 
children. 

Ensign George Ronan and Doctor Isaac V. Van Voorhees, of my com- 
pany, with Capt. Wells, of Fort Wayne, are, to my great sorrow, numbered 
among the dead. Lieut. Lina T. Helm, with twenty-five non-commissioned 
officers and privates, and eleven women and children, were prisoners when 
we separated. 

Mrs. Heald and iM^self were taken to the mouth of the river St. Joseph, 
and being both badly wounded, were permitted to reside with Mr. Burnet, 
an Indian trader. In a few days after our arrival there, the Indians all 
went off to take Fort Wajme, and in their absence I engaged a Frenchman 
to take us to Michilimackinac, by water, where I gave myself up as a 
prisoner of war, with one of my sergeants. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Raising an Arm* to Conquer the English in the Northwest 
Early Settlements in Illinois— Expedition under Governor 
Edwards and Colonel Russell — Seige of Fort Harrison — 
Captain Taylor's Defense— The Army under Harrison, Win- 
chester and Tupper. 

The defeat of General Ilnll, and the victories of English and 
Indians in the Northwest produced the greatest excitement 
among the people of the Western States, and especially in 
Kentucky and Ohio. By the middle of August, 1812, the 
whole Northwest, with the exception of Fort Wayne and Fort 
Harrison, was in the possession of the British and the savages. 
But one desire seemed to actuate the heart of every American 
on the borders — "to wipe off the disgrace with which our 
arms had been stained, and to roll back the desolation that 
threatened the frontier of Ohio and territories beyond." 

As we have seen. General Harrison had been appointed 
Brigadier-General in the army of the United States. The all 
absorbing theme was now the raising of another army to con- 
quer the British and subdue the red men. The work immedi- 
ately began. In the course of a few weeks Kentucky had 
about seven thousand men in the field under Gen. Thos. Todd. 
A large body of troops was also raised in the same State to 
march against the Indians of Indiana and Illinois, under Gen. 
Samuel Hopkins. Meanwhile Governor Edwards, of Illinois, 
was active in raising men and making pi-eparations for an 
expedition against the hostile Indians on the Illinois river. 
Col. Wm. Russell engaged himself in raising a company of 
rangers to cooperate with Governor Edwards. The place of 
rendezvous was near the present town of Edwardsville, west 
of Cahokia, and named "Camp Russell." The scattered set- 
(279) 



280 THE LIVK8 OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH I 

tlements of Illinois then extended no further north than Wood 
river, near Alton. A line drawn from that point past Green- 
ville and Mount Yernon to Shawneetown, would have enclosed 
all the white population, except a few families on the Wabash, 
adjacent to Yincennes. The concerted arrangement was, for 
Gen. Hopkins, with about four thousand mounted riflemen, to 
move up the Wabash to Fort Harrison, cross over to the Illinois 
country, destroy all the Indian villages near the Wabash, march 
across the prairies to the head waters of the Sangamon and 
Yermilion rivers, form a junction with the Illinois rangers 
under Governor Edwards and Ool. Russell, and sweep over all 
the villages along the Illinois river.* 

As soon as the troops under Gen. Hopkins entered the 
prairies of Illinois they became disorderly, which defeated the 
objects of the expedition. By constantly firing at the game 
with ^\'hich they came in contact, they made the Indians aware 
of their approach, and gaining a knowledge of the force of 
their invaders, they left their villages in flight. The troops 
under Governor Edwards and Col. Russell, however, accom- 
plished more; they ascended the river to the village of the 
Peorias and drove the savages into the swamps, killing many 
and destroying their town. 

On the twenty-eighth of August of the same year, the Pot- 
tawatomies, Ottawas, and other hostile Indians, made an attack 
on Fort Wayne, which they continued until the sixteenth of 
September, cutting o& all approach to the fort until relieved 
by a strong force under Gen. Harrison. Early in September 
a fierce attack was made on Fort Harrison, situated a short 
distance above the site of the jjresent city of Terre Haute, and 
which was commanded by Capt. Z. Taylor. Tecumseh's band 
and many other hostile Indians appeared before the fort, having 
first murdered two persons belonging to the post, whom they 
found in the open fields. They set fire to one of the block- 
houses, which was discovered about midnight, and which pro- 
duced the greatest confusion among the garrison. Capt. Taylor 
immediately directed the men to get the buckets, carry water 
from the w^ell and extinguish the fire, but from some cause 
* Peck's Compilation 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 281 

the men were slow in executing the orders, and in spite of 
every exertion they could make the flames ascended to the 
roof. As this blockhouse adjoined the barracks that made 
part of the fortifications, most of the men immediately gave 
themselves up for lost, and the Captain had the greatest difii- 
culty in getting his orders executed. Indeed, from the raging 
of the Are, the yelling and howling of a thousand savages, the 
cries of women and children in the fort, and the desponding 
of so many men, his own feelings were unpleasant. The 
situation became worse on account of the sickness which at the 
time prevailed in the fort. Two of the strongest men of the 
garrison, regarding resistance out of reason, jumped the pickets 
and left. In this terrible moment Capt. Taylor conceived a 
plan by which the fort and garrison were saved. He explained 
to the men that by throwing oif a part of the roof that joined 
the blockhouse that was on Are and keeping the end perfectly 
wet, the whole row of buildings might be saved. In this way 
the fire would leave only an opening of eighteen or twenty 
feet for the entrance of the Indians after the house was con- 
sumed, and that a temporary breastwork might be erected to 
prevent their entering there. The men were taken with the 
plan and went to work in a good spirit to execute it; mean- 
while those unable for such arduous duty kept up a constant 
fire from the other blockhouse and the two bastions. The men 
who undertook the execution of the Captain's plan succeeded 
by the loss of only one of their number. In a few moments 
tlie roof was removed, and before the dawn of the following 
morning a temporary breastwork had been erected over the 
ashes of the blockhouse. During the whole of the siege but 
two of the men were killed within the fort. Of those who 
jumped the pickets, one was murdered in the most cruel man- 
ner by the Indians, the other escaped to the fort with his arm 
broken. The savages kept up a continual fire until about six 
o'clock on the following morning, when it was returned with 
such eflect that they were driven away. 

The Indians drove up the horses that belonged to the settlers 
of the post, and as they could not catch them they shot the 
whole of them before the eves of the commandant, as also the 



282 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TECUMSEH: 

hogs and cattle, amounting to over one hundred head. By the 
burning of tlie blockhouse the garrison were deprived of all 
their provisions and were compelled to live upon green corn 
until relief came. 

Meanwhile, extensive preparations were going on in Ohio, 
Kentucky, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, to bring a large and 
efficient army into service — a force that would compel the 
British to retire, and subjugate the savages. Three points 
needed defence, Fort Wayne and the Maumee, the Wabash, and 
the Illinois river: the troops destined for the first point were 
to be under the command of Gen. Winchester, a revolutionary 
officer; those for the Wabash were to be under Harrison, whose 
name since the battle of Tippecanoe was familiar everywhere; 
while Governor Edwards, of the Illinois Territory, was to com- 
mand the expedition up the river of the same name. Such 
were the intentions of the Government, but the wishes of the 
people frusti-ated them, and led, first, to the appointment of 
Harrison to the command of the Kentucky volunteers, destined 
to assist Hull's army^ and next to his elevation to the post of 
commander-in-chief over all the forces of the west and north- 
west, as already observed. Meantine Fort Wayne had been 
relieved, and the line of the Maumee secured; so that when 
Harrison found himself placed at the head of military aifairs 
in the West, his main objects were, first, to drive the Indians 
from the western side of the Detroit river; second, to take Mai- 
den; and third, having thus secured his communications, to 
recapture the Michigan Territory and its dependencies. To do 
all this before winter, and thus be prepared to conquer Upper 
Canada, Harrison proposed to take possession of the rapids of 
the Maumee and there to concentrate his forces and his stores; 
in moving upon this point he divided his troops into three col- 
umns, the right to march from Wooster through Upper San- 
dusky, the centre from Urbana, by Fort McArthur, on the head 
of the Scioto, and the left from St. Mary's by the Auglaize 
and Maumee, — all meeting of course at the Kapids. This plan, 
however, failed; the troops of the left column, under Win- 
chester,* worn out and starved, were found on the verge of 
* Peck's compilation. 



OR, THE nORDEK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 283 

mutiny, and the mounted men of the centre, under Gen. Tup- 
per, were unable to do anything, partly from their own want 
of subordination, but still more from the shiftlessness of their 
commander.'^' This condition of the troops, and the prevalence 
of disease among them, together with the increasing difficulty 
of transportation after the fall freshets, forced the commander 
to the necessity of waiting until the winter had bridged the 
streams and swamps with ice, and even when that had taken 
place, he was doubtful as to the wisdom of an attempt to con- 
quer without a naval force on Lake Erie. Thus it will bo seen 
the year 1812 closed, leaving the British and Indians in posses- 
sion of their conquests. Winchester, with the left wing of the 
army, was on his way to tlie Eapids, his men enfeebled by 
sickness, want of clothes and want of food; the right wing was 
approaching Sandusky, and the centre resting at Fort Mc Arthur. 

In December, however. Gen. Harrison dispatched a party of 
six hundred against the Miami villages upon theMississineway, 
a branch of the Wabash. This body, under the command of 
Lieut.-Col. Campbell, destroyed several villages, and fought a 
severe battle with the Indians, who were defeated; but the 
severity of the weather, the large number of the wounded, the 
scarcity of provisions, and the probability of being attacked by 
Tecumseh at the head of six hundred warriors, induced Col. 
Campbell to retreat immediately after the battle, without 
destroying the principal towns of the enemy. 

Winchester reached the Rapids with his troops on the tenth 
of January, 1813. Harrison was still at Sandusky with the 
right wing, and Tupper with the centre at Fort McArthnr. 

* McAfee. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

The War of 1812 — Defeat at Frenchtown — Groghan's Heroic 
Defense op Fort Stephekson — Defeat op the Americans — 
Preparations for a New Campaign — Perry's Victory — Har- 
rison's Triumph — The Indians Subdued — The English Defeated' 
— Close op the "War. 

Winchester was now besieged with messengers from French- 
town, on the River Raisin, representing the danger to which 
that place was exposed, and begging for protection. Agreea- 
bly to these requests, Col. Lewis was dispatched with five 
hundred men to the River Raisin, and soon after Col. Allen 
followed with over one hundred more. This was in January, 
1813. Marching along the frozen borders of the bay and lake,, 
on the afternoon of the eighteenth, the detachment reached 
and attacked the enemy who were posted in the village, and 
after a severe contest defeated them. Having gained posses- 
sion of the town. Col. Lewis wrote for reinforcements, and 
prepared to defend the possession he had gained. And it wa& 
evident that all his means of defense would be needed, as the 
place was but eighteen miles from Maiden, where the whole 
British force was collected under Proctor. Winchester, on the 
nineteenth, having heard of the action of the previous day, 
marched with two hundred and fifty men, which was the most 
he dared detach from the Rapids, to the aid of the captor of 
Frenchtown, which place he reached on the next evening. But 
instead of placing his men in a secure position, and taking 
measures to prevent the secret approach of the enemy, Win- 
chester suffered the troops he had brought with him to remain 
m the open ground, and took no efficient measures to protect 
himself from surprise, although informed that an attack might 
be expected at any moment. The consequence was that during 



OR, THE BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 285 

the nio^ht of the twenty-first, the whole British force approacliecl 
undiscovered, and erected a battery within three hundred yards 
of the American camp. From this, before the troops were 
fairly under arras in the morning, a discliarge of bombs, Oalls 
and grape shot, " informed the devoted soldiers of Winchester, 
of the folly of their commander, and in a moment more the 
dreaded Indian yell sounded on every side." Lewis' troops 
were, it would seem, on their guard, protected by the pickets 
of a garden. Those under Winchester were in the open field, and 
against them the main efibrt of the enemy was directed. In 
a few moments Winchester's troops yielded, broke and fled, 
under a fire which mowed them down like grass. Winchester 
and Lewis were both taken prisoners, the latter having left his 
security to aid his superior ofiicer. Upon Lewis' troops, 
however, who fought from behind their slight defenses, no 
impression could be made, and it was not until Winchester 
sent them advice to surrender that they thought of doing so.* 
This Proctor persuaded him to do, by telling him that the 
Indians would massacre all the Americans should resistance be 
continued longer. To this he added a promise of help and 
protection to the wounded, and of a removal at the earliest 
moment. It was only in consideration of the last promise that 
Lewis' troops consented to yield, even when required by their 
general, "But," says Mr. Peck, "the promise, even if given 
in good faith, was not redeemed, and the horrors of the suc- 
ceeding night and day will long be remembered." Of the 
American army, which was nearly eight hundred strong, one- 
third were killed in the battle and the massacre which followed, 
and but thirty-three escaped. 

As before mentioned. Gen. Harrison was at Sandusky when 
Winchester reached the Eapids. On the night of the sixteenth 
word came to him of the arrival of the left wing at that point, 
and of its meditated movements. He at once proceeded with 
all speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the morning of the eigh- 
teenth, sent forward a battalion of troops to the support of 
Winchester. On the nineteenth, he received farther intelli- 
gence as to the proposed movement of Winchester, and, with 
* Peek's Compilation. 



286 THE LIVES OF PONTIAO AND TECDMSEH : 

additional troops, he immediatelj started for the falls, where he 
arrived early on the morning of the twentieth. At this point 
he joined the battalion, which had started before him. The 
troops now moved forward to aid Winchester, but meeting a 
few of the survivors of his disaster^ and learning of what had 
taken place, they returned to the Eapids. At this place a con- 
sultation took place, the result of which was a determination 
to retreat yet farther in order to prevent the possibility of being 
cut off from the convoys of stores and artillery upon their way 
froin Sandusky. On the next morning, therefore, the block- 
house, which had been built, was destroyed, together with the 
provisions it contained, and the troops retired to Portage river, 
eighteen miles in the rear of Winchester's position, there to- 
await the guns and reinforcements which were daily expected, 
but which, as it turned out, were detained by rains nntil the 
thirtieth of January. Finding his array seventeen hundred 
strong, Gen. Harrison, on the first of February, again advanced 
to the Rapids, where he took up a new and stronger position, 
at which point he ordered all the troops as rapidly as possible 
to gather. He did this in the hope of being able before the 
middle of the month to advance upon Maiden, but the long 
continuance of warm and wet weather kept the roads in such 
a condition that his troops were unable to join him, and the 
project of advancing upon the ice was entirely frustrated; so 
at length the winter campaign had to be abandoned, as the 
autumnal one had been before. 

So far the military measures for the recovery of the North- 
west forts had proved a failure. The Americans had been 
defeated at almost every turn, and hundreds of them had fallen 
under the merciless tomahawk. Tecumseh and his warriors, 
on the other hand, were full of hope. Victory had crowned 
their efforts, and made them more valuable as British allies. 

But while these discouraging events were taking place in the 
Northwest, a series of events transpired at the National Cap- 
ital, which was preparing the way for another campaign, which 
was destined to victory. Gen. Armstrong had succeeded Dr. 
Eustis in the War Department, and in October, 1812, he urged 
upon the government the great necessity of obtaining the 



OE, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 287 

command of the lakes. Naval operations were the basis of his 
plan. Among the defensive operations of the spring and sum- 
mer of 1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs, the new post taken 
bj Harrison * at the Kapids, and that at Lower Sandusky, 
deserve to be especially noticed. It had been anitcipated that, 
with the opening of spring, the British would attempt the 
conquest of the position upon the Maumee, and measures had 
been taken by the general to forward reinforcements, which 
were detained, however, as usual by the spring freshets and the 
bottomless roads. As had been expected, on the twenty-eighth 
of April, the English forces began the investment of Harrison's 
camp, and by the first of May had completed their batteries; 
meantime, the Americans behind their tents had thrown up a 
bank of earth twelve feet high, and upon a basis of twenty 
feet, behind which the whole garrison withdrew the moment 
that the gunners of the enemy were prepared to commence 
operations. Upon this bank, the ammunition of His Majesty 
was wasted in vain, and down to the fifth, nothing was effected 
by either party. On that day. Gen. Clay, with twelve hundred 
additional troops, came down the Maumee in flatboats, and, in 
accordance with orders received from Harrison, detached eight 
hundred men under Col. Dudley to attack the batteries upon 
the left bank of the river, while, with the remainder of iiis 
forces, he landed upon the southern shore, and after some loss 
and delay, fought his way into camp. Dudley, on his part, 
succeeded perfectly in capturing the batteries, but instead of 
spiking the cannon, and then instantly returning to his boats, 
he suffered his men to waste their time in skirmish with the 
Indians, until Proctor was able to cut them off from their only 
chance of retreat; taken by surprise, and in disorder, the 
greater part of the detachment became an easy prey, only one 
hundred and fifty of the eight hundred escaping captivity or 
death. This sad result was partially, though but little allevi- 
ated by the success of a sortie made from the fort by Col. 
Miller, in which he captured and made useless the batteries 
that had been erected south of the Maumee. The result of the 
day's doings had been sad enough for the Americans, but still 
* Mr. Peck's Compilation. 



288 THE LIVES OF PONTIAC AND TEOUMSEIi: 

the British General saw in it nothing to encourage liira; his 
cannon had done nothing, and were in fact no longer of value ; 
his Indian allies found it " hard to fight people who lived like 
groundhogs;" news of the American successes below had been 
received, and additional troops were approaching from Ohio 
and Kentucky. Proctor, weighing all things, determined to 
retreat, and upon the ninth of May returned to Maiden. 

The ship-building going forward at Erie had not, mean- 
while, been unknown to, or disregarded by, the English, who 
proposed all in good time to destroy the vessels upon which so 
much depended, and to appropriate the stores of the Eepubli- 
cans: "the ordnance and naval stores you require," said Sir 
George Prevost to Gen. Proctor, " must be taken from the 
enemy, whose resources on Lake Erie must become yours. I 
am much mistaken, if you do not find Capt. Barclay disposed 
to play that game." Capt. Barclay was an experienced, brave 
and able seaman, and was waiting anxiously for a sufficient 
body of troops to attack Erie. A sufficient force was promised 
him, on the eighteenth of July, at which time the British fleet 
went down the lake to reconnoitre, and, should a favorable 
opportunity be presented, to make the proposed attempt upon 
the Americans at Erie. No attack, however, was made. 
About the same time. Proctor, with his soldiers and savages, 
again surrounded Fort Meigs, but accomplished notliing. 
Being unable to accomplish anything at this point, he moved 
on to Sandusky, into the neighborhood of the commander-in- 
chief. The principal stores of Harrison were at Sandusky, 
while he himself was at Seneca. Major Groghan commanded 
at Fort Stephenson or Lower Sandusky.* This latter post 
being deemed indefensible against heavy cannon, and it being 
known that Proctor was approaching with artillery, the Gen- 
eral and a council of war, called by him, thought it best to 
abandon it; but before this could be done, the appearance of 
the enemy upon the thirty-first of July, 1813, made it impos- 
sible. The commandant of this post was but twenty-one years 

* I depend, in this portion of the narrative, very materially upon the 
compilation of Mr. Peck, entitled the Western Annals. Published by Mr. 
Albach at St. Louis, in 1851. — Ed. 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 289 

of age, and the garrison consisted of but one hundred and fifty 
soldiers. There was within the fort only one piece of cannon, 
and the fortifications were deemed insecure. On the other 
hand, the investing force, including Tecumseh and his warriors, 
was over three thousand three hundred strong, with six pieces 
of artillery. 

Proctor at once demanded a surrender, and told Groghan 
that unless he did so at once a general massacre would follow. 
To this the daring young officer replied by saying, that '' the 
Indians would have none left to massacre, if the British con- 
quered, for every man of the garrison would have died at his 
post." Proctor at once opened fire upon the fort, concentrat- 
ing his aim upon the northwest angle of the fort. This led 
Groghan to believe that the British intended to make a breach 
there, and carry the works by assault; he, therefore, at once 
proceeded to strengthen that point by bags of sand and flour, 
while under cover of night he placed his single six pounder in 
a position to rake the angle threatened, and then, having 
charged his infant battery with sings, and hidden it from the 
enemy, he waited the event. During the night of the first of 
August, and till late in the evening of the second, the firing 
continued upon the devoted northwest corner; then, under 
cover of the smoke and gathering darkness, a column of three 
hundred and fifty men approached unseen to within twenty 
paces of the walls. The musketry opened upon them, but with 
little effect. The ditch was gained, and in a moment filled 
with men: at that instant, the masked cannon, only thirty feet 
distant, and so directed as to sweep the ditch, was unmasked 
and fired, killing at once twenty-seven of the assailants. The 
eflPect was decisive, the column -recoiled, and the little fort was 
saved with the loss of one man. On the next morning the 
British and their allies, having the fear of Harrison before their 
e;yes, were gone, leaving behind them in their haste, guns, 
stores, and clothing. 

^ But now all were active, preparing for the attack on Maiden. 

Kentucky sent her best men in vast numbers, under Governor 

Shelby and Richard M. Johnson, and on the fourth of August 

Perry got his vessels out of Erie into deep water. But of that 

19 



290 THE LIVES OF FONTIAC AND TBCUMSEH : 

contest we need say nothing, for Perry's victory bas become a 
housebold word tbroughout America. 

Meanwbile tbe American army bad received reinforcements, 
and was only awaiting tlie expected victory of Commodore 
Perry, to embark. On tbe twenty-seventb of September, it set 
sail for tbe sbores of Canada, and in a few bours stood around 
tbe ruins of tbe deserted and 'wasted Maiden, from which Proc- 
tor bad retreated to Sandwich, intending to make bis way to 
to the heart of Canada, by tbe valley of tbe Thames.* On 
the twenty-ninth Harrison was at Sandwich, and McAr- 
thur took possession of Detroit and the territory of Mich- 
igan. At this point ('ol. Johnson's mounted rifle regiment, 
which bad gone up the west side of tbe river, rejoined 
the main army. On the second of October, tbe Americans 
began their march in pursuit of Proctor, whom they overtook 
upon the fifth. He had posted his army with its left resting 
upon tbe river, while the right flank was defended by a marsh; 
the ground between tbe ri\er and tbe marsh was divided length- 
wise by a smaller swamp, so as to make two distinct fields in 
which the troops were to opei-ate. The British were in two 
lines, occupying the field between the river and small swamp; 
the Indians extended from the small to tbe large morass, tbe 
ground being suitable to their mode of warfare, and unfavora- 
ble for cavalry. Harrison ordered Col. Johnson with bis 
mounted men to charge, and try to break the regular troops, 
by passing through their ranks and forming in their rear. In 
arranging to do this, Johnson found tbe space between tbe 
river and small swamp too narrow for all bis men to act in 
with effect; so, dividing them, he gave the right band body 
opposite tbe regulars in charge to bis brother James, while 
crossing tbe swamp with the remainder, he himself led the way 
against Tecumseh and his savage followers. The charge ot 
James Johnson was perfectly successful. The Kentuckians 
received the fire of the enemy, broke through their ranks, and 
forming beyond them, " produced such a panic by the novelty 
of the attack that the whole body of troops yielded at once." 
On tbe left the Indians fought courageously, and the American 

* McAfee, 324 to 328— Western Annals. 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 291 

horsemen were forced to dismount ; but in a few moments 
Tecumseh, the great Shawanoe chieftain, who, more than any 
other man brought about this war, fell dead. He was pierced 
by a bullet either from the Americans or from his own fol- 
lowers who become enraged at his defeat. The exact source of 
his death is a matter of dispute. The Indians were now discon- 
certed. They soon gave up the contest, and now all was over 
except the pursuit of Proctor, who had fled at the beginning 
of the engagement. Such were the glorious victories of our 
arms over the British and the Indians. Commodore Perry had 
been triumphant on Lake Erie, and the scarcely less brave Har- 
rison conquerer in the battle of the Thames. 

This last contest practically closed the war in the Northwest. 
Tecumseh having fallen, the Indians lost their power and pres- 
tige, and the British having been thoroughly defeated, gave but 
little trouble afterwards. 

However, the Americans made one unsuccessful attempt to 
invade Canada afterwards. They also failed in an expedition 
against the British at Mackinac. Meanwhile, upon the twenty- 
second of July, 1814, a treaty had been formed at Greenville, 
under the direction of Gen. Harrison and Governor Cass, by 
which the United States and the faithful Wyandots, Delawares, 
Shawanoes, and Senecas, gave peace to the Miamis, "Weas, and 
Eel river Indians, and to certain of the Pottawatomies, Otta- 
was, and Kickapoos; and all the Indians engaged to aid the 
Americans should the war with Great Britain continue. But 
such, happily, was not to be the case, and on the twenty-fourth 
of December, the treaty of Ghent was signed by the representa- 
tives of England and the United States. 



CHAPTER XXXYI. 

The Life and Times op Black Hawk — Black Hawk Distinguishes 
Himself as a Warrior — Black Hawk Joins the British — The 
Sacs Driven Beyond the Mississippi — Black Hawk Remon- 
strates — Description of the Principal Sac Village at Rock 
River. 

We will now turn oar course westward to tlie more recent, 
and perhaps the more interesting incidents of border warfare 
in that direction. The life and times of Black Hawk will next 
engage the reader's attention. One writer has truthfully said, 
" Black Hawk may die, his name may be forgotten, and the 
smoke of his wigwam be seen no more, but 'The Black Hawk 
War' will long form a page of deep interest in the history 
of this country." 

Black Hawk, the Sac chieftain, was born at the principal 
Sac village on Rock river, in the year 1767. As with many 
other distinguished warriors, he was not a chief's son, but rose 
to that station through his own ability. At the early age of 
fifteen he distinguished himself by killing an enemy, and was 
at once permitted to paint himself after the custom of the Sac 
braves. At a later day he was also permitted to wear feathers 
according to the ancient customs of his tribe. 

As early as 1783, he united in an expedition against the 
Osages, and had the high fortune to kill several of the enemy. 
For this brave act he was now permitted, for the first time, to 
join in the scalp dance. Subsequently he became tlie leader 
of a small band of his own tribe, and again performed acts of 
great valor. His band was soon increased, and presently he 
found himself at the head of more than a hundred braves. 
With this band he marched to an Osage village on the Mis- 
souri, but finding it deserted, most of his followers became dis- 
(292) 



OR, THE BOKDEK WARS OF TW<J CENTURIES. 293 

coiiraged and returned home. Black Hawk, however, with only 
half a dozen followers, pursued the enemy, and after several 
day's march, succeeded in overtaking a small party and killing 
one man and a boy. Securing their scalps, he returned home, 
being greeted with additional respect. 

In 17S6 he was again marching at the head of two hundred 
braves into the country of the enemy. On this occasion he 
met a party quite equal to his own in numbers, and a battle 
took place in which he was victorious, having killed one 
hundred and losing only nineteen. Nearly a score of the enemy 
fell by his own hand. This successful event had a two-fold 
result — that of keeping the Osages in check and winning glory 
for Black Hawk. The Sacs, with this brave at their head, now 
turned their attention to the Cherokees, who had committed 
several depredations upon them. A battle was fought between 
these tribes upon the Merrimack river, below St, Louis, in 
which Black Hawk's father was killed, but the Cherokees were 
defeated and compelled to retreat with a loss of twenty-eight 
men, the Sacs losing but seven. So great was his success at 
this battle that he was immediately promoted to the high 
station of chief. 

In the year 1800, "he made another excursion," says Mr. 
Conclin, "against the Osages, at the head of about five hundred 
Sacs and Foxes, and a hundred lowas, who had joined him as 
allies. After a long march they reached and destroyed about 
forty lodges of the enemy, killing many of their bravest war- 
riors, five of whom were slain by the leader of the invading 
army." In 1802, he waged a successful war against the 
Chippewas, Kaskaskias and Osages, killing over one hundred 
warriors. 

In 1803, Black Hawk made a visit to St. Louis, to see his 
"Spanish father." He was well received, but found many sad 
faces because the United States were about to take possession 
of their country. Soon after, Lieut. Pike visited the camp of 
Black Hawk, made several presents, and delivered a speech to 
the Sacs, telling them tliat their American father would treat 
them well. He presented them with an American flag, which 
was hoisted, and requested them to pull down the British flag 



294 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK: 

and give him their British medals, promising to give them 
others from their American father. This, however, Black Hawk 
declined, saying that his people wished to have two fathers. 

Soon after, the building of Fort Edwards near the head of 
the Des Moines rapids, gave great uneasiness to the Sacs. They 
sent a deputation to that point, which returned with unsatis- 
factory reports. Black Hawk now placed himself at the head 
of a strong force and marched to Fort Madison, which stood 
on the west bank of the Mississippi, some distance down the 
Des Moines. This fort was garrisoned with about fifty men. 
Black Hawk's spies having ascertained that the soldiers 
marched out of the fort every morning for exercise, he deter- 
mined to conceal his party near the place and shoot them down. 
On the morning of the proposed attack several soldiers defiled 
out upon the plain, and three of their number was instantly 
shot down. The Indians then opened fire upon the fort, but 
being unable to accomplish anything in this way they returned 
to their village. 

Upon the opening of the war of 1812, the Sacs tendered their 
services to the United States, but their offer was declined. 
They had not been as liberally supplied with presents by the 
Americans as they had anticipated, and in the meantime the 
British agents had " artfully fomented their discontent, and 
labored to win their confidence by the most liberal distribution 
among them of goods and ardent spirits." Soon after the 
declaration of war a British trader appeared among them with 
two boats loaded with goods. The British flag was immedi- 
ately hoisted, and the trader told Black Hawk that he had 
been sent by Col. Dixon, who was then at Green Bay, with a 
large quantity of goods, and who was desirous that the Sac 
chieftain should raise a party of warriors and join him. Black 
Hawk had but little difiiculty in raising two hundred braves. 
At the head of this band he marched to Green Bay, where he 
found Col. Dixon encamped with a large body of Indians from 
various tribes, who had already been furnished with arms and 
ammunition. 

Dixon received Black Hawk with many marks of respect, 
told him that the English were about to drive the Americans 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO (U<;NTUR1ES. 295 

from their liunting ^rounds, and plaeiiif^ a medal about liis 
neck he said, " vou are to command all the braves that will 
leave here the day after to-morrow to join our braves neai- 
Detroit." Arms, clothing, knives and tomahawks were now 
distributed among Black Hawk's band, and at the appointed 
time five hundred warriors left Green Bay on their march to 
Detroit to join the British army. This was in August, 1812, 
shortly after the massacre at Fort Dearborn. 

Black Hawk was unsuccessful among the British, and being 
tired with successive defeats he returned to his village on Bock 
river, where, in all probability, he would have remained neu- 
tral had it not been for the murder of his adopted son. Bv 
this lawless act he was again roused to vengeance against the 
Americans, and after remaining a few days at the village, and 
raising a band of braves, prepared for offensive operations upon 
the frontiers. The party, consisting of about thirty, descended 
the Mississippi in canoes to the site of old Fort Madison, which 
had been abandoned by the American troops and burned. Con- 
tinuing their course they landed near Cap au Gis, where they 
killed one of the United States rangers, but were finally dis- 
persed by a detachment from Fort Howard. The Indians, 
however, returned to the contest and a battle ensued between 
Black Hawk's party and the troops of Fort Howard, under 
Lieut. Drakeford of the United States Rangers. In this battle 
the Americans lost ten killed and several wounded, the loss 
being about equal on both sides. 

Tn 1815, when the Indians along the Mississippi valley had 
been notified of the peace between the United States and Eng- 
land, they, for the most part, ceased hostilities; bnt Black Hawk 
and his band, and some of the Pottawatomies, were not inclined 
to live in peace. In the spring of 1816 they, in connection with 
the British, captured the garrison at Prairie du Chien, and 
attacked some boats that were ascending the Mississippi to that 
point with troops and provisions. (.)ne of the boats was cap- 
tured and several of the crew killed. The boats wei-e compelle<l 
to return. In 1816, however. Black Hawk and his tribe con- 
-cluded a peace with the Americans, by which the hatchet was 



296 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK: 

buried ; and now, we hear but little of this wonderful Indian 
until the hostilities which broke out in 1832. 

Soon after this treaty the United States government built 
Fort Armstrong, upon Eock Island, in the Mississippi river, 
•md but a few miles from the Indian village where Black Hawk 
t-esided. The Sac Indians were jealous of this movement, for 
they loved to look upon Eock Island as one of their choicest 
resorts. They had a traditionary belief that this island was 
the favorite residence of a good spirit which dwelt in a cave in 
the rocks on which Fort Armstrong was afterwards built. 
This spirit had often been seen by the Indians, but after the 
erection of the fort, alarmed by its noise and intrusion of the 
white man, it spread its beautiful wings and departed. 

In the autumn of 1818, Black Hawk and some of his band 
went on a visit to their British father at Maiden, and received 
many presents from him. A medel was given to Black Hawk 
for his fidelity to the British, and he was requested to make 
annual visits with his band, and receive such presents as had 
been promised him by Col. Dixon in 1812. These visits were 
regularly made down to 1830. In the latter year Black Hawk 
and his party encamped at two rivers for the purpose of hunt- 
ing, and while there was so badly treated by some white men,, 
that his prejudices against th'e Americans were greatly revived. 

In the ensuing summer the Americans urged the whole of 
the Sacs and Foxes to remove to the west side of the Missis- 
sippi. This policy was urged upon them by the agent at Fort 
Armstrong. The principal Fox chief^ and several of the Sac 
chiefs, among whom was Keokuk, assented to the removal. 
The latter sent a message through the village informing the 
Indians that it was the wish of their great father, the Presi- 
dent, that they should all go to the west side of the Mississippi, 
and he pointed out the Iowa river as a suitable place for their 
new village. There was a party among the Sacs called the 
''British Band," who were bitterly opposed to a removal; and 
they appealed to their old leader. Black Hawk, for his decision 
on the qu(^stion. He claimed the ground on which their vil- 
lage stood had never been sold, and that, therefore, the Ameri- 
cans had no right to insist upon the measure. 




BLACKHAWK, THE SAC CHIEFTAIN. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 29T 

Black Hawk was now becoming old, and he felt that his 
power in the tribe was waning before the rising popularity of 
Keokuk, his rival. He now resolved to place himself at the 
head of a band, and, if possible, recover his influence. 

However, during the following winter, while Black Hawk 
and his party were absent on a hunting expedition, several 
white families arrived at their village, destroyed some of their 
lodges, and commenced making fences over their cornfields. 
As soon as the old Sac chieftain heard of this movement, he 
promptly returned to Eock Island, where he found his own 
lodge occupied by the whites. He next went to Fort Arm- 
strong and made complaint to the interpreter, the agent being 
absent. He next visited the prophet, Wabokiesheik, or White 
Cloud, whose opinions were held in much respect by the Sacs. 
This distinguished man urged Black Hawk not to remove, but 
to persuade Keokuk and his party to return to Eock river. 

Black Hawk now returned to his hunting party, and in the 
spring when the band returned to their village they found the 
white settlers still there, in possession of their lodges and corn- 
fields. About the same time Keokuk visited Rock river, and 
did all in his power to persuade the remaining Sacs to accom- 
pany him to the new village on the Iowa, but Black Hawk 
said it would be an act of cowardice to yield up their village 
and the graves of their fathers to strangers, who had no right 
to the soil. Keokuk's influence was exerted in vain and he 
returned to the' western village. 

The settlers began to increase, and it would seem that the 
Sac village on Bock river was the principal point of attrac- 
tion. At this place the Sacs had had their principal village 
for more than seventy years. Their women had broken the 
surface of the surrounding prairies with their hoes and inclosed 
with a kind of pole-fence many fields which were annually 
cultivated by them in the raising of corn, beans and squashes. 
They had also erected several hundred houses of various dimen- 
sions, some probably one hundred feet in length by forty or 
fifty feet broad, which were constructed of poles and forks, 
arranged so as to form a kind of frame, which was then in- 
closed with the bark of trees, which, being pealed ofi" and 



298 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK! 

dried under a weight, for the purpose of keeping it expanded, 
was afterwards confined to the walls and roof by means of 
cords composed of the bark of other trees. This was, indeed, 
a delightful spot. On the northwest rolled the majestic Mis- 
sissippi, while the dark forests which clothed the island of 
Eoek river, with its several rippling streams on the south coast, 
formed a delightful contrast Mdiich was rendered still more 
pleasing from the general declivity of the surrounding country 
as it sinks gradually away to the shores of these rivers. This 
ancient village literally became the graveyard of the Sac 
nation. Scarcely an individual could be found in the whole 
nation who had not deposited the remains of some relatives in 
or near to this place. Thither the mother, with mournful and 
melancholy step, annually repaired to pay a tribute of respect 
to her departed offspring, while the weeping sisters and loud 
lamenting widows joined the procession of grief, sometimes 
in accordance with their own feelings, no doubt, but always in 
pursuance of an established custom of their nation from time 
immemorial. On these occasions they carefully cleared away 
every spear of grass or other vegetable which they found 
growing near the graves, and made such repairs as seemed 
necessary. They also carried to the grave some kind of food 
which they left for the spirit of the deceased, and before they 
concluded these ceremonies they often, in a very melancholy 
and lamenting mood, addressed the dead, inquiring how they 
fared, and who, or whether any one performed for them the 
kind offices of mother, sister or wife, together with many other 
inquiries which a frantic imagination happened to suggest. 
This being one of the most important religious duties, was 
scrupulously observed by all the better class of this people.* 

* Chronicle of North American Savages. 



CHAPTEK XXXVII. 

DiPFicui'TiES Between Black Hawk and the Settlers at Rock 
KivER — A Military Force Called out to Remove the Sac 
Indians West op the Mississippi — Sketch op Keokuk — His 
Bravery, Sagacity and Eloquence. 

The settlers who establislied themselves at Kock river, in 
violation of the laws of Congress, and the provisions of all 
treaties, committed various aggressions upon the Indians, such 
as destroying their corn, killing their domestic animals, and 
whipping the women and children * They took with them as 
articles of traffic, whisky and other liquors, and by distribut- 
ing it among the savages, produced all the horrors of debauchery. 
Black Hawk remonstrated against this, and, upon one occasion, 
he, with two of his companions entered one of the houses 
where the liquor was kept, rolled out a barrel of whisky, broke 
in the head and emptied the contents upon the ground. Thus 
matters continued for several years. The settlers were pushing 
their claims in defiance of the rights of the Indians, and the 
latter could obtain no redress. According to tlie treaty which 
defined the rights and wrongs of this matter, " as long as the 
lands wliich are now ceded to the United States remain their 
property, the Indians belonging to said tribes shall enjoy the 
privilege of living and hunting upon them." None of the 
lands in the vicinity of Rock river were brought into market 
by the United States until the year 1829. Previous to this 
date, of course, the white settlers there were tresspassers of 
the law and of justice. In the latter year, however, a tract of 
land at the mouth of the Pock river, including the Sac village, 
was sold. This was done with a view of removing the Sac 
Indians to the west side of the Mississippi. Therefore, in the 

* Life of Black Hawk. 



800 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK : 

spring of 1830, wlien Black Hawk and his band returned from 
the winter's hunt to occupy their lodges, and prepare for rais- 
ing their crop of vegetables, thej found that their lands had 
been purchased by the settlers. Black Hawk, greatly dis- 
turbed by this change, applied to the Indian agent at that 
place, wishing redress, but was informed that since the govern- 
ment had sold his land he had no longer any right to it. The 
chief still refused to cross the river, and in the course of that 
season he visited Maiden, to talk with his British father on the 
subject. He also called upon Governor Cass at Detroit on the 
same subject. Both of these persons told him that if he 
remained quietly upon their lands, the Americans would not 
interfere with them. Consequently Black Hawk returned 
home determined to keep possession of his old village. But it 
was late in the fall when he arrived, his people had gone to the 
hunting grounds, and he was not long in following them. 
During this winter Keokuk exerted his best influence to induce 
them to desert Black Plawk and follow him to the new village 
on the Iowa, but without success. They were so firmly 
attached to tlieir old chief, and to their ancient village that 
they returned with him to it in the following spring of 1831. 
The traders at Rock river now attempted to induce Black 
Hawk and his band to leave by making him presents, and after 
a long persuasion the old chief agreed to go, provided the 
government would distribute six thousand dollars' worth of 
goods among his people. This the government promptly 
declined to do, and threatened to send an armed force to drive 
him from the village if he and his people did not leave at once. 
The squaws had planted their corn, and it was beginning to 
grow, but the settlers, claiming that the Indians had no right 
to the ground, plowed it up again. Matters had, at last, come 
to a crisis. The old chief could stand it no longer, and he 
notified every settler to leave the village at once. Meanwhile, 
not satisfied with their encroachments upon the rights of the 
savages, the settlers united in a memorial to the governor of 
the Territory of Illinois, in which they declared that the Sac 
Indians " had threatened to kill them ; that they had acted in 
a most outraojeous manner; threw down their fences; turned 



OB, THE BORDKR WARS OF 'nVO OKNTURIKS. ?,i)] 

horses into their cornfields; stole their potatoes, saying the 
land was theirs, and that they had not sold it; leveled deadly 
weapons at the citizens, and, on some occasions, hurt the citi- 
zens, for attempting to prevent the destruction of their 
property." 

" One of these eight afflicted memorialists," says Mr. Conc- 
lin, " swore the other seven to the truth of their statements, 
and. with an earnest prayer for immediate relief, it was placed 
before liis Excellency on the nineteenth of May." 

But this was not the only complaint. Every day reports 
were coming in to the governor's office representing the lawless 
acts of "General Black Hawk" and his "British Band." 
These representations had the desired eftect. A strong force 
was sent against the Sac Indians, and they were driven in terror 
to the west of the Mississippi. 

Before passing on to the consequences of this measure, let 
us glance, for a moment, at Keokuk, Black Hawk's rival, who 
figures conspicuously in our narrative. He was a native Sac, 
and was born near the Rock river village, about the year 1780. 
Like Black Hawk, he was not a chief's son, but worked his way 
to the distinguished position of chief by his own native force 
of character, bravery and address. He began to manifest rare 
qualities at a very early period of his life. While but a youth 
he engaged in a battle against the Sionx. In the engagement 
he encountered and killed a Sioux warrior, with his spear, while 
on horseback; and, as tlie Sioux are distinguished for their 
horsemanship, this feat was looked upon as marvelous. A 
public feast was made in commemoration of it by his tribe, and 
the youthful warrior was from that day ranked among the 
greatest Sac braves. 

During the war of 1812, and before Keokuk was old enough 
to be admitted to the councils of his nation, the American 
government, as we have already seen, sent an expedition against 
the Peoria Indians. During the advance of this detachment, 
a rumor reached the Sac village on Bock river, that the expe- 
dition would also attack the Sacs. This news threw the whole 
tribe into confusion. A council was immediately held, and all 
agreed to abandon their village. As soon as Keokuk heard of 



302 THE IJVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK*. 

this decision, he advanced to the door oi" the council house and 
asked to be admitted. This being granted, he next demanded 
permission to speak, which was also freely granted him. He 
said that he had heard their decision with surprise and regret; 
that he was opposed to a liight,until the strength of the enemy 
could be ascertained. He said, " make me your leader! Let 
your yoiing men follow me, and the pale faces shall be driven 
back to their towns. Let the old men and the women, and all 
who are afraid to meet the white man stay here, but let your 
braves go to battle." The speech had a magic effect, and every 
warrior present declared that he was ready to follow the gallant 
Keokuk. He was chosen at once to lead them against the 
enemy. Of course, it turned out that the rumor was without 
foundation, and there was no enemy to battle with, but the 
eloquence and bravery of Keokuk placed him very high in the 
ranks of the Sac braves. 

But it was not long before events transpired which gave him 
an opportunity to display his warlike spirit. At one time 
Keokuk was hunting with a party in the country which laid 
between the Sac and Sioux villages. As is well known, these 
tribes had been at war for many years. Unexpectedly a party 
of Sioux came upon them, mounted and ready for battle. The 
Sacs were also mounted, but the situation and numbers were 
both in favor of the Sioux. Keokuk instantly formed his men 
into a compact circle, ordered them to dismount, and take 
shelter behind their horses. By this ingenious movement they 
were enabled to screen themselves from the flying missiles 
of the Sioux. It also placed them in a position by which they 
could avail themselves of their superior skill as marksmen. 
The battle was a long and liard one, but Keokuk was triumph- 
ant, and routed the enemy with great loss. He had many 
other opportunities of showing his military skill, and was 
almost always successful. 

Keokuk's eloquence and ability in civil matters were quite 
equal to his military talents. Some of his speeches are splen- 
did evidences of his sagacity. While Black Hawk led many 
of the Sac braves against the Americans in the war of 1812, 
Keokuk and a majority of them remained neutral, but in 



OK, THE BOKDEE WARS OF l^WO CENTURIES. 303 

this he was exposed to great danger. He requested the agent 
of tiie American government to send to his village, on the 
west side of the Mississippi, a white man who understood the 
Sac language, and who might bear witness to his sincerity and 
faithfulness to the whites. Such a person was sent. The 
excitement among his people, kindled by the power of Black 
Hawk, every day increased, until Keokuk stood on a mine lia- 
ble to be exploded by a single spark. He was in peril of being 
slain as the friend of the Americans; but he remained calm 
and unawed, ruling his turbulent little State with mildness and 
firmness, but at the constant risk of his life. One day a new 
emissary arrived from Black Hawk's party. Whisky was freely 
introduced into the camp, and Keokuk saw that the crisis was 
at hand. He warned the white man, who was his guest, of the 
impending danger, and advised him to conceal himself A 
scene of tumult followed. The emissary spoke of the blood 
that had been shed; of their relations who had been driven 
from their hunting grounds; of many insults and injuries 
which had been boldly perpetrated by the Americans; hinted 
at the ready vengeance that might be taken on an exposed fron- 
tier; of defenseless cabins, and of rich booty. The braves began 
to dance around the war pole, to paint and to give evidences of 
a warlike character. Keokuk watched the impending storm^ 
and prepared himself to take an important part in it. He 
drank and listened, and apparently assented to all that was 
said. At length his warriors called out to be led to battle, 
and he was asked to lead them. He rose and spoke with that 
power that had never failed him. He sympathized with their 
wrongs, their thirst for vengeance, and won their confidence by 
giving utterance to the passions by which they were moved^ 
and echoing back their own thoughts with a master spirit. He 
then considered the proposition to go to war, spoke of the 
power of the whites, and the hopelessness of the contest. He 
told them he was their chief ; that it was his duty to rule them 
as a father at home, or to lead them to war if they determined 
to go. But, in the proposed war, there was no middle course. 
The power of the United States was such that unless they con- 
quered that great nation, they must perish; that he would lead 



304 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK: 

them instantly against the whites on one condition, and that 
was, that tliey w^ould first put all their women and children to 
death, and then resolve that, having crossed the Mississippi, 
they would never i-eturn, but perish among the graves of their 
fathers, rather than yield them to the white men. 

This proposal, desperate as it was, presented the true issue, 
and it calm'ed the spirits of the clamorous warriors, who now 
regarded Keokuk as their ruler, and obeyed his counsel, 

it will be seen that the Sacs were divided, part under Black 
Hawk and part under Keokuk. This division created many 
dissensions in the tribe, and at length led to the overthrow of 
the latter, a young brave being elected to his place. Keokuk 
received the change with a good grace, and took his place 
among the common warriors without a word. But it was not 
long before the incapacity of his successor manifested itself, 
and Keokuk was again called upon to rule the councils of his 
nation, and lead the warriors to battle. 

In 1832, five Sacs, belonging to Keokuk's party, murdered a 
settler in Illinois. One of the guilty party was his own 
nephew, but he was immediately seized and delivered up to the 
civil authorities, the other four having escaped. Some time 
after the Americans demanded the other four prisoners, but 
they could not be found. Keokuk called a council and stated 
the matter at length, saying that something must be done to 
appease the wrath of the President. An expedient was soon 
offered. Four young warriors came forward and gave them- 
selves up, manifesting a willingness to die for the crimes of 
their brethren. These brave men were turned over to the 
proper officers and imprisoned. Keokuk was present at their 
trial, and testified that the prisoners were not guilty, but that 
they had offered to die in order to satisfy the law. He said 
that the real murderers had escaped. The prisoners were, of 
course, set at liberty. 

Some time after, Keokuk, Black Hawk and several Sac chiefs 
made a visit to Washington and the principal cities of the 
Eastern States, in which they were well received. In Boston 
they created great excitement, which was caused by the war 
dance on the common. In all the savage virtues, Keokuk was 
a superior Indian, far in advance of Black Hawk. 



CHAPTEE XXXYIII. 

Commencement of the Black Hawk War — The Sacs Violate their 
Treaty — They are ordered to Return West of the Missis- 
sippi — They Refuse — Pursued by American Troops — Black 
Hawk and his Band Victorious — Desolation in the Border 
Settlements of Illinois — Black Hawk Defeated — Starvation 
among the Savages. 

"We now have before us two men — Black Hawk and Keokuk. 
A glance at their different virtues has enabled the reader to 
judge somewhat of these Indians. Let us now notice, briefly, 
the principal acts of their lives. 

Black Hawk and his band had not been long in their new 
village before difficulties began to arise which terminated in a 
violation of the treaty which he had made subsequent to his 
removal. They had been sent away from their homes too late 
in the season to admit of planting corn and beans, and before 
autumn was over they were suifering for provisions. It is not 
surprising that in this condition they should attempt to steal 
the corn which they had planted on the opposite side of the 
river in the spring. Many events followed, trivial in their 
character, but all well qualified to foster the hatred which 
already existed between Black Hawk's band and the Americans. 
In April, 1832, the whole party, under this chief, crossed over 
the river, and in open violation of their treaty of the previous 
year, ascended the Rock river to the territory of their friends, 
the Winnebagoes, having been invited thither to raise corn. 
Oeneral Atkinson, with a body of troops, was then at Fort 
Armstrong, having been ordered by the government to that 
point for the purpose of quelling a war which existed between 
the Menominies and the Foxes. Black Hawk had not pro- 
ceeded far up the river when he was overtaken by a messenger 
20 (305) 



306 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK : 

from Gen. Atkinson with an order for him and his party to 
return and recross the Mississippi. This the chief refused to 
obey, saying that the General had no right to issue such an 
order. He declared that he was at peace with the Americans, 
and that he was peaceably traveling towards the village of his 
friends. They journeyed on, but were soon overtaken by 
another messenger, who brought word that unless the Sacs 
returned and recrossed the Mississippi at once, an armed force 
would be sent to compel them. Black Hawk's reply was deci- 
sive; he would not return. Arriving at the village to which 
he was traveling, the Sac chief found that in case he should be 
pursued by the troops at Fort Armstrong, he would be unable 
to obtain anj^ assistance from these Indians, and he therefore 
resolved, if overtaken, to return peaceably. He encamped at 
Kish-wa-cokee and began preparations for a dog-feast, with 
which to compliment the Pottawatomies. 

Meanwhile the Illinois militia was ordered out and formed 
a junction with the regular troops under Gen. Atkinson, at 
Rock Island. From this point the militia, being for the most 
part mounted, proceeded by land to Dixon's ferry, on Eock 
river, about half way between the fort and Black Hawk's pres- 
ent encampment. Gen. Atkinson, with three hundred militia 
and three hundred regulars, ascended the river in boats to the 
same point. " Major Stillman," says Mr. Conclin, " having 
under his command a body of two hundred and seventy-five 
mounted volunteers, obtained leave of Gen. Whitesides, then 
in command of the Illinois militia at Dixon's ferry, to go out 
on a scouting expedition. He proceeded up Rock river about 
thirty miles, to Sycamore creek, which empties into that river 
on the east side. This movement brought him within a few 
miles of the camp of Black Hawk and a part of his braves 
at the time when the old chief was engaged in getting up a 
dog-feast in honor of his Pottawatomie visitors." 

While engaged in this ancient ceremony, on the fourteenth 
of May, Black Hawk received intelligence of the advance of a 
large number of mounted volunteers, which were reported as 
being about eight miles distant. " I immediately started," 
says the old chief, " three young men with a white flag to meet 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CI':NTURIES. 307 

them and conduct them to our camp, that we miglit liold a 
council with them and descend Rock river again; and directed 
them, in case the whites had encamped, to return, and I would 
go and see them. After this party had started, I sent five 
young men to see what might take place. The first party 
went to the encampment of the whites and were taken prisoners. 
The last party had not proceeded far before they saw twenty 
men coming towards them in full gallop. They stopped, and 
finding that the whites were coming so fast, in a warlike atti- 
tude, they turned and retreated, but were pursued and over- 
taken, and two of them killed. The others made their escape. 
"When they came in with the news, I was preparing my flags 
to meet the war chief. The alarm was given. Nearly all my 
young men were absent, about ten miles off. I started with 
what I had left, about forty, and had proceeded but a short 
distance before we saw a part of the enemy approaching. 1 
raised a yell, and said to my braves, ' some of our people have 
been killed — wantonly and cruelly murdered ! we must avenge 
their death!' In a little while we discovered the whole army 
coming towards us in full gallop! We were now confident 
that our first party had been killed. I immediately placed my 
men in front of some bushes, that we might have the first fire, 
when they approached close enough. They made a halt some 
distance from us. I gave another yell, and ordered my brave 
warriors to charge upon them, expecting that we would all be 
killed! They did charge. Every man rushed and fired, and 
the enemy retreated in the utmost confusion and consternation 
before my little but brave band of warriors. After pursuing 
the enemy for some distance, I found it useless to follow them, 
as they rode so fast, and returned to my encampment with a 
few of my braves, about twenty-five having gone in pursuit 
of the enemy. I lighted my pipe and sat down to thank the 
Great Spirit for what he had done. I had not been long 
meditating when two of the three young men I had sent out 
with the flag to meet the American war chief entered. My 
astonishment was not greater than my joy to see them living 
and well. I r&ifi^-. -j listened to their story, which was as 
follows : 



308 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK! 

" ' When we arrived near to the encampment of the whites a 
nnmber of them rushed out to meet us, bringing their guns 
with them. They took us in the camp, when an American 
who spoke the Sac language a little, told us that his chief 
wanted to know how we were, where we were going, where 
our camp was, and where Black Hawk was. We told him that 
we had come to see his chief; that our chief had directed ns 
to conduct him to our camp, in case he had not encamped, and 
in that event to tell him that he (Black Hawk) would come to 
see him; he wished to hold a council with him, as he had 
given up all intention of going to war. At the conclusion of 
this talk a party of white men came in on horseback. We saw 
by their countenances that something had happened. A gen- 
eral tumult arose. They looked at us w^th indignation, talked 
among themselves for a moment, when several cocked their 
guns; in a second they fired at us in the ci-owd; our companion 
fell dead. We rushed through the crowd and made our escape. 
We remained in ambush but a short time before we heard 
yelling like Indians running an enemy. In a little while we 
saw some of the whites in full speed. One of them came near 
us. I threw my tomahawk and struck him on the head, which 
brought him to the ground. I ran to him and with his own 
knife took off his scalp. I took his gun, mounted his horse, 
and took my friend here behind me. We turned to follow our 
braves, who were running the enemy, and had not gone far 
before we overtook a white man whose horse had mired in a 
swamp. My friend alighted and tomahawked the man, who 
was apparently fast under his horse. He took his scalp, horse 
and gun. By this time our party was some distance ahead. 
We followed and saw several white men lying dead on the way. 
After riding about six miles we met our party returning. We 
asked them how many of our men had been killed. They 
said none, after the Americans had retreated. We inquired 
then how many whites had been killed. They replied they did 
not know, but said we would soon ascertain, as we must scalp 
them as we go back. On our return we found ten men beside 
the two we had killed before we joined our friends. Seeing 
that they did not yet recognize us, it being dark, we again 



OR, THE BORDEK WARS OF TWO CKN'riTRlES. 309 

asked how many of our braves had been kilU'd. They said 
five. We asked who they were. They replied that the first 
party of three who went out to meet the American war chief 
had all been taken prisoners and killed in the encampment, 
and that out of a party of five who followed to see the meet- 
ing of the first party and the whites, two had been killed. 
We were now certain that they did not recognize us, nor did 
we tell them who we were until we arrived at our camp. The 
news of our death had reached it some time before, and all were 
surprised to see us again.' " 

"The precipitate flight of the troops under Major Stillman," 
says Conclin, "has no justification." ISTo efibrt v^as made to 
rally the troops, and all the baggage of the army, blankets, 
saddle-bags, camp equipage and provisions fell into the hands 
of the Indians. Black Hawk, finding that his peace flag had 
been fired upon, and being intoxicated with his success, 
determined on war. Indeed, with the provision and other 
supplies which he had secured in this contest, he was not poorly 
qualified for the undertaking. He assembled his braves and 
began active preparations for a Ijorder war. He immediately 
sent out spies to watch the movements of Gen. Atkinson, and 
prepared to remove his women and children from the seat of 
war further up the Eock river, where, as he thought, they 
would be secure from the whites. In passing to this point he 
was met by a band of Winnebagoes, who, having heard of his 
victory, signified a willingness to join him. 

But meanwhile the defeat of the troops spread consternation 
throughout the settlements of Illinois. The Indian forces w^ere 
greatly misrepresented, and everywhere Black Hawk and his 
band were spoken of as bold and cunning warriors. Gen. 
Atkinson at once fortified his camp at Dixon's Ferry, and the 
Governor of the State issued a call for more mounted volun- 
teers. The Secretary of War sent one thousand troops from 
the East under Gen. Winfield Scott, who was to have the com- 
mand of the campaign against the Black Hawk forces. 

And now we come to the horrors of another border war in 
which many frontier families were massacred or carried away 
into captivity, torture and death. The catalogue begins with 



310 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK! 

the Indian creek massacre. At this point a party of hostile 
Pottawatomies, thirty in number, fell upon a little settlement 
on Indian creek, one of the tributaries of Fox river, and mur- 
dered fifteen men, women and children, taking two prisoners, 
the Misses Hall, who were afterwards returned to their friends 
by the Winnebagoes. 

It was, indeed, a war of detail. A party of Indians stole 
the horses belonging to Capt. Stephenson, who resided not far 
from Galena. The captain pursued them with twelve men. A 
battle or skirmish ensued, in which six Indians and three sol- 
diers were killed. Soon after, a party of eleven Sacs killed five 
white men at Stafford's farm. Vengeance followed; General 
Dodge followed and overtook them in a swamp, when they 
were all shot down and scalped. Three soldiers fell in the con- 
test. On the twenty-fourth of June, 1832, the Indians made 
an attack upon the fort at Buffalo Grove, not far from Dixon's 
Ferry. The post was garrisoned by one hundred and fifty men, 
commanded by Capt. Dement. In this contest many of the 
soldiers and forty horses were killed. After accomplishing 
this, and seeing that they could not take the fort, they com- 
menced a retreat. They had not gone far when they were 
overtaken by a detachment under Col. Posey. This is Black 
Hawk's account of the contest which followed : '' We concealed 
ourselves until they came near enough, and then commenced 
yelling and firing, and made a rusli upon them. About this 
time their chief (Posey,) with a party of men, rushed up to 
the rescue of those we had fired upon. In a little while 
they commenced retreating, and left their chief and a few 
braves, who seemed willing and anxious to fight. They acted 
like braves, but were forced to give way when I rushed upon 
them with my braves. In a short time the chief returned with 
a larger party. He seemed determined to fight and anxious 
for battle. When he came near enough, I raised the yell, and 
firing commenced from both sides. The chief, who is a small 
man, addressed his warriors in a loud voice, but they soon 
retreated, leaving him and a few braves on the battlefield. A 
great number of my warriors pursued the retreating party and 
killed a number of their braves as they ran. The chief and 



OK, THE BOKUER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 811 

his braves were unwilling to leave the field; I ordered my 
braves to rush upon them, and had the mortification of seeinj;- 
two of my chiefs killed before the enemy retreated. This 
young chief deserves great praise for his courage, but fortu- 
nately for us, his army was not all composed of such brave 
men." The numbers on both sides were about equal in this 
engagement. On the fourth of July, the army under Gen. 
Atkinson, consisting of four hundred regulars and over one 
thousand mounted volunteers, arrived at the foot of Lake Cash- 
conong. Two brigades of the volunteers, under Gen. Dodge, 
pursued the Indians from this point, and overtook them on the 
twenty-first of July, about sundown, on the banks of the Wis- 
consin. An attack was made, resulting in the route of 
the ■ Indians, with a heavy loss. One of the troops was 
killed and eight wounded. " The exact loss of the Indians 
in this engagement cannot be ascertained. One account," says 
Mr. Conclin, '"places the number at sixteen." Black Hawk 
says that he had but fifty warriors with him in this engage- 
ment, the rest being engaged in assisting the women and 
children in crossing the Wisconsin to an island, to protect 
them from the fire of the whites. This was undoubtedly a 
•mistake, as one of his own men gives the number engaged in 
the battle at sixty or seventy. "A party of Black Hawk's 
band, including many women and children, now attempted to 
descend the Wisconsin upon rafts and in canoes, that they might 
escape by recrossing the Mississippi." But in this attempt they 
were overtaken and attacked by troops which had been sta- 
tioned on the banks of the river. Many of the savages were 
killed, some were taken prisoners, others escaped to the neigh- 
boring woods, where they soon perished from hunger. Another 
party, among whom was Black Hawk, having, it is said, aban- 
doned all idea of continuing the war, and being unwilling to 
trust themselves to a ca^^itulation, started across the country, 
hoping to escape west of the Mississippi. In this route they 
lost many of their people from starvation. Reaching the Mis- 
sissippi, a number of tlie women and children undertook to 
descend the river in canoes to Prairie du Chien. Many of 
them were drowned in this attempt, and those who did reach 



312 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK t 

their destination were found to be in a starving condition. 
But let us turn to Black Hawk and his party. On the first of 
August, while in the act of crossing the Mississippi, he was 
attacked by the steamboat Warrior, with an armed force on 
board. 

In this engag ment the Indians lost twenty-three killed, and 
a great many wounded, while on board the Warrior, not one of 
the gallant little crew was killed, only one being slightly 
wounded. On the following morning, the M'hole of General 
Atkinson's army was upon them. The Warrior also assisted, 
killing three by the first shot. In Atkinson's army nine were 
killed and seventeen wounded. The Indians were, of course,, 
cruelly put to flight. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

Black Hawk's Defeat — He and His Band are Driven into the 
Mississippi — Terrible Indian Slaqghter — The War Ended — 
Black Hawk Captured, and with other Chiefs Confined in" 
Irons— He Visits Washington and the Eastern Cities — His 
Reception. 

Gen. Atkinson was not satisfied with his triumph upon the 
Wisconsin, but pushed forward with his whole armj in pursuit 
of the Indians, making forced marches over a rough, uneven 
country. On the morning of the second of August, when 
within ten miles of the Mississippi, it was ascertained that the 
enemy was then on the bank of the river in their front, pre- 
paring to embark, at a place called Bad Axe. Arrangements 
were at once made for an attack. Gen. Dodge's squadron was 
placed in front, followed by the infantry, and these by the 
brigades of Henry, Alexander and Posey. They had proceeded 
in this order for about five miles, when they discovered a small 
party of Indians, and immediately fired upon them. This 
band retreated to the main body on the bank of the river. In 
order to prevent the Indians from escaping. Generals Alexan- 
der and Posey were directed to form the right wing of the 
array, and to march to the river above the Indian encampment, 
and then to move down along the bank. Gen. Henry formed 
the left wing, and the United States infantry and Gen. Dodge's 
squadron occupied the centre. In this order the army descended 
into the valley of the river, which was covered with weeds and 
heavy brushwood. Gen. Henry was the first to discover the 
enemy. He opened a heavy fire upon them, which was 
returned. Gen. Dodge's troops and the United States infantry 
joined him in the action, and the whole, with Gen. Henry's 
men, rushed upon the savages, killing them without mercy. 
Only a few of them escaped. 

(313) 



314 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK : 

Meanwhile, the brigades of Alexander and Posey, which 
"were approaching along the river's bank, fell in with another 
party of Indians, putting them to rout with great slaughter. 
The Indians were driven to the edge of the river, where they 
hoped to escape by swimming to the opposite side, but they 
were shot in the water, until nearly all had perished. Among 
the few who escaped was Black Hawk. 

Generals Atkinson, Dodge and Posey, descended the Missis- 
sippi to Prairie du Chien in the Warrior, and there awaited 
the arrival of the mounted volunteers. The latter arrived on 
the fourth. The few Indians who escaped in this battle, 
reached the western side of the Mississippi, only to fall a prey 
to the tomahawks of their enemies, the Sioux. The loss of 
the Indians was about a hundred and fifty killed, thirty-nine 
women and children taken prisoners. The American loss did 
not exceed ten killed and fifteen wounded. 

Soon after this fatal battle. Black Hawk and the prophet, 
Wabokieshiek, who had escaped into the country of the Sioux, 
were captured by two chiefs belonging to the Winnebagoes, and 
delivered as prisoners to the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien. 
The prisoners were all conducted to Fort Barracks, a few miles 
below St. Louis. 

Soon after. Gen. Scott arrived at Kock Island from the East, 
and made some investigations into the causes which led to the 
Black Hawk War, from which it was made to appear that the 
whole contest might have been avoided. 

On the twenty-first of September, Gen. Scott and Governor 
Reynolds concluded a treaty with the Winnebagoes and the 
Sacs and Foxes. For the faithful performance of the provisions 
of this treaty on the part of the Indians, it was stipulated that 
Black Hawk, his two sons, the prophet and six other chiefs of 
the hostile band, should be retained as hostages during the 
pleasure of the President. All the other prisoners were set at 
lilierty. The hostages were confined in Fort Barracks, and 
put in irons. 

" We were now confined," says the old chief. Black Hawk, 
" to the barracks, and forced to wear the ball and chain. This 
was extremely mortifying and altogether useless. Was the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 315 

White Beaver (Gen. Atkinson) afraid that I would break out 
of his' barracks and run away, or was he ordered to inflict this 
punishment upon me? If I had taken him prisoner, upon tlie 
field of battle, I would not have wounded his feelings so much 
by such treatment, knowing that a bravo war chief would pre- 
fer death to dishonor. But I do not blame the White Beaver 
for the course he pursued. It is the custom among white 
soldiers, and, I suppose, was a part of his duty. 

"The time dragged heavily and gloomily along throughout 
the winter, although the White Beaver did everything in his 
power to render us comfortable. Having been accustomed, 
throughout a long life, to roam through the forests, to come 
and go at liberty, confinement under any such circumstances 
could not be less than torture. 

" AVe passed away the time making pipes, until spring, when 
we were visited by the agent, trader and interpreter, from 
Eock Island, Keokuk and several chiefs and braves of our 
nation, and my wife and daughter. I was rejoiced to see the 
two latter, and spent my time very agreeably with them and 
my people, as long as they remained." 

Keokuk made exertions to obtain the release of Black Hawk, 
pledging himself to be responsible for his good conduct. But 
while the rival chief was endeavoring to effect this, an oi-der 
arrived from the Secretary of War to have the prisoners sent 
to Washington City. Accordingly they set out, and reached 
the l^ational Capital in the latter part of April, 1833. They 
were immediately sent to Fortress Monroe, " there to remain 
until the conduct of their nation was such as to justify their 
being set at liberty." The chiefs were much dissatisfied with 
this part of their reception, and remonstrated bitterly. The 
prophet said: "We expected to return immediately to our 
people. The war in which we have been involved was occa- 
sioned by our attempting to raise provisions on our own lands, 
or where we thought we had a right to do so. We have lost 
many of our people, as well as the whites. Our tribes and 
families are now exposed to the attacks of our enemies, the 
Sioux and the Menominies. We hope, therefore, to be per- 
mitted to return home to take care of them.' 



316 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK : 

Black Hawk concluded his complaint by saying: "We did 
not expect to conquer the whites. No ; they had too many 
horses, too many men, I took up the hatchet, for my part, to- 
revenge injuries which my people could no longer endure. 
Had I borne them longer without striking, my people would 
have said Black Hawk is a woman. He is too old to be a 
chief. He is no Sac. These reflections caused me to raise the 
war-whoop. I say no more of it; it is known to you. Keokuk 
once was here, and when he wished to return to his home, you 
were willing. Black Hawk expects that, like Keokuk, we shall 
be permitted to return, too." The President assured them 
that their women and children should be protected against their 
enemies, and that as soon as he was satisfied that peace was 
restored to the frontiers, he would set them at liberty. 

It was on the twenty-sixth of April that the chiefs entered 
Fortress Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, where they remained 
until the fourth of June, when they were released. When 
about to depart Black Hawk waited upon the commandant of 
the fort and said: 

" Brother, I have come on my own part and in behalf of 
my companions to bid you farewell. Our great father has at 
length been pleased to permit us to return to our hunting 
grounds. We have buried the tomahawk, and the sound of 
the rifle will hereafter only bring death to the deer and the 
buflalo. Brother, you have treated the red men very kindly. 
Your squaws have made them presents, and you have given 
them plenty to eat and drink. The memory of your friend- 
ship will remain until the Great Spirit says it is time for Black 
Hawk to sing his death song. Brother, your houses are as 
numerous as the leaves of the trees, and your young warriors 
like the sand upon the shore of the big lake that rolls before 
us. The red man hath but few houses and few warriors, but 
the red man has a heart which throbs as warmly as the heart 
of his white brother. The Great Spirit has given us our hunt- 
ing grounds, and the skin of the deer which we kill there is 
his favorite, for its color is white, and this is the emblem of 
peace. This hunting dress and these feathers of the eagle are 
white. Accept them, my brother. I have given one like this 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO Cr_NTURIES. 31Y 

to the White Otter. Accept of it as a memorial of BLack Hawk. 
AVhen he is far away this will serve to remind yoii of him. 
May the Great Spirit bless you and yonr children. Farewell." 

On the fifth of June Black Hawk and his five companions 
left the Fortress under the charge of Major John Garland, of 
the United States army. Before leaving the place they visited 
Norfolk and the navy-yard at Gosport. They were taken on 
board of some of the war ships, and Black Hawk expressed a 
•desire to see the chiefs who commanded them. 

At Norfolk they were greeted by crowds of citizens, who 
tendered them a cordial reception. From the balcony of his 
hotel the Prophet Wabakieshiek addressed them as follows: 

" The Great Spirit sent us here, and now happily we are 
about to return to our own Mississippi and to our own people. 
It affords us much happiness to rejoin our friends and kindred. 
"We would shake hands with all our white friends assembled 
here. Should any of them go to our country, on the Missis- 
sippi, we would take pleasure in returning their kindness to 
us. We will go home with peaceable dispositions towards our 
white brethren, and make our conduct hereafter more satisfac- 
tory to them. We bid you all farewell, as it is the last time 
we shall see each other." 

Black Hawk also made a speech, after which the party left 
for Baltimore. Here, as everywhere else in the East, they were 
greeted by crowds of curious spectators. The President hap- 
pened to be at Baltimore at the same time, and at an interview 
with him he addressed the old chief as follows: 

" When I saw you in Washington I told you that you had 
behaved very badly in raising the tomahawk against the white 
people and killing men, women and children upon the frontier. 
Your conduct last year compelled me to send my warriors 
against you, and your people were defeated with great loss, and 
your men surrendered, to be kept until I should be satisfied 
that you would not try to do any more injury. I told you I 
would inquire whether your people wished you to return, and 
whether, if you did return, there would be any danger to 
the frontier. Gen, Clark and Gen. Atkinson, whom you know, 
have informed me that Keokuk, your principal chief, and the 



318 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK! 

rest of your people, are anxious you should return, and Keokuk 
has asked me to send you back. Your chiefs have pledged 
themselves for your good conduct and I have given directions 
that you should be taken to your own country. 

" Major Garland, who is with you, will conduct you through 
some of our towns. You will see the strength of the white 
people. You will see that our young men are as numerous as 
the leaves in the woods. "What can you do against us? You 
may kill a few women and children, but such a force will soon 
be sent against you as would destroy your whole tribe. Let 
the red men hunt and take care of their families ; but I hope 
they will not again raise their hands against their white 
brethren. We do not wish to injure you. We desire your 
prosperit}" and improvement. But if you again plunge your 
knives into the breasts of our people, I shall send a force which 
will severely punish you for all your cruelties. When you go 
back, listen to the counsels of Keokuk and the other friendly 
chiefs. Bury the tomahawk and live in peace with the frontier, 
and I pray the Great Spirit to give you a smooth path and a 
fair sky to return." 

Black Hawk and the prophet both replied to this speech, 
promising not to go to war again. The captives were next 
conducted to Philadelphia, where they arrived on the tenth of 
June, and remained at Congress Hall until the fourteenth. 
While in this city they were taken to see all the features of 
interest, and before they left they had the pleasure of witness- 
ing a grand military display in front of the quarters. Black 
Hawk at once inquired whether or not these were the soldiers 
who had conquered him and his warriors on the previous sum- 
mer. In speaking of his war he said: 

" My heart grew bitter against the whites and my hands 
were strong. I dug up the tomahawk and led my warriors to 
fight. I fought hard; I was no coward. Much blood was 
shed. But the white men were mighty. They were as many 
as the leaves in the forest. I and my people failed. I am 
sorry the tomahawk was raised. I have been a prisoner. I 
see the strength of the white men; they are many, very many. 
The Indians are but few ; they are not cowards ; they are braves ; 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIFS. 219 

but thej are few. Wliile the Great Spirit above keeps my 
heart as it now is, I will be the white man's friend. I will 
remain in peace. I will go to my people and speak good, of 
the white man. I will tell them they are as the leaves of the 
forest, very many, very strong, and that I will light no more 
against them." 

They were next taken to New York city, where, immediately 
upon their arrival, they had the pleasure of witnessing a bal- 
loon ascension at Castle Garden. Tliis novel sight greatly 
pleased the red men, and one of them appealed to the prophet 
to know if the air ship was " going to see the Great Spirit.'^ 
When the crowd ascertained that Black Hawk was present, 
the air was rent with shouts of welcome, and the press of the 
multitude to see the strangers was so great that they could 
not reach their lodgings until placed in carriages and com- 
mitted to the care of the police. It was with much difficulty 
that the}-^ reached the Exchange Hotel, which was immediately 
surrounded by thousands who would not be dispersed until 
" General Black Hawk " would show himself, which he did. 
While in New York they were treated with many civilities. 
They were conducted to all public places of interest, and were 
much pleased with their visit. 

The party was conducted to Albany, Buffalo, and thence to 
Fort Armstrong, on Rock Island, where they arrived about 
the middle of August. *' In passing by the site of the old 
Sac village. Black Hawk was deeply affected, and expressed 
much regret for the causes which compelled him to emigrate 
beyond the Mississippi. The return of the prophet was also 
attended with melancholy associations. His village, over which 
he had long presided, was entirely broken up, his wigwam in 
ashes, his family dispersed and he a suppliant for a home in 
the village of some other chief" 



CHAPTEE XL. 

Ceremonies of Liberating Black Hawk — Keokuk's Triumph — 
Black Hawk's Anger — He will not Conform to the Councils 
OF Keokuk — His Speech — He Departs to His Squaws — Inter- 
esting Incidents at Rock Island. 

Fort Armstrong had been chosen as the proper place for 
the ceremonies of the liberation of Black Hawk and his party. 
Its central position enabled the commander to assemble the 
surrounding Indians at short notice, runners being sent out 
for that purpose. The first to arrive were the friendly Keokuk 
and his l3and. He ascended the Mississippi by water, and led 
the van with two large canoes lashed side by side, handsomely 
decorated, with a canopy erected over them, " beneath which 
sat the chief and his three wives, with the American flag 
waving over them. More than twenty canoes followed the 
chieftain, each containing from four to eight of his warriors, 
whose shouts and songs swept over the transparent waters of 
the Mississippi and were echoed from shore to shore." The 
little fleet passed slowly up the river, opposite the camp of the 
captives, and landed on the west side of the river. At this 
place Keokuk and his party spent several hours in arranging 
their dress, painting and equipping themselves for the occa- 
sion. Wlien this important duty had been completed they 
crossed the river. Keaching the bank the great Keokuk turned 
to his followers and said: "The Great Spirit has sent our 
brother back; let us shake hands with him in friendship." 
He then approached Black Hawk, followed by his warriors. 
The old chief was seated in front of his temporary lodge, sur- 
rounded by his followers, and appeared to be deeply affected 
by the scene. Now the rivals met face to face — Keokuk in his 
glory and Black Hawk in disgrace, fallen, forsaken! But tlie 
(320) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIP:S. 321 

proud ruler did not exult in his well-merited triumph. Ap- 
proaching the old chief, Keokuk stretched forth his hand in 
friendship, which Black Hawk grasped with a degree of cordi- 
ality. Keokuk and his followers then took seats, which was 
followed by a long silence. The pipe was lighted and passed 
from hand to hand, followed by friendly sentiments expressed 
by both parties. At length Keokuk arose and shook hands 
with the fallen chief, saying, "We will return to-moi-row." 
He then re-crossed the river to his own camp. 

On the following day the grand council for the liberation 
of the captives was held. "It presented," says Mr. Conclin, 
^' the novel spectacle of a chief, compelled by a third power, to 
acknowledge the authority of a rival, and formally descend 
from the rank v/hich he had long sustained among his people. 
Fort Armstrong presented a commodious room for the cere- 
monies of the day, and it was fitted up for the occasion. 
About ten o'clock in the forenoon Keokuk and one hundred 
followers re-crossed the river and proceeded in martial array 
to the garrison. They were conducted into the council room 
and shown the seats which they were to occupy. Keokuk was 
seated with Pashepahow (the Stabber) on one side, Wapellar 
(the Little Prince) on the other — the former a chief of the Sacs, 
the latter of the Foxes. The remainder of his band took their 
seats in the rear, and maintained throughout the ceremony 
profound silence." 

In a few minutes Black Hawk and his folloM^ers came into 
the council. As they entered, Keokuk and the two chiefs by 
his side rose and greeted them. The old chief and his associ- 
ates were seated directly opposite Keokuk. Black Hawk was 
accompanied by his son, Nasinewiskuk, and both appeared to 
be displeased. They had, the day previous, offered great objec- 
tions to the council, saying it was altogether unnecessary and 
would be very painful to them, and it was now with the 
greatest reluctance that they came into it. 

For several minutes a profound silence reigned over the 

assembly, at the end of which Major Garland rose and addressed 

the council. He said he was pleased to see the Sacs and Foxes 

greet Black Hawk with friendshij), and he believed that here- 

21 



322 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK ! 

after they would live in peace. At this point Major Garland 
caused the speech delivered to Black Hawk at Baltimore by the 
President to be again interpreted to him. This ended, Keokuk 
rose, and after shaking hands with those around him, said: 

" I have listened to the talk of our great father. It is true 
we pledged our honor, with those of our young braves, for the 
liberation of our friends. "We thought much of it; our coun- 
cils were long; their wives and childred were in our thoughts; 
when we talked of them our hearts were full. Their wives 
and children came to see us, which made us feel like women; 
but we were men. The words which we sent to our great 
father were good; he spoke like the father of children. The 
Great Spirit made his heart big in council. We received our 
brothers in friendship; our hearts were good towards them. 
They once listened to bad council; now their ears are closed. 
I give my hand to them; when they shake it they shake the 
hands of all! I will shake hands with them and then I am 
done." 

Major Garland again rose and said that the President, their 
great father, would hereafter recognize Keokuk as the principal 
chief of the Sac and Fox nations, and that he wished and 
expected that Black Hawk would conform to his (rival's) 
councils. All unfriendly feelings between them must be 
buried, and the band of Black Hawk must be hereafter merged 
in that of Keokuk. And just here I cannot resist from making 
a single comment: Was it not enough that Black Hawk, whose 
once powerful band of warriors had been shot down by Amer- 
ican soldiers, had been left without any followers, that he had 
suffered the shame of a long, and, in some respects, merciless 
confinement? Why crush out the last spark of pride within 
him? 

On hearing the wt)rds of Major Garland, the old chief, who 
had suffered his captivity and imprisonment with fortitude, 
lost all control of himself and became deeply excited. The 
great spirit which had borne him through the daring struggles 
of his great war, and made his name terrible wherever it was 
spoken, suddenly returned and burst forth with great violence. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 323 

He leaped to his feet, tremblino; witli aiiorer, his eyes sparkling 
with rage, and exclaimed: 

"I am a man! an old man! I will not conform to the 
councils of any one! I will act for myself ! None shall gov- 
ern me! I am old; my hair is gray. I once gave councils to 
my young men. Am I to conform to others? I shall soon go 
to the Great Spirit, where I shall be at rest. What I said to 
our great father, I say again. I will always listen to him. I 
am done." 

This speech created great excitement in the council, and the 
interpreter was directed to explain to Black Haw^k that the Presi- 
dent had only requested him to listen to the counsel of Keokuk. 
But the old man was displeased and would make no reply. 
Keokuk approached him and whispered, " Why do you speak 
so before the white men; I will speak for you; you trembled. 
You did not mean what you said." Keokuk then took his 
place, and remarked to the council: "Our brother has again 
come to us, has spoken, but he spoke in wrath. His tongue 
was forked. He spoke not like a man — a Sac. He knew his 
words were bad; he trembled like the oak whose roots have 
been wasted away by many rains. He is old — what he said 
let us forget. He says he did not mean it; he wishes it for- 
gotten. I have spoken for him. What I have said are his own 
words, not mine. Let us say he spoke in council to-day — that 
his words were good. I have spoken." Several other speeches 
were made, after which Major Garland rose and told Black 
Hawk that he was at liberty to go where he pleased ; that the 
people of the United States, as well as himself, were pleased 
with the uniform good conduct of all the captives while among 
them; that they were convinced their hearts were good, but 
they had listened to bad councils. The Major, in conclusion, 
said he hoped that peace and harmony would long exist 
between them. 

Black Hawk rose in reply, and made a short and appropriate 
speech, asking the reporters to draw a line over the speech he 
had made. He said he did not mean it. The council was then 
broken up. 

In the evening of the same day, Major Garland invited the 



324 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK : 

principal chiefs to his own quarters, and, after treating them 
to champagne, all indulged in speeches. Black Hawk, who 
was the last one who spoke, said : 

" I feel that I am an old man; once I could speak, but now 
I have but little to say; to-day we met many of our brothers; 
we were glad to see them. I have listened to what my broth- 
ers have said; their hearts are good; they have been like Sacs 
since I left them ; they have taken care of my wife and chil- 
dren, who had no wigwam; I thank them for it; the Great 
Spirit knows that I thank them. Before the sun gets behind 
the hills to-morrow I shall see them; I want to see them. 
When I left them I expected soon to return; I told our great 
father when in "Washington, that I would listen to the councils of 
Keokuk. I shall soon be far away. I shall have no village, no 
band. I shalj live alone. What I said in council to-day I 
wish forgotten. If it has been put on paper, I wish a mark 
drawn over it; I did not mean it. I^ow we are alone, let us 
say we will forget it. Say to our Great Father and Governor 
Cass, that I will listen to them. Many years ago I met Gov- 
ernor Cass in councils, far across the prairies, to the rising 
sun. His councils were good; my ears were closed; I listened 
to the Great Father across the waters. My father listened to 
him whose band was large. My band was once large; now I 
hav^e no band. I and my son and all the party, thank our 
Great Father for what he has done. He is old; I am old; we 
shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where we shall rest. He 
sent us through his great villages. We saw many of the 
white people, who treated us with kindness. We thank them; 
we thank you and Mr. Sprague for coming with us. Your 
road was long and crooked. We never saw so many white 
men before. When you were with us, we felt as though we 
had some friends among them. We felt safe; you knew them 
all. When you come upon the Mississippi again, you shall 
come to my wigwam. I have now none. On your road home, 
you will ])ass where my village was once; no one lives there 
now; all are gone. I give you my hand; we may never meet 
again. I shall long remember you. The Great Spirit will be 
with you and your wives and children. Before the sun rises I 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 325 

shall go to my family ; my son will be here to see you before 
we go. I will shake hands with mv brothers here, and then I 
am done.'" 

On the following morning Black Hawk crossed the river 
and wasted no time in reaching his wife. The other Indians 
also repaired to their yillages. 
r' I affix to this chapter the^ following article, which appeared 
141 the " Baltimore American," soon after Black Hawk's death. 
The article was written by one acquainted with the circum- 
stance. It gives an account of the death of Tecumseh, and 
many interesting points in the life of the Sac chieftain : 

"During a residence of several years in what is now the 
Territory of Iowa, I had many opportunities of seeing and 
conversing with this noted warrior, and often look back with 
feelings of great pleasure to the many tokens of good will and 
friendship that he has frequently bestowed upon men. His 
lodge was always open to a stranger, and he was ever ready to 
share that with him which he might most want, either his furs 
and blankets for a couch, or his corn and venison for a repast. 
He always spoke in terms of high regard of the whites, saying 
that in war he fought like a brave man, but in peace he wished 
to forget that his hand had ever been raised against them. 
His career, as a warrior commenced at a very early age; when 
he was but fourteen years old, his father, Pawheese, led a war 
party against the Osages, in which expedition he accompanied 
him. They succeeded in reaching the village of Osages, which 
they attacked, and after a very severe encounter, they routed 
their enemies and burnt their town. In this battle Black 
Hawk's father was killed, but he revenged his death by killing 
and scalping the Osage who had slain him. He was fond of 
recounting his earlier exploits, and often boasted of his being 
at the right hand of Tecumseh, when the latter was killed at 
the battle of the Thames. His account of the death of this 
distinguished warrior, was related to me by himself, during an 
evening that I spent in his lodge some winters ago. In the 
course of our talk, I asked him if he was with Tecumseh when 
he was killed. He replied: 

" ' I was, and I will now tell you all about it. Tecumseh, 



326 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KP:0KUK: 

Sliaubinne and Caldwell, two Pottawatomie chiefs, and myself, 
were seated on a log near our camp lire, filling onr pipes for a 
smoke, on the morning of the battle, when word came from 
the British general, that he wished to speak with Tecum seh. 
He went immediately, and after staying some time rejoined as, 
taking his seat without saying a word, when Caldwell, who 
was one of his favorites, observed to him, 'my father, what 
are we to do? Shall we tight the Americans?' 'Yes, my soi^? 
replied Tecumseh, ' we shall go into their very stnoke — but you 
are now wanted by the general. Go, my son, I never expect to 
see you again.' Shortly after this (continued Black Hawk,) the 
Indian spies came in, and gave word of the near approach of 
the Americans. Tecumseh immediately posted his men in the 
edge of a swamp, which flanked the British line, placing him- 
self at their head. I was a little to his right, with a small 
party of Sacs. It was not long before the Americans made 
their appearance; they did not perceive us at first, hid as we 
were by the undergrowth, but we soon let them know where 
we were by pouring in one or two volleys as they were forming 
into a line to oppose the British. They faltered a little, but 
very soon we perceived a large body of horse (Col. Johnson's 
regiment of mounted Kentuckians) preparing to charge upon 
us in the swamp. They came bravely on, yet we never stirred 
until they wore so close that we could see the flints of their 
guns, when Tecumseh, springing to his feet, gave the Shaw- 
anoe war cry, and discharged his rifle. This was the signal for 
us to commence the fight; but it did not last long; the Amer- 
icans answered the shout, returning our fire, and at the first 
discharge of their guns, I saw Tecumseh stagger forwards over 
a fallen tree near which he was standing, letting his rifle drop 
to his feet. As soon as the Indians discovered he was killed, 
a sudden fear came over them, and thinking that the Great 
Spirit was displeased, they fought no longer, and were quickly 
put to flight. That night we returned to bury our dead, and 
search for the body of Tecumseh. He was found lying where 
he had first fallen ; a bullet had struck him above the hip, and 
his skull had been broken by the butt end of the gun of some 
soldier, who had found him, perhaps, when life was not yet 



OK, THE BORDEK WARS UF TWO CENTURIt^. 327 

quite gone. AVith the exception of these wounds, his body 
was untouched; lying near him, however, was a large, fine 
looking Pottawatomie, who had been killed, decked off in his 
plumes and war paint, whom the Americans no doubt had 
taken for Tecum seh; for he was scalped, and every particle of 
skin fiayed from his body. Tecumseh himself, had no orna- 
ments about his person save a British medal. Durino- the 
night we buried our dead, and brought oiF the body of Tecum- 
seh, although we were within sight of the fires of the American 
camp.' 

"This is somewhat different from the account which is com- 
monly given of Tecumseh's death, yet I believe it to be true; 
for after hearing Black Hawk relate it, I heard it corroborated 
by one of the Pottawatomie chiefs, mentioned by him. I asked 
him if he had ever fought against the whites after the death of 
Tecumseh. He said not— that he returned home to his village 
on the Mississippi, at the mouth of Rock river, and there he 
remained until driven away by the whites, in the year 1832. 
The wish to hold possession of this village, was the cause of 
the war which he waged against the whites during that year. 
He told me that he never wished to fight; that he was made 
to do so; that the whites killed his warriors when they went 
Avith a white flag to beg a parley, and that after this was done, 
he thought they intended to kill him at all events, and there- 
fore he would die like a warrior. 

" In speaking of his defeat, he said it was what he expected; 
that he did not mind it; but what hurt him more than any- 
thing else, was our government degrading him in the eyes of 
his own people, and setting another chief (Keokuk) over him. 
This degradation he appeared to feel very sensibly, still he con- 
tinued to possess all his native pride. One instance that came 
under my observation, I recollect well, in which it was strongly 
displayed. He happened to be in a small town in Iowa,' on 

tlie same day in which a party of dragoons, under Capt. 

arrived; and in paying a visit to a friend with whom he always 
partook of a meal, whenever he stopped at the village, he met 
with the captain, who had been invited to dine. Black Hawk 
remained, also expecting the usual invitation to stay and eat 






328 THE LIVES OF BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK: 



with them ; but when the dinner was ready, the host took him 
aside, and told him the captain, or rather the white man's chief^ 
was to dine with him that day, and he must wait tmtil they 
had finished. The old chief's eye glistened with anger as he 
answered him, raising the forefinger of one hand to his breast^ 
to represent the ofiicer, ' I know the white man is a chief, but 
/,' elevating the finger of the other hand far above his head,. 
' was a chief, and led my warriors to the fight long before his. 
mother knew him. ITour 'meat — my dogs should not eat itP 
Saying this, he gathered the folds of his blanket about him, 
and stalked off", looking as proudly as if he still walked over 
ground that he could call ' my oivn.'' \ 

" Black Hawk possessed, to a great degree, one fine trait 
which is not usual for us to concede to the Indian — kindness 
and afifection for his wife. He never had but one, and with 
her he lived for upwards of forty years; they had several chil- 
dren, three of whom still survive, two sons and a daughter. 
The eldest son is now one of the most promising young braves 
of the nation, and bids fair to be one of its most noble men. 
The daughter is still quite young, and is considered to be the- 
most beautiful maiden belonging to her tribe. 

" He has now departed on his long journey, to join those of 
his people who have gone before him to the happy hunting 
grounds, far beyond the setting sun. May the Great Spirit 
grant him a clear sunshine, and a smooth path." 

In addition to this, it will be proper to add that in Septem- 
ber, 1838, while on his way to Kock Island to receive his 
portion of the annual payment, he took a heavy cold, which 
resulted in a fatal attack of bilious fever, which terminated his. 
life on the third of October, after an illness of only a few days. 
His wife, who was devotedly attached to him, mourned deeply 
during his sickness. She said on the day before he died, " he 
is getting old, be must die. Monotah calls him home." After 
his death, he was dressed in the uniform presented to him by 
the President while in Washington, and buried. " The grave 
was six feet deep, and of the usual length, situated upon a little 
eminence about fifty yards from his wigwam. The body was 
placed in the middle of the grave, in a sitting posture, upon a 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 320 

6eat, constructed for the purpose. On his left side, the cane, 
given him by Henry Clay, was placed upright, with his right 
hand resting upon it. Many of the old warrior's trophies were 
placed in the grave, and some Indian garments, together with 



CHAPTER XLl. 

Indian Tribes West of the Mississippi — The Mandans, their 
Dwellings, Manners and Customs — Their Traditions of the 
Flood — Their Singular Ceremonies — How they were De- 
stroyed—Their Supposed Origin. 

Having reached the proper point, I will now interrupt the 
narrative to ^ive the reader a very brief history of the tribes 
of Indians' which existed in that vast territory between the 
Mississippi and the Pacific coast about the year 1800. But in 
this undertaking I find myself surrounded with difiiculties of 
a kind not encountered in the review of the tribes east of the 
Mississippi at the beginning of this work, as the tribal divisions 
of the Western Indians are, both in language and customs less 
distinguishing than those of the former. Yet, avoiding the 
finer details of difference, we shall have but little difficulty in 
presenting the general characteristics of the various nations 
of the great West. It will be difficult, however, to give any 
boundaries of territory owned or occupied by these nations as, 
either by their roving habits or by the results of conquest, they 
were continually changing their abode. Along the borders of 
the Missouri, and high up the western tributaries of the Mis- 
sissippi, we find the various tribes belonging to the Sioux or 
Dahcotah nation, called by the early explorers and travelers, 
Naudowesses. These Indians lived principally by the chase, a 
few only practicing any degree of husbandry. The tribal 
divisions of this nation were as follows: the Waupeentowas, 
the Tintons, the Afracootans, the Mawhaws, (called by some the 
Omawhas,) and the Schians. These tribes, with a few ex(;ep- 
tious, dwelt in the prairie country, near the borders of the St. 
Peter. The Assinaboins, and several other tribes, were, by 
some of the oldest writers, classed in the same nation. 



OR, THK BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIl^S. 831 

Mr. Gallatin, an able M'riter ou these and other tribes, classes 
them as follows: The Winnebagos, of Wisconsin ; the Sioux 
proper, or Dahcotas, and the Assinaboins; the Minetari, and 
tribes allied to them; and the Osages, and other kindred tribes. 
The same writer, I believe, holds that the Minetari include the 
Crows, and the Mandans. The latter, however, are a distinct 
nation, and differ widely from all other Indians in America in 
many important peculiarities. In 1832, we find the Mandans 
situated in two villages on the left bank of the Missouri, about 
two hundred miles below the mouth of the Yellowstone. At 
this time their population did not exceed two or three thou- 
sand. However, according to their best traditions, and as 
evinced by the ruins of their former settlements they had, at 
an earlier date, been a populous and powerful nation. In the 
date above mentioned we find them in their principal town 
upon the Missouri well fortified against the enemy. Within 
the pickets the houses were exceedingly compact, leaving but 
little room for the gaudy inhabitants to move to and fro. These 
dwellings were partially sunk in the ground, the roofs being 
made of earth and clay. On entering them one would be sur- 
prised with their neatness, comfort and spacious dimensions. 
"They were all of a circular form," says Mr. Catlin, "and are 
from forty to sixty feet in diameter. Their foundations are 
prepared by digging some two feet in the ground and forming 
the floor of earth by leveling the requisite size for a lodge." 
These singular dwellings were not devoid of comfort. " They 
consisted," says Mr. Brown ell, "of 'a row of perpendicular 
stakes or timbers six feet or thereabouts in height, supporting 
long rafters for the roof. A hole was left in the center for air, 
light, and the escape of the smoke." The rafters were first 
covered by boughs, and lastly by earth. A small excavation in 
the center of the hut served as a fire-place. The furniture was 
not elegant, although comfortable. A rude bedstead was erec- 
ted at one side, abundantly provided with buffalo skins, with 
ornamented curtains, not of European manufacture, for they 
did not import their goods, but of various skins of wild animals. 
"This ari'angement of beds, and arms, etc.," says Mr. Catlin, 
"combining the most vivid display and arrangement of colors, 



332 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI I 

of furs, of trinkets, of barbed and glistening points and steely 
of mysteries and hocus-pocus, together with the sombre and 
smoked color of the roof and sides of the lodge; and the wild,^ 
and rude, and red — the graceful (though uncivil) conversa- 
tional, garrulous, story-telling, and happy, though ignorant 
and untutored groups, that are smoking their pipes— wooing 
their sweethearts, and embracing their little ones about their 
peaceful and endeared fire-sides ; together with their pots and 
kettles, spoons, and other culinary articles of their own manu- 
facture, around them, present, altogether, one of the most 
picturesque scenes to the eye of a stranger that can be possibly 
seen, and far more wild and vivid than could ever be imagined.'^ 

But if the interior was full of interesting scenes, we have 
only to open another book to find that the exterior was also 
replete with interest. Of this Mr. Brownell says: "In the 
center of the village an open court was left for purposes of 
recreation and for the performances of the national religious 
ceremonies. Upon the rounded roofs of the domicils numerou& 
busy or indolent groups were sitting or lounging in every 
possible attitude, while in the central area some were exercising 
their wild horses, or training and playing with their dogs. 
Such a variety of brilliant and fanciful costumes, ormamented 
M'ith plumes and porcupine quills, with the picturesque throng 
of Indians and animals, the closely crowded village, the green 
plain, the river, and the blue hills in the distance, formed a 
happy subject for the artist. 

But the attractions of a Mandan village were not all confined 
within the narrow limits encompassed by the pickets. Out- 
side, at a little distance, could be seen the scaffolds upon which 
the dead were placed. The funeral rites of this nation were 
very peculiar and not without interest. The body of the dead 
person was wrapped in a buffalo skin, which included the arms 
used by the deceased during his life, and the usual provision 
of tobacco, flint and steel, knife and food. A slight scafibld 
was arranged, high enough to be out of the reach of wild 
beasts, and there the body was placed to decay in the open air. 
" Day after day," continues Mr. Brownell, " those who had lost 
friends would come out from the village to this strange ceme- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 338 

terv to weep and bewail over their loss. Such genuine and 
long-continued grief as was exhibited bj the alilicted relatives, 
puts to shame the cold-heartedness of too many among the 
cultivated and enlightened. When, after the lapse of years, 
the scaffolds had fallen, and nothing was left but bleached and 
mouldering bones, the remains were buried, with the excep- 
tion of the skulls. These were placed in circles upon the 
plain, with the faces turned inward, each resting upon a bunch 
of wild sage; and in tlie center, upon two slight mounds, 
^ medicine-piles ' were erected, at the foot of which were the 
heads and horns of a male and female buffalo. To these new 
places of deposit, each of which contained not far from one 
hundred skulls, do these people again resort to evince their 
further affection for the dead — not in groans and lamentations, 
however, for several years have cured the anguish, but fond 
a,ffections and endearments are here renewed, and conversations 
are here held and cherished with the dead." 

Alone on that far distant river's bank, away from the 
encroachments of civilization, the wife or mother would sit for 
hours by the side of the skull of the loved and lost, addressing 
it with the most affectionate and loving words, or perhaps 
lying down and falling asleep with it in her embrace. 

The Mandans were a hospitable race, friendly in their treat- 
ment of each other, and mindful of the wants of travelers. 
Tliey were for the most part a fine looking people, many of 
their women being very handsome. With a few exceptions, 
they were a clean, tidy people. They indulged in all the 
elaboration of the war-paint and dress, and were exceedingly 
proud of their appearance. 

The custom of polygamy was universal among the Mandans 
by all whose native vigor procured them rank. The girls were 
usually sold at prices in proportion to their beauty by their 
parents at a very early age, and as among the Eastern nations 
of savages, their fate was a life of toil and hardship. Never- 
theless, "amongst them respectable virtue was as highly 
cherished and as inapproachable as in any society whatever." 
The white traders and travelers who went among them, either 
from policy or inclination, allied themselves to one or more of 



334 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI: 

the principal chiefs by a temporary espousal of his daughter. 
*' In many instances they indulged in a plurality." This was 
a position greatly sought after by the daughters of the chiefs, 
as it afibrded them a good opportunity for idleness and orna- 
mentation. Gaines were largely practiced among the boys and 
young men. An endless variety of dances, with vocal and 
instrumental music, mingled with their recreations and reli- 
gious cei'emonies. When game w&s scarce, or when the buffalo 
herds had wandered far away from the vicinitv of their village, 
these superstitious savages would perform the " buffalo dance" 
in the central arena of their village. On this occasion every 
man in the tribe wore a mask made from the skin of a buffalo's 
head, including the horns. " When the wise men of the nation 
determined upon their vocations to attack the buffalo herds," 
says Brownell, " watchers were stationed upon the eminences 
surrounding the villages and the dance commenced. With 
extravagant actions and strange ejaculations the crowd per- 
formed the prescribed maneuvers: As fast as those engaged 
became weary they would signify it by crouching down, when 
those without the circle would go through the pantomime of 
severally shooting, flaying and dressing them, while new per- 
formers took their place. Night and day the mad scene was 
kept up, sometimes for weeks together, until the signal was 
given of the approach of buffaloes, when all prepared with 
joy and hilarity for a grand hunt, fully convinced that their 
own exertions had secured the prize." A ceremony not less 
ridiculous was performed in case of a drought, with a view to 
producing a rain shower. 

Their children were taught the principles of war from in- 
fancy, and impressed with the idea that true dignity and glory 
awaited him alone who could fringe his garments with the 
scalps of his enemies. Among the Mandan warriors, even at 
a recent date, were some of the boldest men of the forest; the 
result, no doubt, in a great measure of their early training. 

The religion of the Mandans was similar to that of most 
of the Indian tribes already spoken off, yet many of their reli- 
gious ceremonies are full of the most unique situations. The 
grand four days' ceremony had three distinct objects: "a festi- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 835 

val of thanksgiving for the escape of their ancesters from the 
flood, of which they had a distinct tradition, strikingly com- 
fortable to scriptural history;" the grand bull dance already 
described, and to initiate the young men, by terrible trials and 
tortures, into the order of warriors. 

This ceremony was performed in the spring, as soon as the 
willow trees on the bank of the river were in leaf, " for, accord- 
ing to their tradition," says Catlin, " the twig that the bird 
brought home was a willow bough and had full grown leaves 
upon it, and the bird to which they allude is the mourning or 
turtle-dove, which they took great pains to point out to me." 
The first performances were, as I have said, in reference to the 
deluge, and in commemoration of this ancient event a sort of 
"curb or hogshead" stood in the centre of the village, in 
memory of the "big canoe," in which the human race, includ- 
ing the Indians, was saved from a watery grave. 

The Indians were not informed as to what day the ceremo- 
nies would take place; but on a fine morning the inhabitants 
of the village would be all astir gazing earnestly at an ap- 
proaching figure. This strange person would soon enter within 
the inclosed space of the village, painted white and carrying a 
large pipe in his hand. This visitor was saluted by the prin- 
cipal men of the village as " Numohkmuchanah " (Noah). His 
mission was to open the great lodge reserved exclusively for 
the annual religious ceremonies. After performing this duty 
and promising to return in the following spring, he took his 
departure for his distant mountain home. 

One of the most interesting features of these curious rites 
was the ordeal which the young warriors had to pass in order 
to qualify them for the duties of a brave. The candidates for 
this torturous performance were obliged to abstain from eat- 
ing any kind of food, drinking or sleeping for three days. 
Then coming forward, the candidates allowed the flesh of their 
breasts or backs to be pierced with rude two-edged knives, and 
rough sticks thrust through the holes. The sticks were run 
through the flesh to such a depth as to be capable of support- 
ing much more than the weight of the body. Cords were 
attached to these sticks, by which the sufferers were hoisted up 



336 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI: 

a considerable distance from the gi'ound. Similar sticks Avere 
then thrust through the flesh of their legs, to which heavy 
weights were suspended, among which were buffalo heads. 
Through all this the fortitude of the young Indian enabled liim 
to bear the pain without flinching, but when in this horrible 
position, with his flesh tearing by slow degrees in both his 
arms and legs, a number of attendants commenced turning 
him round and round with poles, the pain became unbeara- 
ble and the sufferer would cry out in agony to the Great 
Spirit for power to enable him to stand the torture. He was 
permitted to hang in this position until entirely unconscious, 
when he was taken down and the sticks taken from his arms. 
He was then compelled to crawl off, dragging the weights after 
him, as in no case were the sticks in his legs removed, being 
left until they should be dragged out by the force of the weights. 
He was next called upon to cut off one of his own fingers from 
the left hand; but this was perhaps the lightest part of the 
ceremony. " Within the court," says Mr. Brownell, " a new 
trial awaited him, the last but most terrible of all. An active 
man took his position on each side of the weak and mutilated 
sufferer, and, passing a thong about his wrist, urged him for- 
ward at the top of his speed in a circle around the arena. When, 
faint and weary, he sank on the ground, the tormentors dragged 
him furiously around the ring until the splints were torn out 
by the weights attached, and he lay motionless and apparently 
lifeless. If the splint should have been so deepiy inserted that 
no force — even that of the weight of individuals in the crowd, 
thrown uj^on the trailing skulls — could break the integu- 
ments, nothing remained but to crawl off to the prairie and 
wait until it should give way by suppuration. To draw the 
skewer out would be unpardonable sacrilege. It is told of one 
man that he suspended himself from the precipitous river bank 
by two of these skewers, thrust through his arms, until, at the 
end of several days, he dropped into the water and swam 
ashore. Throughout the whole ordeal, the chiefs and sages of 
the tribe critically observed the comparative fortitude and en- 
durance of the candidates, and formed their conclusions there- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 837 

upon as to wliich would be the worthiest to command in after 
time." 

The same author informs us that in the summer of 1838 the 
small-pox was communicated to the Mandans from some in- 
fected persons on board one of the steamers belonging to a 
company of fur traders. So virulent was the disease, that in 
a few weeks it swept off the whole tribe, except a few who fell 
into the hands of their enemies, the Eicarees. One principal 
reason for the excessive mortality is said to have been that 
hostile bands of Indians had beset the village, and the inhabit- 
ants were consequently unable to separate, or to place the 
infected in an isolated position. The scene of death, lamenta- 
tion and terror is said by those who witnessed it to have been 
frightful in the extreme. Great numbers perished by leaping 
into the river, in the paroxysm of fever, being too weak to 
swim out. Those who died in the village lay in heaps upon 
the floors of the huts. Of the few secured by the Ricarees, 
who took possession of the depopulated village, nearly all were 
said to have been killed during some subsequent hostilities, so 
that now scarce a vestige of the tribe can be supposed to remain. 
The Mandans were probably all congregated at their principal 
village at the time of the great calamity; the other village was 
situated two miles below, was a small settlement, and was used, 
as we are led to infer, merely for a temporary summer resi- 
dence for a few of the noted families. • 

Mr. Catlin, in speaking of the destruction of this tribe by 
the small-pox, says: "There is yet a melancholy part of the 
tale to be told, relating to the ravages of this frightful disease 
in that country on the same occasion, as it spread to other 
contiguous tribes, the Minatarrees, the Knisteneaux, the Black- 
feet, the Chayennes and the Crows, amongst whom twenty-five 
thousand perished in the course of four or Ave months, which 
most appalling facts I got from Major Pilcher, superintendent 
of Indian affairs at St. Louis, from Mr. McKenzie and others." 
22 



CHAPTER XLII. 

Sketch of the Sioux Indians — How they Nursed their Infants 
— Leaving their Old and Infirm to Die from Starvation — 
The Peculiarities of the Red-Pipe Stone Quarry — Supersti- 
tions of the Sioux Regarding the Pipe Stone — The Buffalo 
Hunt. 

The Sioux or Dacotas, were at one time the most widely 
diffused tribe of Indians of the West. Their territory extended 
far west to the country of the Blackfeet, and from the Missouri 
in the south to the Upper Mississippi in the north. They sub- 
sisted entirely by hunting and fishing, using, until a recent date, 
the native weapons of their race. One of the most remarkable 
traits in their character was the strength of maternal affection. 
According to their custom, their infants were carried for the 
first six or seven months of their existence, strapped firmly to 
a board, the hands and feet only being left at liberty. A small 
hoop was placed over their faces, so that in case they should 
fall, no injury would be sustained. This contrivance, or rude 
cradle, was almost always neatly ornamented w^ith fringe or 
embroidery. The whole was suspended upon the back of the 
mother by a strap, which passed around over her forehead. 
After the child has reached this age it is loosened and nursed 
in the folds of the mother's blanket or robe. If the infant 
dies during the time that is allotted to it to be carried in this 
cradle, it is buried, and the disconsolate mother fills the cradle 
with black quills and feathers, in the parts which the child's 
body had occupied, and in this way carries it around with her 
wherever she goes for a year or more, with as much care as if 
her infant were alive and in it; and she often lays or stands it 
against the side of the wigwam, where she is all day engaged 
with her needle-work, and chatting and talking to it as famil- 
(338) 



OR, TME BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 339 

iarly and affectionately as if it were her loved infant, instead 
of its shell, that she was talking to. So lasting and so strong 
is the affection of these women for the lost child, that it mat- 
ters not how heavy or crnel their load, or how rugged the 
route they have to pass over, they will faithfully carry this, 
and carefully, from day to day, and even more strictly perform 
their duties to it, than if the child were alive and in it. 

One of the most cruel customs among the Sioux was that 
of leaving their old and infirm to die alone, exposed and unat- 
tended. The old sufferers not only assented to this proceeding, 
but generally suggested it when conscious that they were no 
longer able to support themselves. They were generally left with 
a slight protection over them, with a little food by their side, to 
die, or be devoured by the hungry wolves. It was in the 
country of the Sioux at the southern extremity of the high 
ridge, called the Coteau des Prairies, which lies between the 
head waters of the St. Peter's and Missouri, that the far-famed 
quarry of red pipe-stone was situated. Pipes made from this 
stone were common among all the Western tribes. The stone 
was obtained by digging to a depth of several feet in the prairie 
at the foot of a precipitous wall of quartz rocks. The geolo- 
gical formation of this spot presents a singular phenomenon, 
and the pipe-stoile is of itself a singular material. It is said 
to be harder than g}q)sum, and softer than carbonate of lime, 
and is different from any other metal ever discovered by geolo- 
gists. The component materials of this stone, according to 
the analysis of Dr. Jacksou, of Boston, are as follows: " water, 
8,4; silica, 48,2; alumina, 28.2; magnesia, 6.0; carbonate of 
lime, 2.6; peroxide of iron,' 5.0; oxide of manganese, 0.6." 

" The Indians," says Mr. Brownell, in his valuable book, 
"use the stone only in the manufacture of pipes; to apply it 
to any other use they esteem the most unheard-of sacrilege. 
From the affinity of its color to that of their own skins, they 
draw some fanciful legend of its formation, at the time of the 
great deluge, out of the llesh of the perishing red men. They 
esteem it one of the choicest gifts of the Great Spirit." 

Tlie following extracts from the speeches of Sioux orators, 
will give the reader a good idea of how highly, and in Mdiat 



340 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI: 

light the savages appreciated this stone: " You see," said one 
(holding a red pipe to the side of his naked arm,) " that this 
pipe is a part of our flesh. The red men are a part of the red 
stone." 

Another says, " If the white men take away a piece of the 
red pipe-stone, it is a hole made in our flesh, and the blood will 
always run. We cannot stop the blood from running. The 
Great Spirit has told us that the red stone is only to be used 
for pipes, and through them we are to smoke to him." 

We find another Sioux saying: " We love to go to the Pipe- 
Stone, and get a piece for our pipes ; but we ask the Great Spirit 
first. If the white men go to it, they will take it out, and not 
fill up the holes again, and the Great Spirit will be oflended." 

And still another: "My friends, listen to me! what I am 
about to say will be truth, I bought a large piece of the pipe- 
stone, and gave it to a jvhite man to make a pipe ; he was our 
trader, and I wished him to have a good pipe. The next time 
I went to his store, I was unhappy when I saw that stone made 
into a dish! This is the way the white men would use the red 
pipe-stone if they could get it. Such conduct would offend 
the Great Spirit, and make a red man's heart sick." 

Buffalo hunting was the principal occupation of the Sioux, 
and in this pursuit they were not excelled by any other West- 
ern tribe. They used horses, a wild breed extensively spread 
over the Western country, the descendants of those originally 
brought over by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century, and 
were excellent horsemen. These animals were superior in 
speed to any animals on the Western prairies. JS^umbers of 
them were kept about the encampment of the Indians, hoppled, 
so as to prevent their straying away. Upon the open prairie, 
the buffalo were generally pursued on horseback, the Indians 
being armed with the lance and bow and arrow. The Indian 
would generally ride furiously on until he came within a few 
feet of his prey, and then discharging his arrow with great 
force into its side, would follow it with his lance, which gener- 
ally proved fatal. This pursuit was not without danger, for 
oftimes both horse and rider would fall a prey to the dangerous 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 341 

animal. Yet such was the excitement of the savages while 
in the chase, that they seemed to be regardless of all danger. 

In the winter season the buffalo hunt was managed on a 
different plan. They were generally driven from the high 
ridges, where they had gathered to feed upon the herbage, into 
the snow-covered prairies, where, floundering in the deep snow, 
they were soon overtaken by the savages on their snow shoes, 
and picked off by the arrow and lance. " When buffaloes are 
plenty," says the author from whom I have just quoted, " and 
the Indians have fair opportunity, the most astonishing and 
wasteful slaughter ensues. Besides the ordinary methods of 
destruction, the custom of driving immense herds over some 
precipitous ledge, where those behind trample down and thrust 
over the foremost, until hundreds and thousands are destroyed, 
has been often described." 

Some early writers have severely censured savage improvi- 
dence in this regard, on the grounds that in a few years they 
would be left without the means of subsistence. But we have 
lived to see the Indians imprudently destroyed, long before 
they had killed half the buffaloes of the Western prairies. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

The Crows and the Blackpeet — Their Myths and their Wars — 
Characteristics of these Tribes — Interesting Incidents. 

We now come to notice the tribes upon the Yellowstone and 
the head waters of the Missouri. Among the most noted of 
these were the Crows and the Blackfeet, and their neighbors 
and enemies, the Ojibwas, Knisteneaux, and Assinaboins. 
In 1834, the numbers of the Blackfeet exceeded twenty thou- 
sand, but the small-pox, in 1838, reduced their number to about 
thirteen thousand. The Blackfeet, being farthest removed 
from the influences of civilization, presented many fine speci- 
mens of the Indian race. They were of manly proportions, 
active, and capable of great endurance. Their dress was both 
comfortable and ornamental, " bedecked with all the em- 
broidery and fixings characteristic of savage finery." Their 
dwellings, means of subsistence, customs, etc., were so nearly 
like those tribes already mentioned that any particulars con- 
cerning them in this place will be superfluous. There wei-e, 
however, a few points of difl'erence which I shall not fail to 
mention. Their lodges were generally made of buffalo skins, 
supported by firm poles, which they brought from the distant 
mountains. The skins were strongly stitched together, and 
highly ornamented. The tents were easily moved by making 
the poles into one bundle and the skins into another. 

Among these very remote tribes might have been found at a 
late day many of the ancient superstitous observances of their 
race, retained with all their original solemnity. One of the 
most singular of these, says Mr. Brownell, is the preparation 
of the " medicine-bag," which every man carried with him 
upon all occasions, as being intricately involved with his own 
safety and success in war, hunting, or any of the occuptions 
(342) 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CKNTUKIES. 3-13 

of life. At about the age of puberty the Indian boy bethought 
himself of taking the necessary steps for the preparation of this 
mysterious amulet or charm. He retired to some solitary 
spot, where he spent several days, lying upon the ground, 
taking nothing to eat, and employing himself constantly in 
praying to the Great Spirit. Becoming exhausted, he would 
fall asleep, and of course dream very important and significant 
dreams. He would then return home, and after gaining suffi- 
cient strength, start out in pursuit of the bird or animal which 
appeared most conspicuous in his dreams, not resting until he 
had obtained a specimen. This done, he would return and 
dress the skin, stuff it with moss, or some other light sub- 
stance, after which he would ornament it with every description 
of savage finery. This medicine-bag was considered invalu- 
able, and was carried in every important undertaking. " These 
curious appendages," says Mr, Catlin, " to the persons or ward- 
robe of an Indian are sometimes made of the skin of an otter, 
a beaver, a muskrat, a weasel, a raccoon, a pole-cat, a snake, a 
frog, a toad, a bat, a mouse, a mole, a hawk, an eagle, a mag- 
pie, or a sparrow; sometimes of the skin of an animal so large 
as a wolf." 

The Crows were inferior in numbers to the Blackfeet, but 
with whom they were for many years at war. Physically they 
are a fine race, being much taller than the Indians of surround- 
ing tribes, and models of agility and strength. In their 
primitive state they were an honest, trustworthy set of savages, 
but in later days, when corrupted by the evils of civilization, 
they became a lawless, thieving horde. As will be seen in tlie 
course of our narrative, the Crows and Blackfeet were objects 
of terror to the pioneer settlers, traders, and trappers of the 
Far West. Mr. Brownell, in speaking of their personal appear- 
ance, says that one distinguishing peculiarity of these Indians 
was the extraordinary length of their hair, which was cherished 
and cultivated as an ornament, until it swept the ground after 
them. This profusion was to be seen in no tribe except the 
Crows, although some of their neighbors endeavored to imitate 
it by glueing an additional length to their natural hair. The 
Crows spoke a different language from the Blackfeet. 



344 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI*. 

"Tlie smaller Minitari tribes, between the month of the Yel- 
lowstone and the site of the Mandan villages, and the extensive 
nation of the Gros Ventres, inhabiting the eastern slope of the 
Rocky Mountains, spoke the same language with the Crows, or 
one very nearly allied to it. The Arapahoes, numbering some 
three thousand, and dwelling about the sources of the Platte 
and Arkansas rivers, belonged to the race of the Blackfeet." 

The Arapahoes were for many years at war with the Flat- 
head and other tribes still further westward. The descent of 
these remote bands upon the plains in pursuit of .buffalo, was 
deemed by the Blackfeet a signal infringement of their rights^ 
and fierce battles often resulted from the conflicting claims of 
the rival nations. 

Along the Eocky Mountains and their western slopes, and 
on the plains drained by the sources of the Columbia, were the 
Nez-Perces, or Pierced-JSTose Indians, the Flatheads and the 
Pends Orcilles, or Hanging Ears. These stragling tribes were 
at continual war with nearly all the western tribes, and were, 
more particularly enemies of the Blackfeet. At one time a 
number of Blackfeet prisoners fell into the hands of the Flat- 
heads, and although the latter were usually a kind, hospitable 
race, they thrust upon their captives upon this occasion every 
species of torture with a view to overcome the far-famed 
courage and fortitude of the Blackfeet. But it was all in vain. 
One exulted over his tormentors, vaunting his own deeds in 
the following language: "My heart is strong. — You do not 
hurt me. You can't hurt me. You are fools. You do not 
know how to tortui-e. Try it again. I don't feel any pain 
yet. We torture your relations a great deal better, because we 
make them cry out loud, like little children. You are not 
brave; you have small hearts, and you are always afraid to 
fight." Then speaking to one of his captors, he said: "It was 
by my arrow you lost your eye;" upon which the Flathead 
darted at him, and with a knife, in a moment scooped out one 
of his eyes; at the same time cutting the bridge of his nose 
nearly in two. This did not stop him; with the remaining 
eye he looked sternly at another, and said, "I killed your 
brother, and I scalped your old fool of a father." The warrior 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 345 

to whom this was addressed instantly sprung at him and 
severed the scalp from his head.* 

Some very interesting traits of the character of the Crow& 
are exhibited in an adventure of a noted trapper — Mr. Eobert 
Brownell, as given in Mr. Irving's book. This traveler was at 
one time hospitably entertained by the celebrated Crow chief, 
Arapooish, in whose care he had placed a large and valuable 
package of furs. The greater part of his goods had been buried 
in the ground for greater safety. These, however, were all 
stolen, the number of beaver skins included being one hundred 
and fifty. Upon hearing this, Arapooish immediately assembled 
all the men of the village, and after making a speech, in which 
he vehemently declaimed against their bad faith towards the 
stranger, and declared that he would neither touch food nor 
drink until the skins should all be returned. The Indians at 
once acknowledged their guilt and returned the goods. 

In a former chapter I have mentioned the strength of 
maternal afl:ection among the Sioux. We now have numerous 
anecdotes exemplifying the enduring and powerful attachment 
between the sexes among the Far West tribes; but this was not 
only among the Indians alone, but when they had intermarried 
with whites. One of these instances is as follows: "Among 
the free trappers in the Rocky Mountain band was a spirited 
young Mexican, named Loretto, who, in the course of his wan- 
derings, had ransomed a beautiful Blackfoot girl from a band 
of Crows, by whom she had been captured. He made her his 
wife, after the Indian style, and she had followed his fortunes 
ever since with the most devoted affection." In Mr. Brownell's 
work we find the same incident referred to in these words: 
" The company one day fell in with a numerous party of Black- 
feet warriors, and the preliminary steps were taken for a parley, 
and for smoking the calumet, in token of peace. At this 
moment, Loretto's Indian wife perceived her own brother 
among the band. Leaving her infant with Loretto, she rushed 
forward and threw herself upon her brother's neck, who clasped 
his long-lost sister to his lieart with a warmth of affection but 
little compatible with the reputed stoicism of the savage. 

* Brownell's Indian Races. 



346 THE INDIAN TRrL!P:S WEST OF THE MSSISSIPPi: 

" Meanwhile, Bridger, one of the trapper leaders, approaching 
the Blackfeet, from the imprudent excess of caution, cocked his 
rifle just as he came up with them. The Indian chief, w^io was 
in the act of proffering a friendl}' salutation, heard the click 
of the lock, and all his native fury and suspicion were instantly 
aroused. He sprang upon Bridger, forced the muzzle of the 
rifle into the ground, where it was discharged, knocked him 
down, seized his horse, and rode off. A general, but disorderly 
tight ensued, during which Loretto's wife was hurried away by 
her relations. 

"• The noble young Mexican saw her in their power, vainly 
entreating permission to return, and, regardless of the danger 
incurred, at once hastened to her side, and restored the child 
to its mother. The Blackfeet braves admired his boldness, and 
respected the confidence which he had reposed in them by 
thus venturing in their midst, but they were deaf to all the 
prayers of himself and his wife that they might remain 
together. He was dismissed unharmed, but the woman and 
child were detained. 

!' Not many months afterwards the faithful Loretto procured 
liis discharge from the company in whose service he was 
enlisted, and followed his wife to her own country. A happy 
reunion took place, and the loving pair took up their residence 
at the trading-house among the Blackfeet, where the husband 
served as interpreter between the Indians and white traders." 



CHAPTEE SLIV. 

The Indian Tribes op the Far West — The Pierced-Noses — The 
Wallawallas — The Flat-Heads— Peculiarities of this Tribe — 
Their Canoes, etc. 

Still west of the Blackfoot country and west of the Rocky 
Mountains, lived the Pierced-Nose Indians, and liir down the 
Kooskooske river dwelt the Flat-Heads, while upon the main 
southern branch, the Lewis Fork of the Columbia or Snake 
river, dwelt the Shoshonees or Snake Indians. 

The Piereed-Nose Indians were a quiet, inoifensive people, 
although when provoked to anger thej were bj no means want- 
ing in courage or ability. They were exceedingly superstitious 
and consequently perceptible to religious impressions. Their 
patient reliance upon the Great Spirit, in times of want and 
danger, would shame our civilized devotion. 

In a time of great want a traveler named Capt. Bonneville 
happened among them, and found them subsisting upon wild 
rose buds, roots and other innutritions vegetable matters. At 
this early day their weapon was the spear. With this they set 
out on a certain day, on horseback, to obtain game. The whites 
regarded the expedition as hopeless. They galloped away, how- 
ever, in high confidence. The undertaking being successful, 
the poor Indians freely shared the meats they had taken with 
the strangers. Capt. Bonneville, in afterwards speaking of 
these savages, says: " Simply to call these people religious, 
would convey but a faint idea of the deep hue of piety and 
devotion which pervades their whole conduct. Their honesty 
is immaculate, and their purity of purpose and their observ- 
ance of the rites of their religion, are most uniform and 
remarkable. They are certainly more like a nation of saints 
than a horde of savages." 

(347) 



348 THE INDIAN TRIBES AVEST OF THE MlSSISSirPI : 

The Pierced-Kose Indians were divided into two tribes, the 
Tipper and the lower, the first of these is that to whicli allusion 
has heretofore been made in connection with the Blackfeet. 
The Indians of the lower tribe subsisted upon fish, and upon 
deer, elk and other game of their own country. However, 
they diflfered in nothing important from their brethren. 

But farther to the westward, upon the banks of the Colum- 
bia, we come to the Wallawallas, a tribe not unlike the Pierced- 
Noses in general characteristics. They were, for savages, 
exceedingly clean and decent. They had plenty of horses, and 
lived chiefly by hunting; but like their neighbors, whom I 
have just mentioned, they were constantly at war. The Shos- 
lionees were their mortal enemies. The cause for their hostility 
was that which produced nearly all wars between the Indians — 
disputed territory. 

But let us notice some of the strange peculiarities of the 
Flat-Heads, who lived along the banks of the lower Columbia. 
The horrible deformity of the skull, which constitutes their 
chief peculiarity, is produced by pressure upon the forehead 
of the infant while the bone is soft and pliable. The infant is 
stretched upon its back, as already described in our account of 
the Sioux, a bit of bark is then so secured about the head by 
strings that it can be tightened at pleasure, creating a steady 
pressure until the head is so flattened that " a straight line can 
be drawn from the tip of the nose to the unnatural apex." The 
operation occupies nearly a year. 

It is said, however, that this extensive displacement of the 
brain does not eflfect any noticeable change in the faculties of 
the mind. " It is an unaccountable custom and is persisted in 
as being an improvement upon nature." 

Mr. Brownell informs us that, exclusive of the head, there 
is little particularly noticeable about the personal appearance 
of the Indians of the lower Columbia. The description given 
of them, particularly of their women, is by no means attractive. 
It would seem, from one of Mr. Catlin's illustrations, that a 
singular custom, generally considered as peculiar to the Brazil- 
ian Botocudos, is occasionally observable among them. He 



OE, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 349 

gives a sketch of a woman whose under-lip is pierced, and the 
aperture filled with a large wooden plug or button. 

In building canoes they excelled nearly all other savages. 
These were often fifty feet long, and would carry from eight to 
ten thousand pounds weight, or from twenty to thirty persons. 
They were cut out of a single trunk of a tree, which is gen- 
erally white cedar, though the fir is sometimes used. Wlien 
they embarked one Indian sat in the stern and steered with a 
paddle; the others kneeled in pairs in the bottom of the canoe, 
and, sitting on their heels, paddled over the gunwale next to 
them. In this way they rode with perfect safety the highest 
waves, and ventured without the least concern in seas where 
other boats and seamen could not have lived an instant. They 
sat quietly and paddled, with no other movement, except when 
any large wave throwed the boat on her side, and to the eye of 
the spectator she seemed lost ; the man to windward then 
steadied her by throwing his body towards the upper side, and, 
sinking his paddle deep into the waves, appeared to catch the 
water and force it under the boat. 

The Flat-Heads subsisted chiefly by fishing, in which they 
were unusually expert. Their nets were made of silk grass, 
or of the fibrous bark of white cedar, as were also the lines 
used for angling. The hooks were procured from white traders, 
but in earlier times were manufactured from bones by the 
natives. 

Their houses were exceedingly large, many being thirty feet 
broad by one hundred long. Their household furniture was 
rude and simple. Such were the Flat-Heads. 



CHAPTER XLY. 

The Shoshonees— The Root-Diggers — Description of the Snakk 
Indians — The Utahs and Apaches — The Nabajos and the 
Moques. 

We next come to the great nation of the Shoshonees, whose 
various tribes were scattered over the bonndless wilderness from 
Texas to tlie Columbia. " Their territory," says Mr. Brownell, 
" was bounded on the north and west by that of their hered- 
itary enemies, the Blackfeet and Crows, the tribes allied to the 
great Dacotah or Sioux family, and the Indians removed west- 
ward from the United States. 

" Those who dwelt among the rugged and inhoF^itable regions 
of the great Rocky Mountain chain, known as Shoshonees, or 
Root-Diggers, were the most destitute and miserable portion 
of all the Korth American tribes. They had no horses, and 
nothing but the rudest native implements for securing game. 
They were harmless, and exceedingly timid and shy, choosing 
for their dwellings the most remote and unexplored retreats of 
the mountains, wliither they fled in terror at the approach of 
strangers, whether whites or Indians." " These forlorn beings," 
says Irving, " forming a mere link between human nature and 
the brute, have been looked down upon with pity and contempt 
by the Creole trappers, who have given them the appellation 
of ^lesdignes de pitie,'' or, the objects of pity." They appear 
more worthy to be called the wild men of the mountains." 

Although living in a climate wdiere they experienced great 
severity of cold, these miserable people were very insufficiently 
protected either by clothing or comfortable huts. Of a party 
seen by Bonneville upon the plain below Powder River, that 
traveler remarks: "They live without any further protection 
from the inclemency of the season, than a sort of break- 
(350) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 351 

weather, about three feet high, composed of sage (or wormwood,) 
and erected around them in the shape of a half-moon," This 
material also furnishes them with fuel. Many were seen carry- 
ing about with them a slow match, made of twisted bark. 
"Whenever they wished to warm themselves, they would 
gather together a little wormwood, apply the match and in an. 
instant produce a cheering Maze."'" 

They subsisted in a great degree upon roots and wild seeds. 
However, they were ambitious enough to catch rabbits and 
other small animals. Those who lived in the vicinity of streams 
added to their supplies by fishing, and it was in this pursuit 
that they evinced one provident trait — that of laying by a 
store of dried fish for the winter. Yet, for the most part, they 
were miserably provided with the necessaries of life. Mr. 
Bonneville informs us that they were destitute of the neces- 
sary covering to protect them from tlie weather, and seemed to 
be in ignorance of any other propriety or advantage in the use 
of clothing. One old dame, he says, had absolutely nothing 
on her persoi^.but a thread around her neck, from which was 
pendant a single bead. 

Those Shoshonees who were distinct from the Root-Diggers, 
were a free, bold race of hunters. Indeed, in this respect, they 
were not inferior to the Sioux, Blackfeet or Crows. It is a 
very difficult matter to give any satisfactory classification of 
the several tribes belonging to this great nation. "The Sho- 
shonees or Snakes," says Mr. Schoolcraft, " embrace all the ter- 
ritory of the Great South Pass, between the Mississippi valley 
and the waters of the Columbia, by which the land or caravan 
communication with Oregon and California is now, or is des- 
tined hereafter, to be maintained. * * Under the name of 
Yampatick-ara, or Eoot-Eaters, and Bonacks, they occupy, with 
the Utahs, the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake, 
extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and 
California. Information recently received denotes that the 
language is spoken by bands in the gold mine region of the 
Sacramento." The most noted branch of the whole family 
was that of the Camanches, " who descended eastwardly into 

* I^rovvnell's Indian Races. 



352 THE INDIAN TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI: 

the Texan plains at nnknown periods of their history." 
Analogy in language was all that attested the former unity of 
this nation with the Shoshonees. The Camanches inhabited a 
country where bisons and wild horses abounded, and their gen- 
eral habits and mode of life were consequently very similar to 
those of the Western Sioux and other races of the prairies. 
As bold and skillful riders, they were said to have no equals, at 
least in North America; some of their feats of horsemanship 
appeared almost supernatural to a stranger. One of the most 
singular of these is that of throwing the whole body upon one 
side of the horse, so as to be entirely shielded from the missile 
of an enemy, with the exception of the heel, by which they 
still maintained their hold, and were enabled to regain their 
seat in an instant.* The Camanches, when walking about, 
were an awkward set of people, probably the result of constant 
riding. The Camanches are essentially a warlike race, and the 
whole history of the settlement and occupation of Texas is 
replete with tales of their courage and prowess. 

The wigwams of the Camanches consisted of tents of buffak> 
skins, and were transported from place to place as necessity or 
convenience demanded. The tribe adjoining these, the Pawnee 
Picts, lived near the extreme head waters of the Red river, on 
the borders of the Rocky Mountains; but these people were 
entirely distinct from the Pawnees of the Platte river, and 
were, in general characteristics, much like their friends, the 
Camanches. They were, however, an agricultural race, and 
raised large quantities of maize, beans, pumpkins and other 
vegetables. 

The Utahs and the Apaches inhabited the wilds of New 
Mexico, but were not essentially different from the tribes 
already mentioned. In the same country dwelt two very dis- 
tinguished tribes, the Nabajos and Moques. In speaking of 
the latter tribes in 1846, Mr. Charles Bent says they are " an 
industrious, intelligent and warlike tribe of Indians, who cul- 
tivate the soil, and raise sufficient grain and fruits of various 
kinds for their own consumption. They are the owners of large 
flocks and herds of cattle, sheep, horses, mules and asses. It is 
* Brownell's Indian Races. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CliNTURIES. 353 

estimated that the tribe possesses thirty thousand head of 
horned cattle, five hundred thousand liead of sheep, and ten 
tliousand head ot horses, mules and asses. -^ * They man- 
ufacture excellent coarse blankets, and coarse woolen goods for 
wearing apparel. * - - They have in their possession many 
men, women and children, taken from the settlements of this 
territory, whom they hold and treat as slaves. * * The 
Moques are neighbors of the IS^abajos, and live in permanent 
villages, cultivate grain and fruits, and raise all the varieties 
of stock." 

The :N"abajos numbered from se\-en to twelve thousand souls, 
the Moques between two and three thousand. The two tribes 
were for many years at war with each other, which, more than 
any other agency reduced their numbers. It is said of these 
tribes that the men were of the common stature, with light, 
flaxen hair, light blue eyes, and that their skin was of the most 
delicate whiteness. 

It should be stated, in concluding this chapter, that it is 
impossible to give any satisfactory classification of the Indian 
tribes of the Far West. I have already mentioned all the 
great nations that inhabited that extensive region, and attempted 
to present some of the more prominent tribal divisions, but as 
we proceed to the narrative of the wars between them and the 
whites, the reader will meet with many new names, and will 
no doubt wonder to what tribe they belong, or why they wen 
not mentioned in this brief review of the Western Indians 
As this occurs, I shall remember to mention to which of th 
nations these new names belong. 
23 



vers 



CHAPTEE XLVI. 

Colonel Fremont and Kit Carson — Kit Goes as Guide with Fre- 
mont's Expedition — The Buffafo Hunt — Adventures in a 
Prairie Dog -Village — Crossing the South Fork -- Immense 
Buffalo Herds. 

The flrst train of adventure and border warfare of the Far 
West, which I have selected as proper to constitute tlie open- 
ing chapters of the second part of this volume, is that which 
surrounds the remarkable lives of Col. Fremont and Christo- 
pher (Kit) Carson. In following the current of these adven- 
turous lives I shall be obliged to pass over, fcr the present, 
many important events, but in the course of the narrative we 
shall return to bring these forward. 

The reader will require no introduction to these men. The 
name of the latter is already familiar throughout America, 
while that of the former, who has rendered his country valua- 
ble services, is not less treasured by the American people. 

Kit Carson had spent sixteen years of his life in the w^ilds 
of the West, among the fiercest Indian tribes, as hunter, 
trapper, guide, or scout, or each in turn, and had returned to 
feast his eyes once more upon the scenes of civilization. This 
was in 1842. He visited his relatives in the frontier settle- 
ments of Missouri, where he found the scenes of his boyhood 
days vastly changed. On all sides the famous mountaineer 
was greeted with new faces. The only relic of his childhood 
was the old log-cabin where his father and mother had resided, 
and its rude walls were already crumbling into decay. The 
family had been scattered by death and ill-fortune, and the 
brave hunter felt that he had no longer any endearments 
among civilized people. Having satisfied his curiosity, he 
turned his face once more towards his mountain home. He 
(354) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 355 

took passage upon a steamboat bound up the Missouri. On 
this boat he fell in with Col. J. C. Fremont, who had left 
Washington in May, agreeably to the order of Col. J. J. Abert, 
chief of the corps of topographical engineers, to explore the 
country between the frontiers of Missouri and the South Pass 
in the Eocky Mountains. While on the steamer Kit Carson 
was engaged as guide to Col. Fremont's company. The party 
consisted of about twenty-one Creole and Canadian voyageurs; 
Charles Preuss, Fremont's assistant; L. Maxwell, of Kaskas- 
kia, as hunter, and, as I have already observed, Kit Carson, as 
guide. In addition to these, Fremont was accompanied by 
Henry Brant and Eandolph Benton, two respectalile young 
men who attached themselves to the expedition for the de- 
velopment of mind and body. 

Upon their arrival in Kansas, preparations were made for a 
long and dangerous journey, which was commenced on the 
tenth of June, 1842. They pursued the trail of a party of 
emigrants bound for the Columbia river. This train was only 
about three weeks in their advance. The latter consisted of 
men, women and children. There were sixty-four men and 
sixteen or seventeen families. They had a considerable num- 
ber of cattle. They were transporting their household furni- 
ture in large, heavy wagons. There had been much sickness 
among them, and they had lost several children. One of the 
party, who had lost his child, and whose wife was very ill, had 
left them about one hundred miles hence on the prairies, and 
as a hunter, who had accompanied them, visited Fremont's 
camp on the twenty-seventh of June. As this man was return- 
ing to the States, Fremont availed himself of the opportunity 
of writing letters to his friends. 

The order observed in the march of Fremont's party was 
about the same as that adopted by expeditions to the great 
West in early times: The animals were turned out to graze at 
daybreak every morning; six o'clock was the hour for break- 
fast, and as soon as it was over the march was resumed. At 
noon the party generally came to a halt for about two hours. 
At sunset the order was given to encamp. The tents were 
erected, the horses turned out to graze, and supper prepared. 



356 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON I 

When darkness closed in the horses were picketed and a 
mounted guard stationed around the carts, which were gen- 
erally set up for a defense in case of an attack. 

On the twenty-third of June the party had a specimen of 
false alarms to which all such expeditions in these wild regions 
were subject. As they proceeded along tlie valley, objects were 
seen on the opposite hills, which disappeared before a glass 
could be brought to bear upon them. A man who had been a 
short distance in front came spurring back in great haste, 
shouting, " Indians! Indians! " He had been near enough to 
count them, according to his report, and had made out just 
twenty-seven. Fremont at once halted ; the arms were ex- 
amined and put in order, and the usual preparations made. At 
this juncture the brave Kit Carson mounted one of the best 
horses, crossed the river and galloped off over the prairie for 
the purpose of gaining some intelligence respecting the enemy. 
Of Kit's appearance in this brave adventure we have Colonel 
Fremont's own words: "Mounted on a fine horse, without a 
saddle, and scouring bareheaded over the prairies, Kit was one 
of the finest pictures of a horseman I have ever seen. A short 
time enabled him to discover that the Indian war party of 
twenty-seven consisted of six elks, who had been gazing 
curiously at our caravan as it passed by, and were now scam- 
pering off at full speed. This was our first alarm, and its 
excitement broke agreeably on the monotony of the day." 

Proceeding along in this way the party was soon in the land 
of the bufifalo, as will be seen by the following from Fremont's 
own pen: 

" A few miles brought us into the midst of the buffalo, swarm- 
ing in immense numbers over the plains, where they had left 
scarcely a blade of grass standing. Mr. Preuss, who was 
sketching at a little distance in the rear, had at first noted them 
as large groves of timber. In the sight of such a mass of life, 
the traveler feels a strange emotion of grandeur. We had 
heard from a distance a dull and confused murmuring, and, 
when we came in view of their dark masses, there was not one 
among us who did not feel his heart beat quicker. It was the 
early part of the day, when the herds are feeding; and every- 



OB, THE bordp:k waks of two centuries. 357 

where they were in motion. Here and there a huge old bull 
was rolling in the grass, and clouds of dust rose in the air from 
various parts of the bands, each the scene of some obstinate 
fight. Indians and buffaloes make the poetry and life of the 
prairie, and our camp was full of their exhilaration. In place 
of the quiet monotony of the march, relieved only by the 
cracking of the whip, and an " avance done! enfant de garceP^ 
shouts and songs resounded from every part of the line, and 
our evening camp was always the commencement of a feast, 
which terminated only with our departure on the following 
morning. At any time of the night might be seen pieces of 
the most delicate and choicest meat, roasting en appolas^ on 
sticks around the fire, and the guai-d were never without com- 
pany. With pleasant weather and no enemy to fear, an 
abundance of the most excellent meat, and no scarcity of bread 
or tobacco, they were enjoying the oasis of a voyageur's life. 
Three cows were killed to-day. Kit Carson had shot one, and 
was continuing the chase in the midst of another herd, when 
his horse fell headlong, but sprang up and joined the flying 
band. Though considerably hurt, he had the good fortune to 
break no bones; and Maxwell, who was mounted on a fleet 
hunter, captured the runaway after a hard chase. He w^as on 
the point of shooting him, to avoid the loss of his bridle (a 
handsomely mounted Spanish one,) when he found that his 
horse was able to come np with him. Animals are frequently 
lost in this way; and it is necessary to keep close watch over 
them, in the vicinity of the buffaloes, in the midst of which 
they scour off to the plains, and are rarely retaken. One of 
our mules took a sudden freak into his head, and joined a 
neighboring band to-day. As we were not in a condition to 
lose horses, I sent several men in pursuit, and remained in 
camp, in the hope of recovering him ; but lost the afternoon to 
no purpose, as we did not see him again. As we were riding 
quietly along the bank, a grand herd of buffaloes, some seven 
or eight hundred in number, came crowding up from the river, 
wdiere they had been to drink, and commenced crossing the 
plain slowly, eating as they went. The wind was favorable; 
the coolness of the morning invited to exercise; the ground 



358 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

was apparently good, and the distance across the prairie (two 
or three miles), gave ns a fine opportunity to charge them 
before they could get among the river hills. It was too fine a 
prospect for a chase to be lost; and, halting for a few moments, 
the hunters were brought up and saddled, and Kit Carson, 
Maxwell and I, started together. They were now somewhat 
less than half a mile distant, and we rode easily along until 
within about three hundred yards, when a sudden agitation, a 
wavering in the band, and a galloping to and fro of some 
which were scattered along the skirts, gave us the intimation 
that we were discovered. We started together at a hard gallop 
riding steadily abreast of each other, and here the interest of 
the chase became so engrossingly intense, that we were sen- 
sible to nothing else. We were now closing upon them rapidly, 
and the front of the mass was already in rapid motion for the 
hills, and in a few seconds the movement had communicated 
itself to the whole herd. A crowd of bulls, as usual, brought 
up the rear, and every now and then some of them faced about, 
and then dashed on after the band a short distance, and turned 
and looked again, as if more than half inclined to stand and 
fight. In a few moments, however, during which we had been 
quickening our pace, the rout was universal, and we were going 
over the ground like a hurricane. When at about thirty yards, 
we gave the usual shout (the hunter's jpas de charge,) and 
broke into the herd. We entered on the side, the mass giving 
way in every direction in their heedless course. Many of the 
bulls, less active and less fleet than the cows, paying no atten- 
tion to the ground, and occupied solely with the hunter, were 
precipitated to the earth with great force, rolling over and over 
with the violence of the shock, and hardly distinguishable in 
the dust. We separated on entering, each singling out his 
game. My horse was a trained hunter, famous in the West 
under the name of Proveau, and, with his eyes flashing, and 
the foam flying from his mouth, sprang on after the cow like a 
tiger. In a few moments he brought me alongside of her, 
and, rising in the stirrups, I fired at the distance of a yard, the 
ball entering at the termination of the long hair, and passing 
near the heart. She fell headlong at the report of the gun, 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 359 

and, checking my horse, I looked around for my companions. 
At a little distance, Kit was on the ground, engaged in tying 
his horse to the horns of a cow which he was preparing to cut 
up. Among the scattered bands, at some distance below, I 
caught a glimpse of Maxwell; and while I was looking, a light 
wreath of white smoke curled away from his gun, from which 
I was too far to hear the report, ITearer, and between me and 
the hills, towards which they were directing their course, was 
the body of the herd, and, giving my horse the rein, we dashed 
after them. A thick cloud of dust hung upon their rear, 
which tilled my mouth and eyes, and nearly smothered me. 
In the midst of this I could see nothing, and the buffaloes 
were not distinguishable until within thirty feet. They 
crowded together more densely still as I came upon them, and 
rushed along in such a compact body, that I could not obtain 
an entrance— the horse almost leaping upon tiiem. In a few 
moments the mass divided to the right and left, the horns 
clattering with a noise heard above everything else, and my 
horse darted into the opening. Five or six bulls charged on us 
as we dashed along the line, but were left far behind ; and, sing- 
ling out a cow, I gave her my tire, but struck too high. She 
gave a tremendous leap, and scoured on swifter than before. I 
reined up my horse, and the band swept on like a torrent, and 
left the place quiet and clear. Our chase had led us into dan- 
gerous ground. A prairie-dog village, so thickly settled that 
there were three or four holes in every twenty yards square, 
occupied the whole bottom for nearly two miles in length. 
Looking around, I saw only one of the hunters, nearly out of 
sight, and the long dark line of our caravan crawling along, 
three or four miles distant. After a march of twenty-four 
miles, we encamped at nightfall, one mile and a half above the 
lower end of Brady's Island." 

In following these adventurers across the Eocky Mountains, 
the general reader will, I have no doubt, be interested in notic- 
ing some of the principal features of the wild countrj^ through 
which they were traveling. On the second of July, the party 
passed near the spot where the Oregon emigrants had encamped 
only a few days before. A variety of household articles were. 



86(J ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON. 

scattered about, and they had probably disburdened themselves 
here of many things not absolutely necessary. On tJie same- 
day Fremont left the usual road in the forenoon, and having 
pushed several men ahead to reconnoitre, marched directly for 
the mouth of the South Fork. On their arrival at this place^ 
search was immediately made for the best fording place. At 
this point the stream is divided into channels. The southern 
is four hundred and fifty feet wide, being eighteen or twenty 
inches deep in the main channel. With the exception of a 
few dry bars, the bed of the river is generally quick-sands, in 
which the carts began to sink rapidly unless kept constantly in 
motion. The northern channel of the river, two thousand two 
hundred and fifty feet wide, is deeper, having three or four feet 
of water in the various small channels, with a bed of coarse 
gravel. The whole width of the Nebraska, immediately below 
the junction, was, in 1842, five thousand three hundred and 
fifty feet, with an elevation above the sea of two thousand 
seven hundred feet. 

Crossing the river in safety, Fremont encamped. Here, as 
this was to be a point in their homeward journey, he made a 
cache * of a barrel of pork. On the following day they pro- 
ceeded about twenty-five miles, and encamped at six o'clock in 
the evening. Speaking of this night, Fremont says: "Our 
fires were partially made of the hois de vache, the dry excre- 
ment of the baflaloes, which, like that of the camel in the 
Arabian deserts, furnishes to the traveler a very good substi- 
tute for wood, burning like turf. Wolves in great numbers- 
surrounded us during the night, crossing and recrossing from 
the opposite herds to our camp, and howling and trotting about 
in the river until morning." 

As they were riding along on the afternoon of the following 
day, clouds of dust in the ravines, among the hills to the right,, 
suddenly attracted their attention, and, in a few moments, col- 
umn after column of buffaloes came galloping down across 
their course, making directly to the river. By the time the 
leading herds had reached the water, the prairie was darkened 

* Cache— A term used in the West for anything that is hidden in the. 
ground. — Ed. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 361 

witli the dense masses. Immediately before them, when the 
hei'ds first c^me down into the valley, stretched an unbroken 
line, the head of which was lost among the river hills on the 
op])osite side, but still they poured down from the ridges on 
Fremont's right. The sight was beyond description. Over 
eleven thousand buffaloes were in view. " In a short time," 
says Col. Fremont, " they surroimded us on every side, extend- 
ing for several miles in the rear, and forward as far as the eye 
could reach; leaving around us as we advanced, an open space 
of only two or three hundred yards. This movement of the 
buffaloes indicated to us the presence of Indians on the North 
Fork." 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

Dj VISION OP Fremont's Party — Turilling Incidents of the Journey 
TO Fort Laramie — Description of Fort Laramie — Frightful 
Rumors of Indian Hostility — Fremont Determines to Con- 
tinue — Kit Carson Resolves to Follow Him — Bravery and 
Cowardice. 

When the party arrived at the pLace where the road crossed 
the North Fork they were divided, going in two different 
directions. Fremont, accompanied hy Mr. Preuss and four men, 
Maxwell, Bernier, Ayot and Lajeunesse, and three Cheyenne 
Indians started out across the country along the South Branch 
of the river, intending to ascend the river some two hundred 
miles to St. Yrain's fort, and thence to reach the American 
company's fort at the mouth of the Laramie. The remainder 
of the party, which was left under the command of Clement 
Lambert, was ordered to cross the North Fork, and at some 
convenient place to make a cache of everything not absolutely 
necessary to the further progress of the expedition. From this 
point, using the most guarded precaution in their march 
through the country, they were to proceed to the same point. 
This division of the party was effected to enable Fremont to 
make some observations on the South Branch. 

Let us first follow Fremont's own party. During the first 
day's journey nothing of interest occurred. About sunset 
Maxwell shot a buffalo, and the little party encamped where a 
little timber afforded them the means of making a fire. Hav- 
ing placed the meat before the fire on roasting sticks, they 
proceeded to unpack their bales in search of coffee and sugar, 
:and flour for bread. With the exception of a little parched 
■coffee they found nothing, the cook having neglected to put it 
up. Tired and hungry, with only tough meat, without salt, 
(362) 



OK, THE B0RDP:R WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 363 

and a little bitter coffee, tliej sat down in silence to tlieir 
miserable meal, a very disconsolate partj. The previous day's 
feast was still fresh in their memories, and this was their first 
brush with misfortune. Each man took his blanket and laid 
himself down silently to sleep. 

On the following day Mr. Preuss, owing to the disability of 
liis horse, returned to the main party. Fremont and his com- 
panions continued their journey in a southwesterly course up 
the valley of the river. On the eighth of July, in the course 
of the forenoon, they came suddenly on a place where the 
ground was covered with horses' tracks, which had recently 
been made, and indicated the immediate presence of Indians. 
The buffalo, too, which the day before had been so numerous, 
were nowhere in sight — another sure indication that there 
were people near. Kiding on, they discovered the carcass of a 
buffalo recently killed— perhaps the day before. They scanned 
the horizon carefully with the glass, but no li\'ing object was 
to be seen. For the next mile or two the ground was dotted 
with buffalo carcasses, which showed that the Indians had 
made a surround there, and were in considerable force. They 
went on quickly and cautiously, keeping the river bottom, and 
carefully avoiding the hills, but met with no interruption, and 
began to grow careless again. They had already lost one of 
their horses, and here Basil's mule showed symptoms of giving 
out, and finally refused to advance, being what the Canadians 
call restc. He therefore dismounted and drove her along before 
him, but this w\as a very slow way of traveling. They had 
inadvertently got about half a mile in advance, but the Chey- 
ennes, who were generally a mile or two in the rear, remained 
with him. There were some dark-looking objects among the 
hills, about two miles to the left, here low and undulating, 
which they had seen for a little time, and supposed to be 
buffalo coming in to water; but, happening to look behind, 
Maxwell saw the Cheyennes whipping up furiously, and 
another glance at the dark objects showed them at once to be 
Indians coming up at speed. Had they been well mounted 
and disencumbered of instruments, they might have set them 
at defiance; but as it was, they were fairly caught. It was too 



364 ADVENTURES OF FKEMONT ^\ND KIT CAKSON. 

late to rejoin their friends, and tliey endeavored to gain a clump 
of timber about lialf a mile ahead, bat the instruments and 
the tir6d state of their horses did not allow them to go faster 
than a steady canter, and the Indians were gaining on them 
fast. At first they did not appear to be more than fifteen or 
twenty in number, but group after group darted into view at 
the top of the hills, until all the little eminences seemed in 
motion, and, in a few minutes from the time they were first 
discovered, two or three hundred, naked to the breech-cloth, 
were sweeping across tlie prairie. In a few hundred yards 
Fremont discovered that the timber he was endeavoring tO' 
make was on the opposite side of the river, and before he could 
reach the bank down came the Indians upon them. 

Fremont pulled ofi^the cover from his gun and was about to 
fire at the foremost rider, when Maxwell recognized the Indian,, 
and called out, in the Indian language, "You're a fool! don't 
you know me?" The sound of his own language seemed tO' 
shock the savage, and swerving his horse a little, he passed the 
whole party like an arrow.* As Fremont rode after him, he 
wheeled and gave the Colonel his hand, striking his breast, and 
exclaiming, " Arapaho!" They proved to be a village of that 
nation, among whom Maxwell had resided as a trader a year or 
two previously, and recognized him accordingly. Fremont 
says: "We were soon in the midst of the band, answering, as 
well as we could, a multitude of questions; of which the verj'- 
first was, of what tribe were our Indian companions who were- 
coming in the rear. They seemed disappointed to know that 
they were Cheyennes, for they had fully anticipated a grand 
dance around a Pawnee scalp that night." 

The chief pointed out his village at a grove on the river, six 
miles ahead, and then started with his band in pursuit of a 
herd of buffalo on the opposite side of the Platte, which, as he 
informed the whites, he intended to surround. In a few 
moments more the women galloped up, astride on their horses,, 
and half naked. They followed the men, to assist in cutting 
up and carrying off" the meat. 

As soon as the Indians had crossed the river they sejDarated 

* Fremont's Report. 



'OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 305 

into two parties. One body proceeded directly across the 
prairie toward the hills, while the other went up tlie river, and 
as soon as they had given the wind to the herd, the- chase com- 
menced. The buffalo started for the hills, but were intercepted 
and driven back toward the i-iver, broken and runnino- in 
every direction. Fremont's party now halted to see the sport, 
l)ut the clouds of dust soon covered the whole scene, prevent- 
ing them from having any but an occasional view. It had, 
says Fremont, a very singular appearance at a distance; espe- 
cially when looking with a glass. The Indians were too far 
•off for the Americans to hear tlie report of the guns or any 
sound; and, at every instant through the clouds of dust which 
the sun made luminous, they could see for a moment two or 
three buffalo daslring along, and close behind them an Indian 
with his spear, or other weapon, and instantly again they dis- 
appeared. The apparent silence, and the dimly seen figures 
flitting by with such rapidity, gave it a kind of dreamy effect 
and seemed more like a picture than a scene of real life. It 
had been a large herd, probably three or four hundred in num- 
bers, but although Fremont watched closely, he says, " I did 
not see one emerge from the fatal cloud where the work of 
destruction was going on." 

After remaining at this place about an hour, Fremont 
resumed his journey in the direction of the Indian village. 
Gradually, as they rode along, Indian after Indian came drop- 
ping in laden with meat, and by the time they had approached 
within view of the lodges the backward road was covered with 
the returning horsemen. This was, indeed, a pleasant contrast 
with the desert road they had been traveling. Many of the 
Indians had joined company with the whites, and one of the 
chiefs invited the party to his lodge. The village consisted of 
about one hundred and twenty-five lodges, of which twenty 
were Cheyennes; the latter located a little way from the Arapa- 
hoes. Fremont's experience in this village was exceedingly 
pleasant. The Indians treated him with choice pieces of meat 
and asked some questions concerning the object of his expedi- 
tion, which he freely answered. 

On the morning of the ninth of July they caught tlie first 



366 ADVENTURES OE FEEMONT AND KIT CAKSON. 

faint glimpse of the Rockj Mountains, and pursuing their course 
they came to the camp of some four or five whites, who had 
accompanied Captain Wyeth to the Cohimbia river and were 
independent trappers. All had their squaws with them, and 
Fremont sa3^s, " I was really surprised at the number of little 
fat buffalo-fed boys that were tumbling about the camp, all 
apparently of the same age, about three or four years old. 
They were encamped on a rich bottom, covered with a profu- 
sion of fine grass, and had a large number of fine-looking 
horses and mules. We rested with them a few minutes, and in 
about two miles arrived at Chabonard's camp, on an island in 
the Platte." 

After several days wearisome journeying Fremont's party^ 
on the fifteenth of July came within view of Fort Laramie. 
This was a large post, having the air of military construction. 
It was situated on the left bank of the Platte on a rising 
ground, some twenty feet above the water; and its lofty walls^ 
whitewashed and picketed, with the large bastions at the angles, 
gave it quite an imposing appearance to the approaching trav- 
elers. "A cluster of lodges," says Fremont, "which the lan- 
guage told us belonged to Sioux Indians, was pitched under 
the walls, and, with the fine background of the Black hills and 
the prominent peak of Laramie mountain, strongly drawn in 
the clear light of the western sky, where the sun had already 
set, the whole formed at the moment a strikingly beautiful pic- 
ture. From the company at St. Louis I had letters for Mr. 
Boudeau, the gentleman in charge of the post, by whom I was 
received with great hospitality and an efficient kindness, which 
was invaluable to me during my stay in the country. I found 
our people encamped on the bank, a short distance above the 
fort. AH were well; and, in the enjoyment of a bountiful sup- 
per, which coffee and bread made luxui-ious to us, we soon for- 
got the fatigues of the last ten days." 

But it is not sufficient that we find this party whom we left 
several weeks ago alive and well. Let us return and hurriedly 
follow them through the varying fortunes of their journey. 

On the sixth of July they crossed the plateau or highland 
between the two forks, arriving at the north branch about 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF 'HVO CENTURIES. 'M'u 

noon. They proceeded on their journey without interruption 
until the eighth of July, when, about five o'clock in the eve- 
ning the caravan made a sudden halt. " There was," says 
Preuss, " a galloping in of scouts and horsemen from every 
side — a hurrying to and fro in noisy confusion; rifles were taken 
from their covers; bullet pouches were examined; in short, 
there was the cry of ' Indians ! ' heard again. I had become 
so much accustomed to these alarms that before I had time to 
become excited, the new comers were ascertained to be whites." 
It was a large party of traders and trappers, conducted hj 
Mr. Bridger, a man well known to the history of western 
adventure. On the fourteenth of July the party under Mr. 
Preuss arrived at Fort Laramie, where, on the following day,. 
as we have seen, tliey were joined by Colonel Fremont. 

Fort Laramie was a quadrangular structure, built of clay, 
after the fashion of the Mexicans. The walls were about fif- 
teen feet high, surmounted with a wooden palisade and formed 
a portion of ranges of houses, which entirely surrounded a 
yard of about one hundred and thirty feet square. Every 
apartment had its door and window, all of course opening on 
the inside. There were two entrances, opposite each other and 
midway of the wall, one of which was a large public entrance, 
the other smaller and more private. Over the larger was a 
square tower, with loopholes, and, like the rest of the work, 
built of earth. At two of the angles, and diagonally opposite 
each other, were large bastions, so arranged as to sweep the 
four faces of the walls. 

This post belonged to the American Fur Company, and at 
this date, July sixteenth, 1842, was in charge of Mr. Boudeau. 
Two of the company's clerks, Galpin and Kellogg, were with 
him, and he had a garrison of sixteen men. As usual these 
had found wives among the Indian squaws, and with the usual 
accompanyment of children the place had quite a populous 
appearance. It is hardly necessary to say that the establish- 
ment of this post was for purposes of trade with the neigh- 
boring tribes, who, in the course of a year, generally made 
three or faur visits to the fort. 

While at this post Col. Fremont learned the following cir- 



368 ADVENTURES OF FKEMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

cnmstances, ^vhicli explain the condition of the country at this 
time: For several years the Cheyeiines and Sioux had gra- 
dually become more and more hostile to the whites, and in the 
latter part of August, 1841, had had a rather severe engage- 
ment with a party of sixty men, under the command of Mr. 
Frapp, of St, Louis. The Indians lost eight or ten warriors, 
and the whites had their leader and four men killed. This fight 
took place on the w^aters of Snake river, and it was this party, 
on their return under Mr. T3ridger, which had spread so much 
alarm among Preuss' party. In the course of the spring, two 
•other small parties had been cut off by the Sioux — one on their 
return from the Crow nation, and the other among the Black 
hills. The emigrants to Oregon and Mr. Bridger's party met 
here a few days before Fremont's arrival. Division and mis- 
understandings had grown up among them; they were already 
somewhat disheartened by the fatigue of their long and weari- 
some journey, and the feet of their cattle had become so much 
worn as to be scarcely able to travel. In this situation they 
were not likely to find encouragement in the hostile attitude 
of the Indians, and the new and unexpected difiiculties which 
sprang up before them. They were told that the country was 
entirely swept of grass, and that few or no buffalo were to be 
found on their line of i-oute, and, with their weakened animals, 
it would be impossible for them to transport their heavy 
wagons over the mountains. Under these circumstances, they 
disposed of their wagons and cattle at the forts, selling them 
at the prices they had paid in the States, and taking in exchange 
coffee and sugar at one dollar a pound, and miserable w^orn-out 
horses, which died before they reached the mountains. From 
these and other reports it appeared that the country was swarm- 
ing with scattered war parties. Great alarm prevailed among 
Fremont's men in consequence. Kit Carson was, however, 
true to his employer, yet he fully supported the opinion given 
by Bridger of the dangerous state of the country, and openly 
expressed his conviction that they could not escape without 
some sharp encounters with the Indians. In addition to this, 
he made his will, and among the circumstances which were 
constantly occurring to increase their alarm, this was the most 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 369 

unfortunate. Col. Fremont found that a number of his party 
had become so much intimidated that they had requested to be 
discharged. 

Concerning the manner in which Fremont's party occupied 
themselves while at 'this post, we have the following from the 
Colonel's i^en : " So far as frequent interruption from the 
Indians would allow, we occupied ourselves in making some 
astronomical calculations, and bringing up the general map to 
this stage of our journey; but the tent was generally occupied 
by a succession of our ceremonious visitors. Some came for 
presents, and others for information of our object in coming to 
the country; now and then, one would dart up to the tent on 
horseback, jerk off his trappings, and stand silently at the 
door, holding his horse by the halter, signitying his desire to 
trade. Occasionally a savage would stalk in with an invitation 
to a feast of honor, a dog feast, and deliberately sit down and 
wait quietly until 1 3vas ready to accompany him. I went to 
one; the women and children were sitting outside the lodge, 
and we took our seats on buffalo robes spread around. The 
dog was in a large pot over the lire, in the middle of the lodge, 
and immediately on our arrival was dished up in large wooden 
bowls, one of which was handed to each. The flesh appeared 
very glutinous, with something of the flavor and appearance 
of mutton. Feeling something move behind me, I looked 
round, and found that I had taken my seat among a litter of 
fat young puppies. Had I been nice in such matters, the pre- 
judices of civilization might have interfered with my tranquil- 
ity; but, fortunately, I am not of delicate nerves, and con- 
tinued quietly to empty my platter." 

On the evening of the eighteenth of July, Col. Fremont 
gathered his men around him and told them that he had de- 
termined to proceed the following day on his journey. He 
mentioned the reports that had been made, but said that in 
view of their equipments he could not see suflicient reason for 
returning; yet he was unwilling to take with him on a service 
of certain danger men on whom he could not rely, and know- 
ing that there were some in his party who were disposed to 
cowardice and anxious to return, he asked all such to come 
24 



370 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CAKSON! 

forward at once and state their desire, and tliey would be dis- 
charged with the amount due them for the time they had 
served. To their honor, be it said, only one of their number 
had the face to go forward and avail himself of the permission. 



CHAPTEK XLVIII. 

Journey of Fremont's Expedition from Fort Laramie to Fremont's 
Peak in the Rocky Mountains — Hardships op Colonel Fre- 
mont—His Description op the Wild Scenery in the Rocky 
Mountains — Fremont Thirteen Thousant) Feet Above the 
Level of the Sea — The Return. 

When Freimont was read}' to depart on tlie twenty-first of 
July, he received a letter from Joseph Bessonette, at Fort 
Platte, informing him that the chiefs in the neighborhood of the 
fort had advised him to warn Colonel Fremont and his party 
not to set out until the party of young men then out should 
return. The latter party was represented as hostile to the 
whites, and that they would be sure to fire upon them if they 
were discovered. 

After reading this note Colonel Fremont mentioned its pur- 
port to his companions, after which one of the chiefs, the one 
who bore the letter, rose and said: 

" You have come among us at a bad time. Some of our 
people have been killed, and our young men, who are gone to 
the mountains, are eager to avenge the blood of their rela- 
tions, which has been shed by the whites. Our young men are 
bad, and, if they meet you, they will believe that you are car- 
rying goods and ammunition to their enemies, and will fire 
upon you. You have told us that this will make war. We 
know that our great father has many soldiers and big guns, 
and we are anxious to have our lives. We love the whites, and 
are desirous of peace. Thinking of all these things, we have 
determined to keep you here until our warriors return. We 
are glad to see you among us. Our father is rich, and we 
expected that you would have brought presents to us — horses, 
and guns, and blankets. But we are glad to see you. We 
(371) 



372 ADVENT LTRES OF FREM(JNT AND KIT CARSON : 

look Upon jour coming as the light which goes before the sun; 
for jou will tell our great father that you have seen us, and 
that we are naked and poor, and have nothing to eat; and lie 
will send us all these things." 

The remarks of the savage appeared reasonable; but Fre- 
mont believed that thej had in view only the object of detain- 
ing him, and he resolved to give no heed to their warning. He 
requested some of the Indians to accompany him, and after 
much reluctance one consented. The party then mounted 
their horses, and in a few hours they were far away among the 
hills, the route leading over an interesting plateau between the 
north fork of the Platte on the right and Laramie on the left. 
The party consisted of those who had originally started out 
with Fremont, except the man who was discharged at Fort 
Laramie, with three others, Mr. Bissonetto, his wife, and the 
Indian who had volunteered to accompany them. Continuing 
their journey, they fortunately reached the South Pass of the 
Eocky Mountains, without encountering a single hostile 
Indian. 

Fremont had now reached the field where it was expected 
his labors would develop something of value to the country. 
After making some observations, he prepared to ascend the 
highest peak of the mountain. In speaking of the condition 
of his party at this time, August twelfth, Fremont says: " The 
spirits of the men had been much exhausted by the hardships 
and privations to which they had been subjected. Our provis- 
ions had well nigh all disappeared. Bread had been long out 
of the question; and of all our stock, we had remaining two or 
three pounds of coffee, and a small quantity of maccaroni, 
which had been husbanded with great care for the mountain 
expedition Ave were about to undertake. Our daily meal con- 
sisted of dry buffalo meat, cooked in tallow; and, as we had 
not dried this Math Indian skill, part of it was spoiled; and 
what remained of good, was as hard as wood, having much the 
taste and appearance of so many pieces of bark. Even of this, 
our stock was rapidly diminishing in a camp which was capa- 
ble of consuming two buffaloes in every twenty-four hours. 
These animals had entirely disappeared; and it was not proba- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. ii'ib 

ble tliat we should fall in witli them again until we returned 
to the Sweet Water. Our arrangements for the ascent were 
rapidly completed. We were in a hostile country, which ren- 
dered the greatest vigilance and circumspection necessary. The 
pass at the north end of the mountain was generally infested 
by Blackfeet; and immediately opposite w^as one of their forts, 
on the edge of a little thicket, two or three hundred feet from 
our encampment. We were posted in a grove of beech, on the 
margin of the lake, and a few hundred feet long, with a narrow 
yrairillon on tiie inner side, bordered by the rocky ridge. In 
the upper end of this grove we cleared a circular space about 
forty feet in diameter, and, with the felled timber and inter- 
woven branches, surrounded it with a breastwork five feet in 
height. A gap was left for a gate on the inner side, by Avliich 
the animals were to be driven in and secured, while the men 
slept around the little work. It was half hidden by the foliage; 
and, garrisoned by twelve resolute men, would have set at defi- 
ance any band of savages which might chance to discover 
them in the interval of our absence. Fifteen of the best 
mules, with fourteen men, were selected for the mountain 
party. Our provisions consisted of dried meat for two days, 
with our little stock of coffee and some maccaroni. In addi- 
tion to the barometer and a thermometer, I took with me a 
sextant and spyglass, and we had of course our compasses. In 
charge of the camp I left Bernier, one of my most trustworthy 
men, who possessed the most determined courage. Early in 
the morning, August twelfth, we left the camp, fifteen in num- 
ber, well armed, of course, and mounted on ouY best mules. A 
pack animal carried our provisions, with a coffee pot and kettle, 
and three or four tin cups. Every man had a blanket strapped 
over his saddle, to serve for his bed, and the instruments were 
carried by turns on their backs. We entered directly on rough 
and rocky ground; and, just after crossing the ridge, had the 
good fortune to shoot an antelope. We heard the roar, and 
had a glimpse of a waterfall as we rode along; and, crossing in 
our way two fine streams, tributary to the Colorado, in about 
two hours' ride we reached the top of the first row or range of 
the mountains. Here, again, a view of the most romantic 



374 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON I 

beauty met our eyes. It seemed as if, from tlie vast expanse 
of uninteresting prairie we had passed over, Nature had col- 
lected all her beauties together in one chosen place. We were 
overlooking a deep valley, which was entirely occupied by 
three lakes, and from the brink the surrounding ridges rose 
precipitously five hundred and a thousand feet, covered with 
the dark green of the balsam pine, relieved on the border of 
the lake with the light foliage of the aspen. They all commu- 
nicated with each other; and the green of the waters, common 
to mountain lakes of great deptli, showed that it would be im- 
possible to cross them. The surprise manifested by our guides 
when these impassible obstacles suddenly barred our progress 
proved that they were among the hidden treasures of the place, 
unknown even to the wandering trappers of the region. 
Descending the hill, we jDroceeded to make our way along the 
margin to the southern extremity. A narrow strip of angular 
fragments of rock sometimes afforded a rough pathway for our 
mules, but generally we rode along the shelving side, occa- 
sionally scrambling up, at a considerable risk of tumbling back 
into the lake. The pines grew densely together, and the ground 
was covered with the branches and trunks of trees. The air 
was fragrant with the odor of the pines; and I realized this 
delightful morning the pleasure of breathing that mountain 
air which makes a constant theme of the hunter's praise, and 
whicli now made us feel as if we had all been drinking some 
exhilarating gas. The .depth of this unexplored forest was a 
place to delight the heart of a botanist. There was a rich 
undergrowth of plants, and numerous gay-colored flowers in 
brilliant bloom." 

- The region which the mountain expedition was now in, pre- 
sented many wild and romantic features. The position was 
very elevated, and in the valley below, and among the hills, 
were a number of lakes at different levels, some t'wo or three 
hundred feet above others with which they communicated by 
foaming torrents. Even to this great height, the roar of the 
cataracts came up, and the bold explorer could see them leaping 
down in lines of snowy foam. On the thirteenth of August, 
Fremont determined to ascend the most elevated peak. For 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 375 

this purpose he left the animals, and continued on foot. The 
peak appeared so near, that there was no doubt of their return- 
ing before night; and a few men were left in charge of the 
mules, with the provisions and blankets. Tliej took with 
them nothing but their arms and instruments, and, as the day 
had become warm, the greater part left their coats. They were 
soon involved in the most ragged precipices, nearing the cen- 
tral chain very slowly, and rising but little. The first ridge 
hid a succession of others; and when, with great fatigue, and 
difficulty, they had climbed up five hundred feet, it was but to 
make an equal descent on the other side; all these intervening 
places were filled with small deep lakes, which met the eye in 
every direction, descending from one level to another, some- 
times under bridges formed by huge fragments of granite, 
beneath which was heard the roar of the water. These con- 
stantly obstructed their path, forcing them to make long 
detours; frequently obliged to retrace their steps, and fre- 
quently falling among the rocks. Maxwell was precipitated 
toward the face of a precipice, and saved himself fi-om going 
over by throwing himself flat on the ground. They clambered 
on, always expecting, with every ridge that they crossed, to 
reach the foot of the peaks, and always disappointed, until 
about four o'clock, when, pretty well worn out, they reached 
the shore of a little lake, in which there was a rocky island. 
They remained here a short time to rest, and continued on 
around the lake, which had in some places a beach of white 
sand, and in others was bound with rocks, over which the way 
was difficult and dangerous, as the water from innumerable 
springs made them very slippery. 

By the time they had reached the further side of the lake, 
they found themselves all exceedingly fatigned, and, much to 
the satisfaction of the whole party, they encamped. The spot 
they had chosen was a broad fiat rock, in some measure pro- 
tected from the winds by the surrounding crags, and the trunks 
of fallen pines afiibrded them good fires. 

On the following day, Fremont informs us in his report, 
that as they advanced, they heard " the roar of waters and of 



37(l ADVENTUKES OF FREIVIONT AND KIT CARSON : 

a torrent, which we followed up a short distance, until it 
expanded into a lake about one mile in length. 

'' On the northern side of the lake was a bank of ice, or rather 
of snow covered with a crust of ice. Carson had been our 
guide into the mountains, and, agreeably to his advice, we left 
this little valley, and took to the ridges again; which we found 
extremely broken, and where we were again involved among 
precipices. Here were ice lields ; among which we were all 
dispersed, seeking each the best path to ascend the peak. Mr. 
Preuss attempted to walk along the upper edge of one of these 
fields, which sloped away at an angle of about twenty degrees; 
but his feet slipped from under him-, and he went plunging 
down the plani. A few hundred feet below, at the bottom,, 
were some fragments of sharp rock, on which he landed; and 
though he turned a couple of somersaults, fortunately received 
no injury beyond a few bruises. Two of the men Clement 
Lambert and Descoteaux, had been taken ill, and lay down on 
the rocks a short distance below; and at this point I was 
attacked with headache and giddiness, accompanied by vomit- 
ing, as *on the day before. Finding myself unable to proceed, 
I sent the barometer over to Mr. Preuss, who was in a gap two 
or three hundred yards distant, desiring him to reach the peak, 
if possible, and take an observation there. He found himself 
unable to proceed further in that direction, and took an obser- 
vation, where the barometer stood at 19.401; attached ther- 
mometer 50°, in the gap. Carson, who had gone over to him, 
succeeded in reaching one of the snowy summits of the main 
ridge, whence he saw the peak towards which all our efforts had 
been directed, towering eight or ten hundred feet into the air 
above him. In the meantime, finding myself growing rather 
worse than better, and doubtful how far my strength would 
carry me, I sent Basil Lajeunesse, with four men, back to the 
place where the mules had been left. We were now better 
acquainted with the topography of the country, and I directed 
him to bring back with him, if it were in any way possible, 
four or five mules, with provisions and blankets. With me 
were Maxwell and Ayer; and after we had remained nearly an 
hour on the- rock, it became so unpleasantly cold, though the 



OR, THE BOKUER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 377 

day was bright, that we set out on our return to the camp, at 
which we all arrived safely, stras^gling in one after the other, 
I continued ill during the afternoon, but became better towards 
sundown, when my recovery was comjDleted by tlie appearance 
of Basil and four men, all mounted. The men who had gone 
with him had been too much fatigued to return, and were 
relieved by those in charge of the horses; but in his powers of 
endurance Basil resembled more a mountain goat than a man. 
They brought blankets and provisions, and we enjoyed well our 
dried meat and a cup of good coffee. ^Ye rolled ourselves up 
in our blankets, and with our feet turned to a blazing tire, slept 
soundly until morning." 

On the morning of the fifteenth of August, after having 
abandoned the idea of reaching the highest peak, and after Kit 
Carson, with his party, had set out for the camp, the brave 
leader made another attempt to gain the summit, and was this 
time successful. The peak was found to be thirteen thousand 
five hundred feet above the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. 
This lofty pinnacle has been appropriately called Fremont's 
Peak. 

As the brave Colonel stood upon this lofty mountain peak, 
his view was full of the deepest interest. He says: " On one 
side was Wind river valley, whc]-e were the heads of the Yellow- 
stone branch of the Missouri; far to the north, we just could 
discover the snowy heads of the Trois Tetons, where were the 
sources of the Missouri and Columbia rivers; and at the 
southern extremity of the ridge, the peaks were plainly visible, 
among which were some of the springs of the JSTebraska and 
Platte rivers. Around us,, the whole scene had' one main 
striking feature, which was that of terrible convulsion. Par- 
allel to its length, the ridge was split into chasms and fissures; 
between which rose the thin lofty walls, terminated with 
slender minarets and columns. According to the barometer, 
the little^crest of the wall on which we stood was three thou- 
sand five hundred and seventy feet above that place, and two 
thousand seven hundred and eighty above the little lakes at 
the bottom, immediately at our feet." 

Having made all the observations necessary, the Colonel 



378 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

began the descent, having accomplished an object of huidable 
ambition, and, indeed, bejond the strict order of his instruc- 
tion. He had climbed to the loftiest peak of the Eocky 
Mountains, and looked down upon the snow a thousand feet 
below, and, standing where never human foot had stood before, 
justly felt the exultation of first explorers.* 

Of the descent he says: "We reached our deposite of pro- 
visions at nightfall. Here was not the inn which awaits the 
tired traveler on his return from Mont Blanc, or the orange 
groves of South America, with their refreshing juices and soft 
fragrant air; but we found our little cache of dried meat and 
coffee undisturbed. Though the moon was bright, the road 
was full of precipices, and the fatigue of the day had been 
great. We therefore abandoned the idea of joining our friends, 
and lay down on the rock, and, in spite of the cold, slept 
soundly." 

Fremont and his party reached the main camp on the even- 
ing of the sixteenth, where they found all enjoying peace and 
quiet, and, on the following morning, he gave the order for the 
homeward march, which was received with joy. They trav- 
eled on, hungry and foot sore, until the nineteentli, when 
buffaloes again made their appearance, and in the evening, 
when they halted, at the Sweet Water, roasted ribs made their 
appearance around their fires, and, with them, good humor and 
laughter and song were restored to the camp. After a long, and, 
in some respects, pleasant journey, the expedition arrived at 
Fort Laramie and thence to the settlements on the frontiers of 
Missouri on the first of (3ctober, after an absence of six months, 
* Fremont's Report. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

Sketch of Kit Carson — His Eakly Adventures — His First Visit 
TO THE Far West — He Distinguishes Himself as a Hunter, 
Guide, and Scout — His i\j)VENTURES on the Sacramento — Mr. 
Young's Trapping Party. 

Leaving Col. Fremont among his friends in the settlements 
of civilization, let us return to Fort Laramie, where Kit Carson 
had been left, and follow the latter through some of the vary- 
ing fortunes which characterized his life, from September, 18-1:2, 
until he joined Fremont's second expedition, in 1843. 

Carson had evidently won the highest esteem of Fremont, 
and in the performance of the double duty of guide and hunter 
for the expedition, he had rendered valuable service, M'hich 
may be considered as fruitful to his employer's success. At this 
point I will cai-ry the reader back a few years for the purpose 
of glancing at some of the more important events in the early 
life of this bold and sagacious mountaineer. Christopher 
Carson was born in Kentucky, in 1809. When an infant, his 
parents migrated to the frontier settlements of Missouri, where 
they lived in a little log house which has been already men- 
tioned in a previous chapter. At an early age he was appren- 
ticed to a harness-maker, with whom he remained two years, 
when, becoming enticed by the thrilling accounts of the wild 
life in the West, he resolved to throw off the restraint of ci\'il- 
ization and share in the sports of the buffalo hunt, with the 
Indians, tra2:)pers, and mountaineers of " the unexplored 
regions toward the setting sun." Joining an expedition in 
1826, he was soon in the country of the j^rairies, where the 
Indian chief held dominion. The route lay across the western 
country to Santa Fe. Game was abundant, and the youthful 
Kit had a good opportunity for testing his ability as a hunter. 
(379) 



380 ADVENTURES OF FKEMOKT AND KIT CAKSON : 

In the course of the journey one of the men was accidentally 
shot through the arm, and amputation being necessary, Kit 
Carson was called upon to perform the surgical operation, 
which he executed with good success. In ]No\ ember the party 
arrived at Santa Fe, having experienced nothing very remarka- 
ble during the journey. Soon after their arrival, Carson left 
his companions and visited Taos, a Mexican town in the terri- 
tory of New Mexico. At this place he commenced the study 
of the Spanish language under the instruction of Kin Cade. 
In this undertaking he was quite successful. 

At length poverty compelled him to attempt the return to 
Missouri, which he had half accomplished when he fell in wdth 
a westward bound expedition in which he was offered employ- 
ment. This he gladly accepted, and at once began to retrace 
his steps to Santa Fe. Fie had not been long at the latter place 
before he again found himself out of employment and in great 
want. At this critical moment he joined a party that was 
going to El Paso. He completed the journey to this place, and 
then returned to Taos, where he entered into the service of Mr. 
Ewing Young, a trader and trapper, performing the duties of 
master cook for the consideration of his board only. In this 
way the persevering Kit supported himself until the spring 
of 1828, when, saddened with ill-success, he again joined a 
returning party, and set out for Missouri ; but, as on the trip 
of the previous year, he met a party bound for Santa Fe, and 
again engaged to turn his face M^estward, hoping, it is said, to 
meet with an opportunity of going to the Kocky Mountains. 
Arriving at Santa Fe, Kit obtained employment from Col. 
Tromell, a well known trader, in the capacity of Spanish inter- 
preter. With his new master he set out for Chihuahua, one 
of the Mexican states. But, as we have seen, his hard fortunes 
were continually changing. At the latter place he engaged as 
teamster with Mr. Robert McKnight, in company with whom 
he visited the copper mines near the Eio Gila. JSTotwithstand- 
ing these vicissitudes, Carson had long since determined to 
become a hunter and trapper, and was only awaiting an oppor- 
tunity to join a party in this pursuit. 

He remained at the copper mines but a short time, when he 



OR, TIIK BORDER WARS OF TWO OKNTURIKS. 3lS I 

returned to Taos, where lie met a small party of trap])ers who . 
had been defeated by a band of hostile Indians and driven to 
this point. The party had been in the employ of Mr, Youiig, 
with whom Kit had formerly worked, and that gentleman now 
set about raising a party of forty men, consisting of Canadians, 
Frenchmen and Americans. Among the latter, of course, we 
find our hero. Mr. Young placed himself at the head of this 
party, and started out with the intention of chastising the 
Indians, and making all he could out of the expedition by 
employing the men as trappers. It was on the twenty-ninth 
of April that the party left Taos. They journeyed northward 
about fifty miles for the purpose of leading the Mexicans to 
believe that they were bound for the United States, but after 
proceeding thus far they changed their course to the southwest 
and passed through the wilds of the Navajoes, a ferocious 
tribe of Indians, over whom, as we shall see in the course of our 
narrative. Kit Carson at a later day achieved a decisive victory. 
The reasons which led this party to deceive the Mexicans as to 
their destination were that all such expeditions, before being 
permitted to hunt on Mexican soil must procure the necessary 
license, and as the latter could not be granted to American 
citizens, the course pursued by Mr. Yoimg is obvious. 

As they journeyed along the unexplored regions of this 
country, they passed through Zuni, a Pueblo village, and thence 
to the Salt river, one of the tributaries of the Eio Gila. On 
the banks of this stream they discovered the band of Indians 
who had routed the party already mentioned. The parties had 
no sooner discovered each other than preparations for the 
battle began on both sides. Mr. Young ordered most of his 
men to lie in ambush, believing that the enemy were ignorant 
of his strength. His plan was successful. 'No sooner had the 
whites halted to prepare their ambuscade than the savages, 
under the impression that the invaders were about to retreat, 
made a rush upon them. When they had approached fully 
within the trap which had been set for them, they were greeted 
with a heavy cross-fire from Young's party. Fifteen warriors 
fell dead upon the spot, and the rest fled in utter confusion. 
This was the first Indian fight in which Kit Carson partici- 



382 ADVENTURES OF FKEMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

pated, and it was well calculated to arouse his love for the 
hunter's life. 

The party proceeded in comparative peace to trap on Salt 
river, until they reached the head waters of the San Francisco 
river, when the expedition was divided. One party, in which 
Kit Carson enlisted, set out for the valley of the Sacramento, 
in California; the other started on the return trip. The former, 
wliich was commanded by Mr. Young, consisted of twenty 
persons. Before starting for this unexplored country they 
spent several days in hunting, in order to lay in a store of 
meat for the journey. They also provided themselves with two 
large tanks of water, as, according to reports, there was none to 
be found on their route. During the first four days of their 
journey they found this to be true; but on the fifth day they 
came to a delightful stream, where they rested. Leaving 
this place they traveled on over a desert country for several 
days, when at length they came in sight of the great canon of 
the Colorado. While on the banks of this river they met a 
band of Indians who inhabited that country, and from them 
they purchased a horse, which they killed and served up to the 
tired men. The half famished travelers regarded this feast as 
a great blessing. 

After a journey of many days, in which they met several 
small bands of Indians, wlio gave them the most exciting 
accounts of the wonders of the Sacramento valley, they reached 
the mission of San Gabriel, where they found a priest, fifteen 
or twenty Mexican soldiers and more than a thousand Indians. 
We are informed that this little settlement owned eighty thou- 
sand head of cattle, fine fields and extensive vineyards. At 
this place Mr. Young exchanged four butcher knives for a fat 
ox. Another day's march brought our adventurers to a Cath- 
olic mission named San Fernando. After resting the party 
several days at this mission, they started for the San Joaquim 
river, where they hoped to meet the beaver; and in this hope 
they were not disappointed. They succeeded in procuring a 
fine lot of skins which Mr. Young sold at a neighboring post, 
and with the proceeds he purchased a number of horses. These 
had been in the camp but a short time when sixty of them 



OB, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 383 

were stolen by the Indians. As soon as the robbery was dis- 
covered Kit Carson was ordered to pursue the thieves with the 
twelve remaining horses and as many men. He at once started 
for the Sierra Nevada mountains, to which the trail of the 
Indians led him. When he overtook the guilty party he found 
them feasting upon horse flesh, several of the stolen animals 
having been killed for that purpose. IS^ot being observed he 
approached as near as possible without being discovered, and 
arranging his men in order, the party of twelve charged upon 
the Indians. Eight of the warriors were killed in their tracks, 
the rest escaping in many directions. But the best part of 
Carson's success was, he succeeded in recovering all the horses 
except those which had been killed for the feast. 

The party continued their hunting with good success until 
September, when they commenced their homeward march. 
After a long and tedious journey they reached the banks of the 
Colorado, where they encamped for a little rest prepaiatory to 
completing the journey. Here they were visited by five hun- 
dred Indians, who, although professing friendship, were dis- 
covered to be armed with weapons which they had concealed 
under their robes. The whites were now, indeed, in a serious 
situation; but at length Carson found a man who could speak 
the Spanish language, and through hini he ordered the Indians 
" to leave the camp. In the event of their not doing so imme- 
diately, he and his friends would, without further parley, com- 
mence hostilities, and would be sure each in killing his man, 
although they might all, in the end, lose their own lives." 
The Indians being now certain that in case they attacked the 
party some of their own number would lose their lives, departed 
at once, leaving the little band once more at peace. It is hardly 
necessary to say that for this bold expedient Carson received 
the thanks of his comrades. 

After encountering several bands of hostile Indians and 
taking from them many horses which they had stolen, Mr. 
Young's party arrived at the copper mines, on the Gila, where 
they concealed the large quantity of furs they had taken. 
From this place the party went to Santa Fe, where they pur- 
chased licenses to trade with the Indians who lived about the 



384 ADVENTURES OF FRKMONT AND KIT 0A1;S(^N: 

copper mines. By tlie use of these papers thej secured their 
furs, carried them to Santa Fe, and, under pretence of having 
purchased them from the Indians, sold them without creating 
the slightest suspicion. 



CHAPTEE L. 

Sketch of Kit Carson Continued — Description op the Mountain 
Parks — Pursuing Horse Thieves — Nine Hunters Defeat Fifty 
Indian Warriors — Kit Carson Wounded — The Duel. 

In the fall of 1830 we find Kit Carson connected with a 
trapping party, wbicli began its operations on the Salmon 
river. They remained at this place throughout the winter, 
losing four of their men, who were killed by the Blackfeet Indi- 
ans. In the spring they went to Snake Eiver, where they 
continued trapping. This is one of the most delightful places 
in the wilds of the Great West. Among the many attractions 
are the Shoshonee Falls, which are said to excel the great cat- 
aract of Niagara in many respects. From this place the party 
journeyed to the South Park. 

There are many of these parks in the Rocky Mountains, 
being more particularly found in the great mountain centre of 
Colorado. They are in many respects not unlike the great 
parks of civilization; but in other particulars nature has 
excelled art. They are beautiful beyond descrij)tion. Many 
of them are small, suitable for small excursion parties, but 
three or four of them are very large — equal in territory and 
extent to the State of Massachusetts. These are the North 
Park, Middle Park, South Park, and San Luis Park. Here, 
upon the green, well-watered bosom of these delightful gar- 
dens, the traveler will find a great abundance of deer, antelope, 
and elk, and along the grassy borders of the running brooks 
one may see plenty of otter and beaver. It was in these 
delightful spots where Kit Carson spent a short season as a 
hunter. 

But Kit was a roving mortal, and as we have many iraport- 
25 (385) 



386 ADVENTURES OF FKEMONT AND KIT CARSON". 

ant scenes in border warfare yet to record, it will be impossible 
to follow him in detail. 

'Not many months after his visit to the beauties of the parks 
we hear the report of his unerring rifle on the banks of 
the Arkansas river. At this place he spent a comfort- 
able winter with his companion hunters. In the month of 
January, however, there was trouble in the camp. A party 
of fifty Crow Indians " made an unfriendly visit to their camp 
on one very dark night," and succeeded in stealing nine of 
their horses.* The sun had not fully risen on the following 
morning when the adventurous Kit was flying through the 
forest, mounted on his favorite steed, followed by twelve of his 
companions. They rode on hour after hour, and night set in 
with no signs of the enemy. At length they held a council, 
and resolved to encamp for the night, intending to pursue the 
trail on the following morning. Selecting a tempting grove 
not far in advance, they rode forward to rest for the night; but 
they had not proceeded a hundred paces when wreaths of curl- 
ing smoke broke upon their view. They were upon the enemy! 
Halting, and scanning the distance, they observed that the 
numbers of the Indians greatly exceeded their own. Being 
still unobserved, they concluded to settle quietly down until 
the darkness closed in, " Then," says Kit, " we wiU surprise 
them." All agreed. But it was also decided to change their 
situation. They desired to rush upon the enemy from the 
direction in which the savages were traveling, and for this pur- 
pose they took a circuitous route around the enemy's camp. 
Approaching from the opposite direction, the bold frontiersmen 
gained a little eminence, from which they had a full view of 
the Indian camp. And now let us look in upon the savages 
with them. The stolen horses were secured to some trees at a 
little distance to one side, while in the camp, the savages, 
decorated in the gaudy finery of their peculiar dress, were 
dancing merrily in honor of their successful robljery. Every 
one who is acquainted with the history of the Crow Indians 
knows that they loved to steal horses second only to taking the 
scalp of an enemy. The night was cold, and the mountaineers 
stood a little way oflF, shivering from the weather, and half 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 38T 

trembling with rage; but in the Indian camp large fires were 
burning brightly, and around them the fifty horse thieves were 
celebrating their crime. See them as they assume a hundred 
difierent shapes, any one of which baffles all description ; and 
now listen to the peals of merriment as they break forth on 
the howling winds, mingling their strange sounds with the 
voice of the tempest. The picture is one of wild extravagance, 
but it is the glory of the true Indian. 

Kit Carson probably looked first at the horses, and then at 
the enemy. The former he must secure ; the latter he must 
punish. But he was as cautious as he was brave, but he was 
hrave! Although at the head of only twelve men, he was 
aching to attack fifty Indian warriors, who had already erected 
two temporary forts for their defense. The angry mountain- 
eers drew back a little and counselled together. Each had 
something to propose, to all of which our hero listened calmly. 
"When they had finished, he said, " Let them have their fun 
out. We must surprise them after they have fallen asleep." 
This was readily agreed to, and, after hours of patient waiting, 
the festivities ended, and the Indians rolled up in their blan- 
kets, laid down, and were soon fast asleep. The first movement 
was to secure the horses, which they effected without disturb- 
ing the sleeping Indians. These were sent back in charge of 
three men to where the other horses had been secured. The 
other nine remained to punish fifty warriors, and they per- 
formed their task well. 

Before advancing toward the enemy a consultation was held, 
in which all but three of the nine advocated a peaceful retreat. 
They pleaded inequality of numbers, and other apparent 
obstacles, but Kit was not to be persuaded, and the brave men 
at last agreed to punish the thieves. As they advanced cau- 
tiously to where the Indians were sleeping, ten or twelve of 
them were aroused, and springing to their feet, they were 
singled out, and in quick succession nine of them fell back 
upon their blankets, each mountaineer having killed his man. 
The Indians at once retreated within the strongest fort, and 
opened a hot fire upon the invaders, but as the latter were 
securely crouched behind trees, the savages accomplished noth- 



388 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON I 

ing. At length thej became bold, and rushing out of the fort 
they made a charge upon their enemies, but in this attempt 
five more of their number fell. They again retreated, but in a 
short time made another sortie, in which they lost as many 
more, and succeeded in slightly wounding three whites. But 
tlie savages pushed forward to the attack, and in a few moments 
the mountaineers were compelled to retreat, from tree to tree. 
They, however, availed themselves of every opportunity to 
shoot down the enemy, and in a short time the number of the 
Indians was reduced to about twice that of their own. By 
this time the three men who had been sent back with the 
horses came forward and assisted in the contest. Seeing this 
reinforcement, which proved fatal to three of the savages (for 
the new participants were not satisfied until each had shot 
down a savage), the Indians retreated, leaving the brave hunters 
in possession of the field. Being now satisfied with the pun- 
ishment which they had administered to the savages, they 
returned, reaching the main camp in safety. 

We shall next see Kit Carson in council with the Indians, 
In the winter of 1832-3 a party of trappers, among whom he 
was chief, was encamped on the banks of the Big Snake river, 
where they established winter quarters. On one dark night a 
party of Blackfeet Indians succeeded in stealing eighteen of 
the horses. On the following morning Carson pursued them 
at the head of eleven men. After riding fifty miles he came 
up with the thieves, when a few shots were exchanged, the sav- 
ages sent out a man who said that the party desired to hold a 
council with the whites; that they were not aware of having 
stolen horses from them, believing that those which they had 
in their possession had belonged to the Snake Indians. Car- 
son consented, and both parties laid down their arms and 
advanced. Speeches were now in order. The Blackfeet pre- 
ceded the whites, but their speeches were meaningless. But it 
was now Carson's turn to be heard, and he spoke to the point. 
He said that they would not listen to propositions of peace 
until their property was returned. The Indians did not intend 
to return the property, and hearing the demand several times 
repeated, they gave the hunters to understand that they would 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 389 

not yield. They began to boast of their numbers and strength, 
and seemed to be ready for the jfight. Carson now shouted " to 
your arms! " and in a moment the hunters were leaping over 
the uneven ground towards their rifles. The Indians were 
doing the same with equal earnestness. The fight was renewed. 
The bullets flew thick around the heads of the trappers, and in 
a moment more Kit Carson fell upon the ground apparently 
lifeless. His companions beheld this lamentable event, but 
they dare not turn to his relief. The fight was too hot, and all 
their attention was required in the direction of the enemy. At 
length the firing ceased, and the hunters drew back retiring with 
their fallen comrade to the camp, leaving the Indians in pos- 
session of the horses. All were now anxious as to the fate of 
the wounded leader. His wound bled profusely, and as the 
blood gushed out it froze upon the wound. His sufiferings 
were great, but after patient enduranee he recovered. A ball 
from an Indian musket had pierced his left shoulder. 

But let us return to the event in which Carson was wounded. 
It was not enough that the trappers had killed several Indian 
warriors and escaped with only one wounded, but on the fol- 
lowing day it was resolved to send another expedition upon 
their trail. This party consisted of thirty, but, after scouring 
the woods for nearly a hundred miles they were compelled to 
return without discovering the enemy. 

We next find Carson in a duel. The trappers had congre- 
gated at the summer quarters and were indulging in all kinds 
of sport. Among their number was one Capt. Shunan, a 
boasting fellow, who was continually picking a quarrel with all 
who came in his way. He continued this to the disgust of tlie 
whole, and was at length despised by nearly two-thirds of tlie 
hunters. One day after having whipped two of his comrades 
in a fist-tight, he happened in Carson's way, and, as with all, he 
treated him in a manner of great discourtesy. He was proba- 
bly not fully aware of the man's courage and ability, for in 
general appearance Carson was not calculated to inspire one 
with a high estimation of his physical powers. Shunan was a 
very powerful man, and one of the roughest of the Itocky Moun- 
tain trappers. 



390 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

As soon as the insulting words had been uttered, Kit Carson 
stepped up to Shunan and said: "Shunan, before jou stands 
the humblest specimen of an American citizen in this brave 
band of trappers, among whom there are, to my certain knowl- 
edge, men who could easily chastise you, but being peaceably 
disposed, they keep away from you. At any rate. I assume 
the responsibility of ordering you to discontinue your threats, 
or I shall kill you." 

Shunan made no reply, but wheeling around he strode off 
towards his tent filled with rage, and fully resolved on revenge. 
He spoke to no one, but his purpose was plain to the expe- 
rienced mountaineers. Carson also turned away and walked 
rapidly to his own tent. "A duel! " now broke out upon the 
air from more than fifty voices, and all gathered round to see 
the contest. In a moment all eyes were turned toward Carson 
who was approaching on his matchless steed in full gallop, with 
a single-barrel dragoon pistol in his right hand. Plunging 
along on this broad prairie he was a most thrilling picture. 
But he had not more than fully appeared before the attention 
of the crowd was divided. Shunan was approaching on his 
horse from the opposite direction with his rifle in his hand. 
The brave mountaineers now rode rapidly towards each other, 
and in a moment they were face to face. The report of Shu- 
nan's rifle, closely followed that of Carson's pistol. Instantly 
Shunan's rifle fell to the ground, his fore arm having been 
shattered by a ball. The contents of his own weapon inflicted 
a slight scalp wound upon Carson. Thus ended the duel. 



CHAPTER LI. 

Sketch op Kit Carson Continued — His Adventures — He Again 
Joins Fremont's Expedition — Description of Fremont's Second 
Expedition — Its Adventures. 

We will not attempt to follow Carson through all the details 
of his life. It would be only repeating over and over what we 
have already said; for, in the life of the mountaineer we have 
only a series of hardships, interwoven with adventures, escape, 
battle, victory and defeat. After Carson had endured sixteen 
years of this life, he returned to Missouri, and, as we have seen, 
joined Colonel Fremont in 1842, as guide to the expedition. 
Of his adventures with Fremont, we have already had a full 
account. Let us now notice ^the principal characteristics of 
his life in the interim between Fremont's expeditions. 

In February, 1843, his Indian wife having long since died, 
Carson married a Mexican woman named Senora Jarimilla. 
She was quite beautiful, and was admired by a large circle of 
friends for her many virtues. By this wife Carson had three 
children. 

In the following spring he was engaged as guide and hunter 
for a train of wagons, belonging to Bent's Fort. This train 
was bound for the United States. When they had reached 
Walnut Creek, Carson came upon the encampment of Captain 
Cook, of tlie United States army. Cook was in command of 
four companies of dragoons, and was acting as a guard to a 
large train of wagons belonging to the governor of New Mex- 
ico, and bound for that territory. The Mexicans had anticipated 
an attack from a strong band of Texans, who were known to 
be hostile to the former on account of difficulties which had 
previpusly taken place. However, Capt. Cook's orders were to 
a,ccompany the train only to the boundary line between the 
(391) 



392 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND BIT CARSON: 

United States and New Mexico, which, at this time, was at 
the fording place of the Arkansas river. The Mexicans being 
fearful lest they should be attacked bj the Texans, on their 
own territory, engaged Kit Carson to return to 'New Mexico 
with all dispatch, with a message to the governor, asking him 
to send out an expedition to guard his train. Carson, in the 
execution of this task, was compelled to encounter many hos- 
tile Indians, but he managed to evade them and reached his 
destination in safety. When Carson reached Taos, he learned 
that a small detachment had already been sent in search of his 
caravan, and that the governor himself, with a large force, was 
about to follow. The first band encountered the Texans before 
they came up with the train, and were all massacred but one. 
It is said that ninety-nine Mexicans fell in this contest. The 
survivor returned with all speed towards Taos, but came upon 
the governor's expedition, after a few day's travel, to which he 
reported the disaster. This news so alarmed the governor and 
his men, that they at once returned, leaving the caravan, as 
they thought, to the mercy of the furious Texans. 

Carson having performed his duty well, returned to Bent's 
Fort, where he learned that Capt. Cook had come upon the 
hostile Texans in the United States Territory, and had dis- 
armed them, Wliile at this place Carson learned that Colonel 
Fremont had passed that post a few days before his arrival, on 
a second expedition. The mountaineer wasted no time in pur- 
suing his old companion. 

Let us now go back to the commencement of Fremont's 
journey. In pursuance of instructions from Col. J. J. Abert, 
chief of the corps of Topographical Engineers, to connect his 
former surveys of 1842 with those of Wilkes, on the coast of 
the Pacific ocean, so as to give a connected survey of the 
middle of the continent, Fremont proceeded to the Western 
frontier early in the spring of 1843, arriving at the town of 
Kansas, in Missouri, on the seventeenth of May, where he 
remained about two weeks in making the necessary prepara- 
tions. The party which he collected for the expedition; 
consisted of Creoles, Canadian French and Americans, amount- 
ing in all to thirty-nine men, among whom were several whO' 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 393 

accompanied him on the former expedition. Mr. Thomas 
Fitzpatrick, a famous mountaineer, was engaged as guide.. 
Among the members of the party were two Delaware Indians^ 
who had been Employed to accompany the expedition as 
hunters. The famous Maxwell, who had been Fremont's 
favorite hunter on the previous journey, was also engaged in 
the same capacity for the present expedition. 

The party was armed with Hall's carbines, which, witv 
a brass twelve pound howitzer, had been furnished by the 
United States government. Three men were detailed for the 
management of this piece, under the charge of Louis Zindel, a 
native of Germany, who had been nineteen years a non-commis- 
sioned officer of artillery in the Prussian army, and regularly 
instructed in the duties of his profession. The camp equipage 
and provisions were transported in twelve carts, drawn each by 
two mules; and a light covered wagon, mounted on good 
springs, had been pro\aded for the safer carriage of the instru- 
ments. 

To make the exploration as useful as possible, Fremont 
determined, in conformity to general instructions, to vary the 
route to the Eocky Mountains from that followed in the year 
1842. The route then was up the valley of the Great Platte 
river to the South Pass, in north latitude 42° ; the route now 
determined on was up the valley of the Kansas river, and to 
the head of the Arkansas, and to some pass in the mountains, 
if any could be found, at the sources of that river. By making 
this deviation from the former route, the problem of a new 
road to Oregon and California, in a climate more genial, might 
be solved; and a better knowledge obtained of an important 
river, and the country it drained, while the great object of the 
expedition would find its point of commencement at the ter- 
mination of the former, which was at that great gate in the 
ridge of the Eocky Mountains called the South Pass, and on 
the lofty peak of the mountain which overlooks it, deemed the 
highest peak in the ridge, and from the opposite sides of which 
four great rivers take their rise, and flow to the Pacific or the 
Mississippi. Various obstacles delayed their departure until 
the morning of the twenty-ninth of April, when they commenced 



394 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CAESON: 

their long voyage; and at the close of a day, rendered disagree- 
ably cold by incessant rain, encamped about four miles beyond 
the frontier, on the verge of the great prairies. 

Kesuming their journey on the thirty -first,* after the delay of 
a dav to complete their equipment and furnish themselves with 
some of the comforts of civilized life, they encamped in the even- 
in o- at Elm Grove, in company with several emigrant wagons, 
constituting a party which was proceeding to Upper California, 
under the direction of Mr. J. B. Childs, of Missouri. The w^agons 
were variously freighted with goods, furniture and farming 
utensils, containing, among other things, an entire set of 
machinery for a mill, which Mr. Childs designed erecting on 
the Sacramento river. The expedition was joined at this 
point by Mr. William Gilpin, of Missouri, who, intending this 
year to visit the settlements in Oregon, was invited to accom- 
pany Fremont. 

Leaving the fording of the Kansas river, they pursued the 
usual emigrant route to the mountains, along the southern side 
of the Kansas. On the afternoon of the sixth of June, while 
busily engaged in crossing a stream, the expedition was thrown 
into confusion by the sudden arrival of Maxwell, who entered 
the camp at full speed, at the head of a war party of Osages, 
with gay red blankets, and heads sliaved to the scalp-lock. 
They had run him a distance of about nine miles, from a creek 
on which Fremont had encamped the day previous, and to 
which Maxwell had returned in search of a run-away horse. 
The Osages were, no doubt, ignorant of the strength of the 
party, for they charged into the camp, and drove off a number 
of the best horses. They were soon overtaken, and the animals 
recovered. In speaking of the progress of the journey from 
this point, Fremont says: " We had been gradually and regu- 
larly ascending in our progress westward, and on the evening 
of the fourteenth, when we encamped on a little creek in the 
valley of the Republican, two hundred and sixty-five miles by 
our traveling road from the mouth of the Kansas, we were at 
an elevation of one thousand five hundred and twenty feet. 
That part of the river where we were now encamped is called 
by the Indians the Big Timber. Hitherto our route had been 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CJC.NTURII'S. 395 

laborious and extremely slow, the unusnally wet spring and 
constant rain having so saturated the whole country that it 
was necessary to bridge every water course, and for days together 
our usual march averaged only five or six miles. Finding that 
at such a rate of travel it would be impossible to comply with 
your instructions, I determined at this place to divide the party, 
and, leaving Mr. Fitzpatrick vnth twenty-five men in charge 
of the provisions and heavier baggage of the camp, to proceed 
myself in advance, with a light party of fifteen men, taking 
with me the howitzer and the light wagon which carried the 
instruments." 

Accordinglv, on the morning of the sixteenth of June, the 
parties separated. On the nineteenth the advanced party 
crossed the Pawnee road to the Arkansas, and after a little 
travel came into the buffalo herds. Here, also, prairie dogs 
were seen in great abundance. Their elevation was now 
nineteen hundred feet above the level of the sea. On the 
twenty-third of June this party explored one of the main 
branches of the Republican river, to which they gave the name 
of Prairie Dog Piver. Their route on the twenty-fifth lay over 
high, smooth ridges, three thousand one hundred feet above the 
sea, buffalo in great numbers absolutely covering the face of 
the country. 

They journeyed on until the first of July, when, traveling 
along the valley of the south fork of the Platte, four thousand 
feet above the level of the sea, they caught a glimpse of Long's 
Peak and the neighboring mountains, which stood out into 
the sky, grand, and luminously white, covered to their bases 
with glittering snow. 

On the evening of the third of July the expedition was 
journeying along the partially overflowed bottoms of the Platte, 
where their passage stirred up swarms of mosquitoes, and 
where they came unexpectedly upon an Indian, who was 
perched on a bluff", curiously watching the movements of Fre- 
mont's caravan. He belonged to a village of the Sioux, who 
had lost all their animals in the severity of the preceding 
winter, and were now on their way up the Bijou fork to beg 
horses from the Arapahoes, who were hunting buffalo at the 



396 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

head of that river. Several came into Fremont's camp at 
noon, and, as they vs^ere hnngrj, as usual, they were provided 
with buffalo meat, of which the hunters had brought an 
abundant supply. 

On the Fourth of July the party arrived at Bent's Fort, 
where the proprietors had prepared a sumptuous feast in honor 
of the day. At this place Fremont dispatched Maxwell to 
Taos for the purpose of procuring mules and provisions, while 
the expedition continued its course. On the seventh of July 
Fremont reached the Arapaho villages, which he found 
encamped in a beautiful bottom, and consisting of over one 
hundred and sixty lodges. The village appeared extremely 
populous, with a great number of children. The chiefs were 
congregated together for the purpose of paying respect to the 
strangers, which they did by throwing their arms around their 
necks and embracing them. Fremont was able to make them 
only a slight present, accounting for the poverty of the gift by 
explaining that his goods had been left with the heavy wagons 
in charge of Mr. Fitzpatrick, whom they knew by the name 
of the Broken Hand. Though disappointed in obtaining the 
presents which had been evidently expected, they behaved very 
courteously, and, after a little conversation, Fremont left them, 
and continued on up the river. They surprised a grizzly bear 
sauntering along the river; which, raising himself upon his 
hind legs, took a deliberate survey of the party, that did not 
appear very satisfactory to him, and he scrambled into the river 
and swam to the opposite side. ' 

During the eighth of July, continuing up the Platte, they 
could see, on their right, and apparently very near— but really 
eight miles from them — and two or three thousand feet np the 
valley in which they were traveling, the snow clad peaks of the 
Rocky Mountains. 

After spending many days in exploring that country, Fremont 
returned to St. Train's Fort, reaching it on the twenty-third 
of July. Here they met with Mr. Fitzpatrick's party, which 
had been left in charge of the heavy wagons. He also met 
Kit Carson at this place, who had brought with him ten good 
mules and the necessary pack saddles. Mr. Fitzpatrick had 
been at this place over a week, during which time his men had 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIKS. 397 

Tbeen occupied in refitting the camp, and the repose had been 
very beneficial to his animals, which were now in a tolerably 
good condition. 

Fremont, however, had been unable to obtain any certain 
information in regard to the character of the passes in this 
portion of the Eocky Mountain range. They had always been 
represented as impracticable for carriages, and as extremely 
dangerous. Of their course of operations in this emergency, 
Fremont says: " Having determined to try the passage by a 
pass through a spur of the mountains made by the Cdche-a- 
la-Poudre river, which rises in the high bed of the mountains 
around Long's Peak, I thought it advisable to avoid any encum- 
brance which would occasion detention, and accordingly again 
separated the party into two divisions — one of which, under 
the command of Mr. Fitzpatrick, was directed to cross the 
plains to the mouth of Laramie river, and, continuing thence 
its route along the usual emigrant road, meet me at Fort Hall, 
a post belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, and situated 
on Snake river, as it is commonly called in the Oregon Terri- 
tory, although better known to us as Lewis' fork of the 
Columbia." 

Carson was included in the party which Fremont commanded 
in person. On the afternoon of the twenty-sixth of July, all 
the arrangements had been completed, and the parties resumed 
their respective routes. 

Fremont's party proceeded westward, and finding the Cache- 
a-la-Poudre on the morning of the twenty-eighth, entered the 
Black Hills. Passing over a beautiful bottom in the afternoon, 
they reached a place where the river was shut up in the hills; 
and, ascending a ravine, made a laborious and very difficult 
passage around a gap, striking the river again in the evening. 
On the following day they were compelled, by the nature of 
the ground, to cross the river eight or nine times, at difficult, 
deep and rodcy fords, the stream running with great force, 
swollen by the rains — a true mountain torrent, only forty or 
fifty feet wide. It was a mountain valley of the narrowest 
kind — almost a chasm ; and the scenery very wild and beauti- 
ful. Towering mountains rose round about: their sides 



398 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

sometimes dark with forests of pine, and sometimes with 
lofty precipices, washed by the river; while below, as if they 
indemnified themselves in luxuriance for the scanty space, the 
green river bottom was covered with a wilderness of flowers, 
their tall spikes sometimes rising above the traveler's heads as 
they rode among them. A profusion of blossoms, on a white 
flowering vine, which was abundant along the river, contrasted 
handsomely with the green foliage of the trees. The mountain 
appeared to be composed of a greenish gray and red granite, 
which in some places appeared to be in a state of decomposi- 
tion, making a red soil. The stream was wooded with cotton- 
wood, box elder and cherry, with current and serviceberry 
bushes. After a somewhat laborious day, during which it had 
rained incessantly, they encamped near the end of the pass at 
the mouth of a small creek, in sight of the great Laramie 
plains. It continued to rain heavily, and at evening the moun- 
tains were hid in mists; but there was no lack of wood, and 
the large fires which they made to dry their clothes were very 
comfortable; and at night the hunters came in with a fine deer. 

On the morning of the thirtieth, they crossed the Cache-a- 
la-Poudre river for the last time, and entering a smooth 
country, they traveled along a kind of vallon^ bounded on the 
right by red buttes and precipices, while to the left a high 
rolling country extended to a range of the Black Hills, beyond 
wliicli rose the great mountains around Long's Peak. By the 
great quantity of snow visible among them, it had probably 
snowed heavily there the previous day, while it had rained on 
them in the valley. 

After long and tedious travel, the party reached the east 
side of the Great Salt Lake, when Fremont proceeded to explore 
its borders, and many of its islands. From this point the 
party journeyed to Fort Hall, where they met with the party 
under Fitzpatrick. After resting for a few days, the expedi- 
tion was again divided, Fremont preceding Fitzpatrick with a 
small detachment, and journeying in the direction of the 
Columbia river. On reaching the river Dallas, the party halted, 
and Fremont proceeded to Vancouver's Island, where he pur- 
chased provisions necessary tor the immediate future. On his 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 39^ 

return to the party, he found Fitzpatrick had arrived, and now 
the whole expedition moved toward Klamath Lake, in Oregon. 
After exploring this lake, and the country for several mile& 
around, the expedition started for California, by the route of 
the mountains. On reaching this range, it was found to be 
covered with deep snow, and the brave adventurers suffered 
indescribable hardships in crossing the range. Col. Fremont, 
in speaking of their progress on the sixth of January, 1844, 
says: 

" Accompanied by Mr. Fitzpatrick, I sat out to-day with a 
reconnoitering party, on snow shoes. We marched all in single 
file, tramping tlie snow as heavily as we could. Crossing the 
open basin, in a march of about ten miles we reached the top 
of one of the peaks, to the left of the pass indicated by our 
guide. Far below us, dimmed by the distance, was a large, 
snowless valley, bounded on the western side, at the distance 
of about a hundred miles, by a low range of mountains, which 
Carson recognized with delight as the mountains bordering the 
coast. ' There,' said he, ' is the little mountain — it is fifteen 
years ago since I saw it; but I am just as sure as if I had seen 
it yesterday,' Between us, then, and this low coast range, was 
the valley of the Sacramento ; and no one who had not accom- 
panied us through the incidents of our life for the last few 
months could realize the delight with which at last we looked 
down upon it. At the distance of apparently thirty miles 
beyond us were distinguished spots of prairie; and a dark line, 
which could be traced with the glass, was imagined to be the 
course of the river; but we were evidently at a great height 
above the valley, and between us and the plains extended miles 
of snowy fields and broken ridges of pine-covered mountains. 
It was late in the day when we turned towards the camp; and 
it grew rapidly cold as it drew towards night. One of the men 
became fatigued, and his feet began to freeze, and, building a 
fire in the trunk of a dry old cedar, Mr. Fitzpatrick remained 
with him until his clothes could be dried, and he was in a con- 
dition to come on. After a day's march of twenty miles, we 
straggled into camp, one after another, at nightfall; the greater 
number excessively fatigued, only two of the party having 



400 



ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 



ever traveled on snow shoes before. All our energies were now 
directed to getting our animals across the snow; and it was 
supposed that, after all the baggage had been drawn with the 
sleighs over the trail we had made, it would be sufficiently 
hard to bear our animals. At several places, between this 
point and the ridge, we had discovered some grassy spots, 
where the wind and sun had dispersed the snow from the sides 
of the hills, and these were to form resting places to support 
the animals for a night in their passage across. On our way 
across, we had set on fire several broken stumps, and dried 
trees, to melt holes in the snow for the camps. Its general 
depth was five feet; but we passed over places where it was 
twenty feet deep, as shown by the trees. With one party 
drawing sleighs loaded with baggage, I advanced to-day about 
four miles along the trail, and encamped at the first grassy 
spot, where we expected to bring our horses. Mr. Fitzpatrick, 
with another party, remained behind, to form an intermediate 
station between us and the animals." 

After great struggling, the party were, on the twentieth of 
February, at the foot of the last range, having the valley of 
the Sacramento before them. After a short rest, they took up 
their line of march, and on the eiglith of March arrived at 
Sutter's Fort, the famous spot where the first California gold 
was afterwards discovered. This fort bore the name of its 
proprietor, wdio received Fremont and his party with due hos- 
pitality. 

Capt. Sutter, who was a native of Missouri, reached California 
in 1838, and formed the first settlement in the valley of the 
Sacramento, on a large grant of land which he obtained from 
the Mexican government. He had, at first, some trouble with 
the Indians; but, by the occasional exercise of well-timed 
authority, he succeeded in converting them into a j)eaceable 
and industrious people. The ditches around his extensive 
wheat fields; the making of the sun-dried bricks, of which his 
fort was constructed; the plowing, harrowing and other agri- 
cultural operations, were entirely the work of these Indians, for 
which they jTceived a very moderate compensation — principally 
in shirts, blankets a:id other articles of clothino^. In the same 



• OR, THE BORDKK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 401 

maimer, on application to the chief of a vilLage, he readilj 
obtained as many boys and girls as he had any use for. There 
were at this time a number of girls at the fort, in training for a 
woolen factory; but they were now all busily engaged in con- 
stantly watering the gardens, which the nnfavorable dryness of 
the season rendered necessary. A few years before Fremont's 
visit in 1844, the neighboring Russian establishment of Eoss, 
being about to withdraw from the country, sold to Capt. Sutter 
a large number of stock, with agricultural and other stores, 
with a number of pieces of artillery and other munitions of 
war; for these, a regular yearly payment was made in grain. 
The fort was a quadrangular adobe structure, mounting twelve 
pieces of artillery (two of them brass,) and capable of admit- 
ting a garrison of a thousand men; this, in 1844, consisted of 
forty Indians, in uniform — one of whom was always found on 
duty at the gate. The whites in the employment of Capt. 
Sutter, American, French and German, amounted, in this year, 
perhaps, to thirty men. The inner wall was formed into 
buildings comprising the common quarters, with blacksmith 
and other workshops; the dwelling house, with a lai'ge distil- 
lery house, and other buildings, occupied more the centre of 
the area. 

The fort was built upon a j)ond-like stream, at times a run- 
ning creek, communicating with the Rio de los Americanos, 
which enters the Sacramento about two miles below. The 
latter is here a noble river, about three hundred yards broad, 
■deep and tranquil, wnth several fathoms of water in the channel, 
and its banks continuously timbered. There were two vessels 
belonging to Capt. Sutter at anchor near the landing — one a 
large t^vo-masted lighter, and the other a schooner, which was 
shortly to proceed on a voyage to Fort Yancouver for a cargo 
of goods. 

Before leaving Sutter's Fort, two of Fremont's party became 
deranged, in consequence of their long fasting before reaching 
this post. They had indulged their appetites too freely when 
plentifully supplied, and thus brought on serious brain convul- 
sions. From this, however, they afterwards recovered. 

On the homeward route Fremont journeyed up the valley of 
26 



402 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

the San Joaquin, crossing over the Sierra Nevada and coast- 
range of mountains at a place where they meet, forming by 
their connection a good pass. 

Four comjpaneros joined their guide at this pass. Descend- 
ing from the hills, the party reached a country of fine grass, 
where the erodium cicutariuin finally disappeared, giving 
place to an excellent quality of bunch grass. Passing b;y 
some springs where there was a rich sward of grass among 
groves of large black oak, they rode over a plain on which the 
guide pointed out a spot where a refugee Christian Indian had 
been killed by a party of soldiers which had unexpectedly 
penetrated into the mountains. Crossing a low sierra, and 
descending a hollow where a spring gushed out, they were 
struck by the sudden appearance of yucca trees, which gave a 
strange and southern character to the country, and suited well 
with the dry and desert region they were approaching. Asso- 
ciated with the idea of barren sands, their stiff and ungraceful 
form makes them to the traveller the most repulsive tree in 
the vegetable kingdom. Following the hollow, the party 
shortly came upon a creek timbered with large black oak, 
which yet had not put forth a leaf. There was a small rivulet 
of running water, with good grass. 

They continued a short distance down tlie creek, where the 
guide informed them that the water would very soon disap- 
pear, and turned directly to the southward along the foot of 
the mountain; the trail on which they rode appearing to mark 
the eastern limit of travel, where water and grass terminated. 
Crossing a low spur, which bordered the creek, they descended 
to a kind of plain among the lower spurs; the desert being in 
full view on their left, apparently illimitable. A hot mist lay 
over it through which it had a white and glistening appear- 
ance; here and there a few dry looking huttes and isolated 
black ridges rose suddenly upon it. " There," said the guide, 
stretching out his hand towards it, " there are the great llanos^ 
(plains;) there is neither water nor grass — nothing; every 
animal that goes out upon them, dies." It was indeed dismal 
to look upon, and hard to conceive so great a change in so 
short a distance. One might travel the world over, without 



OR, THE BOKDER WARS OP' TWO CENTURIES. ^ 403 

finding a valley more fresh and verdant — moi-e floral and 
sj'lvan — more alive with birds and animals — more bounteously 
watered — than that which they had left in the San Joaquin: 
here, within a few miles ride, a vast desert plain spread before 
them, from which the boldest traveler turned away in despair. 
On the twenty-fourth of April the party was surprised by the 
appearance in the camp of two Mexicans — a man and a boy. 
The name of the man was Fuentes, and that of the boy, 
Hernandez. They belonged to a party of six persons, the 
remaining four being the wife of Fuentes, the father and 
mother of Pablo, and Santiago Giacome, a resident of New 
Mexico. With a cavalcade of about thirty horses, they had 
come out from Puebla de los Angeles, near the coast, under 
the guidance of Giacome, in advance of the great caravan, in 
order to travel more at leisure, and obtain better grass. Having 
advanced as far into the desert as was considered consistent 
with their safety, they halted at the Archilette, one of the 
customary camping grounds, about eighty miles from Fre- 
mont's encampment, where there was a spring of good water, 
with sulRcient grass ; and concluded to await there the arrival of 
the great caravan. Several Indians were soon discovered lurking 
about the camp, who, in a day or two after, came in, and, after 
behaving in a veiy friendly manner, took their leave, without 
awakening any suspicions. In a few days afterwards, suddenly 
a party of about one hundred Indians appeared in sight, 
advancing towards the camp. It was too late, or they seemed 
not to have presence of mind to take proper measures of safety; 
and the Indians charged down into their camp, shouting as 
they advanced, and discharging flights of arrows. Pablo and 
Fuentes were on horse guard at the time, and mounted, accord- 
ing to the custom of the country. One of the principal objects 
of the Indians was to get possession of the horses, and part of 
them immediately surrounded the band; but, in obedience to 
the shouts of Giacome, Fuentes drove the animals over and 
through the assailants, in spite of their arrows; and, abandon- 
ing the rest to their fate, carried them off at speed across the 
plain. Knowing that they would be pursued by the Indians, 
without making any halt except to shift their saddles to other 



404 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON. 

horses, they drove thera on for about sixty miles, and on the 
twenty -fourth of April left them at a watering place on the 
trail, called Agua de Tomaso. Without giving themselves 
any time for rest, they hurried on, hoping to meet the Spanish 
caravan, when they discovered Fremont's camp. The Colonel 
received them kindly, taking them into his own mess, and 
promised them such aid as circumstances might put it in liis 
power to give. 

On the following day they left the river abruptly, and, tui-n- 
ing to the north, regained in a few miles the main trail, and 
continued their way across a lower ridge of the mountain, 
thi-ough a miserable tract of sand and gravel. They crossed at 
intervals the broad beds of dry gullies, where in the season of 
rains and melting snows there would be brooks or rivulets; 
and at one of these, where there was no indication of water, 
were several freshly dug holes, in which there was water at the 
depth of two feet. These holes had been dug by the wolves, 
whose keen sense of smell had scented the water under the dry 
sand. They were nice little wells, narrow, and dug straight 
down, and the travelers got pleasant water out of them. 

The country had now assumed the character of an elevated 
and mountainous desert; its general features being black, rocky 
ridges, bald, and destitute of timber, with sandy basins be- 
tween. Where the sides of these ridges were washed by gullies, 
the plains below were scattered with beds of large pebbles or 
rolled stones, destructive to soft-footed animals. Through 
these sandy basins sometimes struggled a scanty stream, or 
occurred a hole of water, which furnished camping grounds 
for travelers. Frequently in their journey across, snow was 
visible on the surrounding mountains; but their waters rarely 
reached the sandy plain below, where the party toiled along, 
oppressed with thirst and the burning sun. But, throughout 
this nakedness of sand and gravel, were many beautiful plants 
and flowering shrubs, which occured in many new species. 
This was a peculiarity of this desert. Even where no grass 
would take root, the naked sand would bloom with some rich 
and rare flower, which found its appropriate home in the arid 
and barren spot. After traveling about twenty-five miles, 



OR, THE BORDKR WARS OF TWO OENTITRIKS. 405 

they arrived at the Agiia de Tomaso — the spring where the 
horses had been left; but, as they had expected, tliey were 
gone. A brief examination of tlie ground convinced tliein that 
they had been driven oft' by the Indians. Carson and Godey 
vohmteered with the Mexican to pursue them; and, well 
mounted, the three set oft^ on the trail. At this stopping place 
thei-e were a few bushes and very little grass. Its water was 
a pool; but near by was a spring, which had been dug out by 
Indians or travelers. Its water was cool — a great refresh- 
ment to Fremont under the burning sun. 

In the evening Fuentes returned, his horse having failed; 
but Carson and Godey had continued the pursuit. In the 
afternoon of the next day, a war-whoop was heard, such as 
Indians make when returning from a victorious enterpi-ise; 
and soon Carson and Godey appeared driving before them a 
band of horses, recognized by Fuentes to be part of those they 
had lost. Two bloody scalps, dangling from the end of Godey 's 
gun, announced that they had overtaken the Indians as well as 
the horses. They informed Fremont, that after Fuentes left 
them, from the failure of his h(.rse, they continued the "pursuit 
alone, and towards nightfall entered the mountains, into 
which the trail led. After sunset the moon gave light, and they 
followed the trail by moonshine until late in the night, when 
it entered a narrow deiile, and was difficult to follow. Afraid 
of losing it in the darkness of the defile, they tied up their 
horses, struck no lire, and lay down to sleep in silence and in 
darkness. Here they lay from midnight till morning. At 
daylight they resumed the pursuit and about sunrise discovered 
the horses; and, immediately dismounting and tying up their 
o%vn, they crept cautionsly to a rising ground which intervened, 
from the crest of which they perceived the encampment of 
four lodges close by. They proceeded quietly, and had got 
within thirty or forty yards of their object, when a movement 
among the horses discovered them to the Indians; giving the 
war shout, they instantly charged into the camp, regardless of 
the number which the foiu' lodges would imply. The Indians 
received them with a flight of arrows shot from their long 
bows, one of which passed through Godey's shirt collar, barely 



406 ADVENTURES OF FUEMONT AKD KIT CARSON : 

missing the neck; the two men fired tlieir rifles upon a steady 
aim, and rushed in. Two Indians were stretched on the 
ground, fatally pierced w^ith bullets; the rest fled, except a lad 
that was captured. The scalps of the fallen were instantly 
stripped off; but in the process, one of them, who had two 
balls through his body, sprung to his feet, tlie blood streaming 
from his skinned head, and uttered a hideous howl. An old 
squaw, possibly his mother, stopped and looked back from the 
mountain side she was climbing, threatening and lamenting. 
Tlie frightful spectacle appalled the stout hearts of Carson and 
Godey; but they did what humanity required, and quickly 
terminated the agonies of the gory savage. They were now 
masters of the camp, which was a pretty little recess in the 
mountain, with a fine spring, and apparently safe from all in- 
vasion. Great preparations had been made to feast a large 
party, for it was a very proper place for a rendezvous, and for 
the celebration of such orgies as robbers of the desert w^ould 
delight in. Several of the best horses had been killed, skinned, 
and cut up; for the Indians living in mountains, and only 
coming into the plains to rob and murder, make no other use 
of horses than to eat them. Large earthen vessels were on the 
fire, boiling and stewing the horse beef; and several baskets, 
containing fifty or sixty pairs of moccasins, indicated the 
presence, or expectation, of a considerable party. They released 
the boy, who had given strong evidence of the stoicism, 
or something else, of a savage character, in commencing his 
breakfast upon a horse's head as soon as he found he was not 
to be killed, but only tied as a prisoner. Their object accom- 
plished, they gathered up all the surviving horses, fifteen in 
number, returned upon their trail, and rejoined the camp in 
the afternoon 'of the same day. They had rode about one 
hundred miles in the pursuit and return, and all in thii'ty 
hours. The time, place, object, and numbers, considered, this 
expedition of Carson and Godey may be considered among the 
boldest and most disinterested which the annals of western 
adventure, so full of daring deeds, can present. Two men, in 
a savage desert, pursue day and night an unknown body of 
Indians into the defiles of an unknown mountain — attack 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENT[IRIES. 407 

them on sight, without counting numbers — and defeat them 
in an instant — and for what? To punish the robbers of the 
desert, and to avenge the wrongs of Mexicans whom they did 
not know.* 
* Fremont's Journal. 



CHAPTER LIl. 

Ajjventures of Fremont's Second Expedition, Concluded — Kit 
Carson in New Mexico — Description op Taos and the Settle- 
HENTs OF New Mexico— ^ Interesting Incidents of Smuggling — 
The Fandango. 

On the fifth ©f May, the expedition reached the JRio de los 
Angeles, a branch of the Eio Virgen. The animals had become 
so completely exhausted that it was necessary to remain at this 
place a day for rest. Many days previous the route had led 
through a desert country, where no water and but very little 
grass could be procured. The camps had not been fairly pitched, 
when Indians crowded numerously around, assuming a threat- 
ening attitude, to such a degree as to compel the men to keep 
their arms in hand constantly, to prevent the intruders from 
taking possession of the camp, A strong band of these Indians 
surrounded the horses, which, for tlie convenience of grass^ 
were guarded a little above the camp, on the river. These 
were at once driven in for protection. 

Several times during the day the camp was insulted by 
Indians, but peace being Fremont's object, he kept simply on 
the defensive. Some of the Indians were on the bottoms, and 
others haranguing him from the bluffs; and they were scat- 
tered in every direction over the hills. Their language Ijeing 
a dialect of the Utahs, with the aid of signs some of the 
hunters could comprehend them, very well. They were bare- 
footed, and nearly naked ; their hair gathered up into a knot 
behind; and with his bow, each man carried a quiver with 
thirty or forty arrows partially drawn out. Besides these, each 
held in his hand two or three arrows for instant service. Their 
ai-rows were barbed with a very clear translucent stone, a species 
of opal, nearly as hard as the diamond; and, when shot from 
(408) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 409 

their long bows, were almost as effective as a gunshot. In 
these Indians, Fremont was forcibly struck by an expression 
of countenance resembling that in a beast of prey; and all 
their actions were those of wild animals. Joined to the rest- 
less motion of the eye, there was a want of mind — an al)sence 
of thouglit — and an action wholly by impulse, strongly 
expressed. 

A man who appeared to be a chief, with two or three others, 
forced himself into camp, carrying with him his arms, in spite 
of Fremont's orders to the contrary. When shown the latter's 
weapons, he bored his ear with his fingers, and said he could 
not hear. " Why," said he, " there are none of you." 
Counting the people around the camp, and including in the 
number a mule which was being shod, he made out twenty- 
two. " So many," said he showing the number, " and we— 
we are a great many;" and he pointed to the hills and moun- 
tains round about. " If you have your arms," said he, twanging 
his bow, " we have these." Fremont had some difficulty in 
restraining the people, particularly Carson, who felt an insult 
of this kind as much as if it had been given by a more respon- 
sible being. "Don't say that, old man," said he; "don't you 
say that — your life's in danger" — speaking in good English; 
" and probably the old man was nearer to his end than he will 
be before he meets it."* 

Several aninials had been necessarily left behind near the 
camp of the previous night; and early in the morning, before 
the Indians made their appearance, several men were sent to 

uneasy 



brins: them in. When Fremont was besfinnin^ to be 



t3 

at their absence, they returned with information that they had 
been driven oft' from the trail by Indians; and, having followed 
the tracks in a short distance, they found the animals cut up and 
spread out upon bushes. In the evening the Colonel gave a 
fatigued horse to some of the Indians for a feast; and the vil- 
lage which carried him off refused to share with the others, 
who made loud complaints from the rocks of the partial dis- 
tribution. Many of these Indians had long sticks, hooked at 
the end, wdiich they used in hauling out lizards, and other small 

* Fremont's Report. 



410 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

animals, from their holes. During the day they occasionally 
roasted and ate lizards at the fires of the expedition. These 
belong to the people who are generally known under the name 
of Diggers. 

On the following morning, they left the Eio de los Angeles, 
and continued their way through the same desolate and revolt- 
ing country, where lizards were the only animal, and the tracks 
of the lizard-eaters the principal sign of human beings. After 
twenty miles' march through a road of hills and heavy sands, 
they i;eached the most dreary river ever seen — a deep, rapid 
stream, almost a torrent, passing swiftly by, and roaring against 
obstructions. The stream was running towards the southwest, 
and appeared to come from a snowy mountain in the north. 
It proved to be the Eio Yirgen — a tributary to the Colorado. 
For several days they continued their journey up the river, the 
bottoms of which were thickly overgrown with various kinds 
of brush; and the sandy soil was absolutely covered with tracks 
of Diggers, who followed them stealthily, like a band of wolves. 

On the following day as they journeyed on, one of the men 
named Tabeau, left his post and rode back to the site of the 
previous night's encampment, in search of a lame mule. The 
man remained until suspicion of his fate was aroused, when Car- 
son, with several men, well mounted, were sent back to ascertain 
Tabeau's whereabouts. They went to the camping ground of 
the previous night, but neither he nor the mule was there. 
Searching down the river, they found the tracks of the mule, 
evidently driven along by Indians, whose tracks were on each 
side of those made by the animal. After going several miles, 
they came to the mule itself, standing in some bushes, mortally 
wounded in the side by an arrow, and left to die, that it might 
be afterwards butchered for food. They also found, in another 
place, as they were hunting about on the ground for Tabeau's 
tracks, something that looked like a little puddle of blood, but 
which the darkness prevented them from verifying. With these 
details they returned to the camp. 

The next morning, as soon as there was light enough to fol- 
low tracks. Col. Fremont set out, with Mr. Fitzpatrick and 
several men, in search of Tabeau. They went to the spot 



()R, THK BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 411 

where the appearance of puddled blood had been seen ; and this 
they saw at once, had been the place where he fell and died. 
Blood upon the leaves, and beaten down bushes, showed that 
he had got his wound about twenty paces from where he fell 
and that he had struggled for his life. He had probably been 
shot through the lungs by an arrow. From the place where 
he lay and bled, it could be seen that he had been dragged to 
the river bank, and thrown into it. No vestige of what had 
belonged to him could be found, except a fragment of his 
horse equipment. 

From this point nothing of interest occurred, and they 
reached the frontier settlements of Missouri on the sixth of 
August, 1844. Fremont proceeded to Washington, while his 
brave followers, for the most part, turned back into the wilds 
of the great West, apparently unwilling to advance into civil- 
ization. Among these was Carson, who proceeded to Taos, 
where his wife and family anxiously awaited his arrival. 

Let us now leave Fremont at Washington, enjoying the best 
honors which an enlightened people can bestow upon a faithful 
public servant, while we follow Carson and his adventures. 
This, as will be seen, will soon lead us into Fremont's third 
expedition. 

It will not surprise the reader who has become acquainted 
with Carson's changeable habits, to learn that early in the 
spring of 1845, he decided to become a farmer. In this spec- 
ulation he is said to have been joined by a Mr. Owens. For 
the furtherance of this purpose, they purchased an extensive 
tract of land on the Little Cameron river, and at once made 
the necessary arrangements to improve it. The farm was 
located about forty miles from Taos. They commenced opera- 
tions by building some small huts, which served as dwellings 
for themselves and their laborers. They succeeded in sowing 
a considerable quantity of grain, and made other advance- 
ments, which promised success for their efforts. 

As we are soon to enter upon an account of the wars waged 
in the conquest of New Mexico, it will be proper, at this place, 
to glance at the general features of that territory. Perhaps 
the town of Taos affords a fair sample of the markets or trad- 



412 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

ing posts of the coiintiy. It was located in tlie valley of Taos^ 
and consisted of several villages scattered along the valley. 
The principal of these was called Fernandez de Taos, and is 
situated in the centre of tlie valley, on an elevated plat of 
ground. The buildings in all the villages of New Mexico are 
constructed of adobes, being one story high, with flat roofs. 
The Mexicans have but very little regard for streets, building 
their houses for the most part with great irregularity. In a 
business point of view, there is only one centre to each village, 
called the plaza. It is in this knot that all the stores are loca- 
ted, and when business is pursuing its regular channels, this 
part of the town is always densely thronged with Mexicans,. 
Americans and Indians. 

The houses are all whitewashed with lime, and present a very 
white appearance, the village church being the largest and most 
attractive. This, however, is a poor specimen of a church 
building, wanting in beauty without and comfort within. 
These are generally provided with poor bells, from which toll- 
ing is produced by round hard stones in the hands of the 
ringers. Their success in chiming does not flatter their skill 
in music. The parde, or priest, is the person most respected 
in a Mexican village; indeed, he is looked upon as sacred. 
These are, for the most part, poorly educated, but, under the 
present management, this objection is being rapidly removed. 

There are nearly ten thousand people in the villages of the 
Taos, many of whom are idlers. On the other hand, there are 
many industrious farmers. Raising horses, cattle and sheep is 
also carried on with very good success. Their commerce has 
been largely increased under the United States government, 
and the scenes of poverty and destitution which, unhappily, 
characterized life in New Mexico under the old Mexican gov- 
ernment, have been almost entirely removed. At the j)eriod 
of which I am writing, previous to the war with Mexico, the 
inhabitants of New Mexico wore only the scanty dress peculiar 
to their own country, but in later years, when the goods of 
American factories found their way to these towns without 
being smuggled, these people readily threw away several styles 
of their dress, and adopted that of the Americans in their 



OR, THE BORDKR WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 413 

places. Among these changes I might mention more particu- 
hirly the dress of the female. From a state of absolute nudity, 
they have been elevated, in some instances, to silks and satins. 

Before New Mexico became a Territory of the United States, 
the villages of the Taos, and other settlements in this Territory, 
were the scenes of constant smuggling from the United States. 
The Mexican custom officers were either bribed or deceived 
constantly; every possible measure was adopted to cheat them, 
and when this did not succeed, bribery was resorted to with 
very good results for the traders. The duty on American 
manufactures was enormous, and smuggling was carried on to 
such an extent that it was quite impossible to conduct a legit- 
imate trade. Commerce having reached this condition, very 
few persons attempted to trade in the village of New Mexico, 
who did not resolve on smuggling as the only source of large 
profit. 

It would be an easy matter to till a large volumne with 
incidents of this kind of trade, many of which are exceedingly 
interesting. A favorite plan of the smugglers was that of 
carrying a large supply of goods to the boundary line and then 
making a cache of them in the forest, advancing with a very 
small portion on which they paid the regular duty witli a 
tolerably good grace. Advancing into the settlements they 
then began to trade with the inhabitants without arousing the 
suspicion of the authorities. Whenever a favorable oppor- 
tunity presented itself these merchants would replenish their 
stores from the cache which they had made, and thus continue 
to sell goods to the value of thousands of dollars, having paid 
duty on perhaps the first five hundred dollar's worth. But 
even this plan was attended with many difficulties. Oftimes 
when the weary merchant was making the cache of his goods, 
a keen eyed Indian, who had been following him for days, for 
the purpose, lay concealed not fifty paces off in full view of 
the operation. Then stealing quietly away he soon becomes 
^he leader of a select band. The cache is robbed, and when 
our smuggler returns for a second supply he discovers that 
while he has been cheating, the Indians have been stealing 



414 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON: 

his goods. In the midst of his rage and disappointment he 
could not fail to recognize the equity of the transaction. 

But as with the Jndian when wronged or robbed, it soon 
became the policy of these trades to seek revenge. They 
were seldom caught twice in the same trap. A fatal snare 
was set for the lurking thieves, and, in consequence, the caches 
of the smugglers soon became a terror to them. By some 
arrangement a large quantity of powder was embedded in the 
earth just over the goods, so that when it was disturbed l)y one 
unacquainted with this circumstance, it would explode. In 
this way many an Indian had been sent up suddenly into the 
air far above the surrounding trees, or blown into atoms by 
the fatal magazine. 

Some of the Indian Pueblos in New Mexico were also very 
interesting to the traveler. Their houses were generally built 
on top of each other, each a little smaller than the one below 
it, until a sort of pyramid was formed. The inhabitants 
entered their respective dwellings through the roofs by the aid 
of ladders. 

The farming utensils of the Mexicans were of the rudest 
kind, many of them being curiosities of pioneer life, but these 
are gradually giving away to the modern implements of 
American manufacture. The pioneer plough of JSTew Mexico 
consisted of one piece of timber with a certain bend. One end 
was sharpened and on it was fastened a piece of iron rudely 
imitating the plough shear. In ploughing, oxen were used, 
yoked in the Egyptain style, to the horns. 

The crops of corn and wheat in l^ew Mexico were generally 
large, and it was principally upon these that the inhabitants 
depended for support. In converting this grain into flour, 
they generally used two large stones which were operated by 
hand. Their diet was, for the most part, a kind of corn meal 
gruel, wheat bread, and the usual vegetables. Apples, peaches, 
plums and grapes were raised in ISTew Mexico in great abund- 
ance. The celebrated El Paso wine was manufactured from 
the latter. 

The brief description of Toas, may be applied to Santa Fe, 
and most of the other towns of New Mexico. The settle- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 415 

ments were all similar, and the manners and customs of tlie 
people about tlie same. The Mexicans were not a very chaste 
or^•irtuous set of people, and it inavAvell be regretted that the 
Americans who have gone among- them, have afforded them a 
verj poor example in this respect, but their condition is now 
being rapidly improved. Their greatest recreation and most 
exquisite enjoyment consisted in dancing. These took the 
place of the ball room in the more civilized states, only that the 
Mexican dance was looked to as something more of a peculiarity 
of their nation. During the winter season, the traveler will find 
a dance in progress on every evening in a town or village in 
New Mexico, to w'hich he is invariably invited. The music, in 
which these people do not excel, consists in the violin and a 
guitar, the players accompanying the music with their voices, 
making up words to suit the uncertain measui'e of the air as 
they proceed. The Mexican ladies ahvays display great care 
and little good taste in preparing for the fandango. They put 
on the most guady colored paint, but still appear untidy. 
The men are always dressed plain and, seldom make any 
attempt to appear in full dress. 

Such was the country and such the people among wdiom 
Kit Carson lived during the short interval between Colonel 
Fremont's second and third expeditions. 



CHAPTEE LIII. 

Colonel Fremont's Third Expedition — Peculiar Qualities of Kit 
Carson — Fremont Attacked by the Mexicans — Fremont visits 
Klamath Lake and the Lava Beds — Three op his party Killed 
— The KEVENaE. 

It was in 1845, that Col. Jolm C. Fremont set out on his 
third expedition to the West, an account of whicli will be 
found full of interest to the reader, since it leads us into the 
Mexican war, and the conquest of California. At Bent's 
Fort the party was joined by a very important person — one in 
whom every man had the greatest confidence, and whose face 
was like sunshine to every mountaineer — Kit Carson. He had 
sold his farm, and, with his partner, Owens, had joined. Fre- 
mont once more. The Colonel was glad to see him, for there 
was always certain service, in connection with the expedition, 
which Kit could execute a little better than any one else. That 
service may be summed up in this way: Carson was a good 
guide, being acquainted with nearly all the mountain passes. 
He was not a bad interpreter, as he Could speak Spanish fluently, 
and by the aid of signs, make himself understood to any tribe 
from the lava beds of the Modocs, to the worm-eaters of Lower 
California. In the hour of peril, when assaulted by hostile 
Indians, the foremost foe always fell by a ball from his uner- 
ring rifle; when privations and hardships were to be endured, 
he was full of cheer, and his brave words and cojirageous deeds 
were food to his weary, disconsolate companions; for bravery, 
honesty and all the virtues that adorn the life of the true 
adventurer, his was an example so brilliant as to attract all 
towards it. Kit Carson was, then, in the eyes of Fremont, a 
valuable companion. 

But it must not happen in this narrative, as it too often does, 
that the great virtues of one overshadow those of others around 
(416) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TVVO CENTURIES. 417 

him. There were many good, true, brave mountaineers in 
Fremont's party whom the great explorer loved with equal 
ardor. Among these were Maxwell, Fitzpatrick, Lajeunesse 
and others — all mountaineers of high standing, compeers with 
Carson, and worthy to be led by so brave a man as Colonel 
Fremont. 

Fremont's third expedition set out from Bent's Fort, pro- 
ceeding up the Arkansas, thence to Ballo Salado, or Soda 
Springs, thence to Piney river, thence to Wliite river. From 
this point, crossing the mountains, they proceeded to Prevost's 
Fork, which has become famous in history on account of the 
massacre of Prevost's party upon its banks. The expedition 
traveled from this point to Salt Lake, where Fremont spent 
some time in exploring its islands. Leaving this place, they 
crossed the great desert, touched at Sutter's Fort, and encamped 
at San Jose. This long journey was attended with many 
obstacles, several encounters with hostile Indians, loss of ani 
mals, and many hardships which rendered the party nearlj 
unfit for a continuance of the journey. 

It was now determined to proceed to Monterey, in Califor 
nia, for supplies. Accordingly thej' set out, and when withiii 
a few miles of the town, they were surprised by meeting a 
messenger with orders from General Castro, the Mexican com- 
mander, to leave the territory at once or he would march his 
army against them. Fremont gave the messenger to understand 
that he would leave the territory when he had completed the 
task assigned him by his government, but not sooner, and feU 
back into a strong position, where he took some pains to for- 
tify his camp. He was scarcely settled down in this position, 
when he observed, in full view, the Mexican general advancing 
at the head of several hundred troops. The mountaineers, 
although seeing themselves many times outnumbered by the 
advancing forces, were unshaken and remained firm. Gen. 
Castro, having approached the party as near as his courage 
would support him, halted and began his demonstrations, with 
a view to frightening the intruders away. His cannon roared, 
his cavalry galloped to and fro, his infantry maneuvered, but 
to all this the Americans sent forth a haughty defiance, invit- 
27 



418 ADVENTURES OF FREMONT AND KIT CARSON : 

ing, bj their attitude, the advance of the cowardly Mexicans, 
but to no purpose. 

Remaining in this position three days, and being unable to 
induce their enemies to fight, the Americans withdrew to 
Lawson's Trading Post, by way of the Sacramento, where they 
hoped to obtain the supplies which they had been disappointed 
in receiving at Monterey. On reaching this post, they were 
informed by the Americans in that place, that one thousand 
Indians in the neighborhood had, at the request of the Mexi- 
cans, banded together for the purpose of killing all the 
American settlers in the place, A consultation was held, at 
which it was resolved that Fremont's party and five men belong- 
ing to the post, should immediately proceed to disperse the 
savages. Accordingly, they set out, and in a few days discovered 
the enemy. Without delay the party began the attack, and 
for some time the Indians disputed the ground ably. At 
length they began to waver, and with this the mountaineers 
rushed upon them, strewing the ground for nearly a mile with 
the dead bodies of the Indians. Having executed this import- 
ant task, they returned to Lawson's Post. 

Eeceiving the necessary supplies at this place, they started 
for the Columbia river, passing in their route Mount Shatta,. 
the snow-clad monument to the wonders of the Sacramento 
valley, which lifts its towering summit fourteen thousand five 
hundred feet above the sea. Passing this giant wonder, they 
proceeded to Klamath Lake, and the lava beds, among the 
homes of the fierce Modocs, whose treachery knows no bounds. 
While encamped in this dangerous seclusion, Fremont was 
visited by a messenger from Lieut. Gillespie, of the United 
States army, informing him that w^ar was contemplated between 
the United States and Mexico. On hearing this, Fremont and 
his party at once set out to meet the Lieutenant, who was then 
advancing through the country of the Ellamath Indians. After 
a journey of some sixty miles, the parties met, to the great 
joy of all concerned. The tents were pitched, and a social 
time followed. Fremont sat down by the fire and busied him- 
self reading the many letters which the Lieutenant had brought 
him, and asking questions concerning the news from civiliza- 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 419 

tion. All hands sat up until about one o'clock that night, 
when, weary and toil-worn, they fell asleep with less caution 
than had characterized their previous encampments. About 
three o'clock in the morning, when all was quiet, Carson was 
aroused by a noise which told him of the presence of Indians. 
By the time he had secured his rifle and made the alarm, three 
of the party had been slain, one, Mr. Lajeunesse, before referred 
to, the other two, Delaware Indians. The savages were soon 
routed, but the loss was irreparable. The dead were buried in 
the forest where they fell, then far away from the haunts of 
civilization. 

It was now certain that a body of Indians was following 
their trail with hostile intentions, and the next move was to 
chastise them. Accordingly, on the following morning, when 
the expedition moved forward, a party of fifteen remained in 
ambush. It was not long before two Indian scouts came along 
the fatal way. They both fell from the bullets of the moun- 
taineers, and were scalped. Satisfied with this revenge, the 
rear party soon overtook Fremont, when the whole expedition 
marched forward towards California 



CHAPTEE LIV. 

Fbemont as a Conqueror — The War in Northern California — 
Heroism op the Mountaineers — Indian Hostilities — Fremont 
AND his Followers Conquer Northern California— His Tri- 
umphal Entry into Montery — California Saved from the 
English. 

In addition to the intelligence that war was contemplated 
between the United States and Mexico,* Lieut. Gillespie 
informed Fremont that it was the wish of the Government 
that he should take a favorable position and watch affairs in 
California (then a Mexican State). He was to use every 
means to conciliate the feelings of the people in that territory, 
" encourage a friendship with the United States and do all in 
his power to prevent that country from passing into the hands 
of the English." This information more than any other led 
him to return to California. 

Soon after the expendition set out on this march, Carson, 
who had been sent ahead with ten men, came up with a 
thousand Klamath warriors, among whom were the Indians 
who had invaded their camp two days before, when their 
beloved companion and the two Delaware Indians met their 
death. Fremont had ordered Carson, on the first sight of the 
Indians, to return to the main camp with the information, so 
that the whole force might march against them, but Carson 
was too eag^r for a fight to obey this instruction. With his 
little band he at once fell upon the Indians, and after a fierce 
conflict put the whole to flight. In this bold charge Carson's 

* I find much conflicting testimony on the question of Fremont's infor- 
mation, some writers liave it that Lieut. Gillespie informed him that war 
had been declared, while others, — those who are probably correct — hold 
that the intelligence comprehended only that hostilities were anticipated. 
(420) 



OB, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 421 

party killed several warriors and destroyed a very important 
village. 

Not long after, when Carson's detachment returned to the 
main party and all were moving forward togetlier, a band of 
hostile Indians was encountered, and in the conflict, the bold 
mountaineer came very nearly losing his life, being saved from 
the fatal arrow by the prompt and courageous interposition of 
his leader. Colonel Fremont. 

On arriving in Northern California, Fremont found the 
country in a state of extreme alarm. As "sve have already seen, 
General Castro was civil and military commander, and was 
using his best efforts to provoke the native Californians to 
enmity towards the Americans. At this period the entire 
population of the territory, excluding the Indians, was not more 
than ten thousand. About one-fifth of these were Americans, 
or foreigners, as Castro called them. This commander had 
issued a proclamation which aimed its wrath at the Americans, 
requiring them to leave the country. It was soon discovered 
that England was at the bottom of this measure, and that it 
contemplated the transfer of California from the hands of 
Spain to that of Great Britian, with the extermination of all 
the American (United States) settlers. In order to insure suc- 
cess for the undertaking, the Indian tribes were induced to 
participate in the conspiracy. This soon resulted in burning 
and destroying the crops and houses of the settlers from the 
States. 

It is not surprising then that when the brave Fremont 
advanced along the valley of the Sacramento, men, women and 
children, thronged around him with hands extended and 
voices crying for protection. 

The means by which the British were to set up their gov- 
ernment in California are thus spoken of: A Catholic priest, 
named Eugenie Macnamara, in 1845, while in the city of 
Mexico, made application for a grant of land for the pur- 
pose of establishing a colony in California. He asked for a 
square league, containing four thousand four hundred and 
twenty-eight acres to be given to each family, and that each 
child of a colonist should have half a square league. The 



422 CONQUEST OF OALIFOKNIA ANl) NEW MEXICO.* 

territory to be conveyed to liim was to be around San Fran- 
cisco Bay, was to embrace three thonsand square leagues and 
include the whole valley of the San Joaquin. He guaranteed 
to establish his colony with a thousand families. In his 
memorial to the President of Mexico, he says: 

" I propose with the aid and approbation of your Excellency, 
to place in Upper California, a colony of Irish Catholics. I 
have a triple object in making this proposition. I wish in the 
first place to advance the cause of Catholicism. In the second 
to contribute to the happiness of my countrymen. Thirdly, I 
desire to -put an obstacle in the way of further usurpation on 
the part of an irreligious and anti-Catholic nation." 

His plan was supported by the central government, and was 
referred for a final decision, to the land holders and local 
authorities of California, Conventions were now being held 
to perfect the arrangement. Father Macnamara had landed, 
from the British ship Juno, which lay at Santa Babara, and 
indeed all things were ready for the consummation of the con- 
spiracy. Had this been effected, California would have passed 
into the hands of the English, and another bloody war would 
have resulted. 

Fremont's position is now clear to the reader. It was a 
critical one. He was surrounded on either hand by thousands 
of hostile Indians who had already commenced the work of . 
destroying the crops and houses of the American settlers, and 
massacreing the defenseless people. The reign of blood and 
terror, such as we have seen on the borders of Pennsylvania 
and Virginia in 1764, was now being repeated in Northern 
California. Something must be done, and that quickly. 
Fremont waited only to become fully aware of the situation — 
a situation from which any but a truly brave man would have 
turned away. And what would have been the result, had this 
man shrank from the duty which now stood out before him? 
The question has already been answered by many! The 
American settlers with their wives and children would liave 
met utter ruin, the Golden State would have passed into the 
hands of a foreign power. In the face of all the dangers which 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 423 

surrounded Fremont, lie drew his sword and declared himself 
a defender. 

He called his men together and laid before them the state 
of the case. They were all eager for the war, and designated 
Fremont as their leader. Many of the settlers joined Fre- 
mont's party, and the Colonel soon fonnd himself at the head 
of qnite a force — all men whose courage and endurance had 
been tried. He marched against the Indians without delay, 
leaving half a dozen men to defend the camp. In this expedi- 
tion he broke up five villages. (Coming up with a strong 
band of warriors during the first day's march, he found them 
engaged in the war dance, in black paint and white feathers 
preparatory to their meditated attack upon the settlers. A 
charge was immediately made and the Indians dispersed 
with a heavy loss. 

This was a bold stroke — an achievement which none but 
those fierce mountaineers could have effected. In a single day 
they had utterly ruined the Indian combination, and half 
defeated the conspiracy. After this victory, Fremont moved 
his camp up to Butte's Post, a ranche located about fifty 
miles above Sutter's Fort. On reaching this point Fremont 
received information that General Castro had assembled four 
hundred men at Santa Clara, and that he had sent an officer, 
with a detachment, to Sonora, to procure horses for the cam- 
paign. A small party was immediately sent out to intercept 
this detachment. The work was faithfully executed, tne whole 
train being captured. The prisoners were set at liberty, but the 
horses were brought into camp. 

By these vigorous movements, Castro's forces were all driven 
from the country north of the Bay of San Francisco. " At 
Sonoma," says Mr. Upham, " Gen. Vallijo, two Colonels and 
■other prisoners were taken. A squadron of eighty men under 
Capt. De la Torre, remained for a short time on a peninsula, at 
Sancelito, on the north of the bay, directly opposite Castro's 
encampment on the east side, but he was pressed so hard that 
he abandoned his horses, and escaped in launches across the bay 
to Castro. Fremont found there a bark from the Eastern States, 
commanded by a patriotic American, Wm. D. Phelps, of Lex- 



424 CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO: 

ington, Mass., who, entering heartily into the business, let him 
have his launch, into which he jumj^ed with twelve men, and 
rowed over to San Francisco, about eiglit miles, where there 
was a fort with a battery of guns, mostly brass field pieces, 
which they spiked, employing for the purpose steel files, used 
for sharpening knives, which Capt. Phelps happened to have 
on board his bark." 

Thus ended the conquest of JSTorthern California, and now 
Fremont sent a message to Gen. Castro, saying that he could 
not get his horses over the bay, but if he would wait for him 
lie would pass around its head as quickly as j)ossible, and meet 
liim at Santa Clara, and decide the contest for the country. As 
lie proceeded to march around the bay, he reached Sonoma on 
the Fourth of July, where, a large number of Americans hav- 
ing congregated, the day was duly celebrated. On the following 
day, Fremont, surrounded by his enthusiastic followers, declared 
California independent. A flag for the free State was unfurled, 
being white, with the figure of a grizzly bear in the centre. 

On the following day, Fremont proceeded to fulfill his 
engagement with Castro, and marched forward towards Santa 
Clara, but when he reached Sutter's Fort, a message met him 
from Commodore Slant, announcing the capture of Monterey. 
Upon receiving this news, Fremont laid down his " bear flag," 
and hoisted the Stars and Stripes. Thus California, through 
con- \ge and prompt action, become an easy conquest, and was 
aa .^u to the American Union. 

Fremont proceeded, however, towards Castro's forces, but 
the latter fled at his approach, and the Colonel marched in 
triumph to Monterey. Of his entrance into that city we have 
the following from the pen of an English author, Hon. Fred- 
erick Walpole, who witnessed it: "During our stay in 
Monterey, Capt. Fremont and his party arrived. They, natu- 
rally excited curiosity. Here were true trappers, the class that 
produced the heroes of Fenimore Cooper's best works. These men 
had passed years in the wilds, living upon their own resources; 
they were a curious set. A vast cloud of dust appeared first, and 
thence, in long file, emerged this wildest wild party. Fremont 
rode ahead, a spare, active-looking man, with such an eye! He 



OR, THE BORDER AVARS OF l-WO CENTURIES. 425 

■was dressed in a blouse and Icggins, and wore a felt hat. After 
him came five Delaware Indians, who were his body guard, 
and had been with him through all his wanderings; they had 
charge of his baggage horses. The rest, many of them blacker 
than the Indians, rode two and two, the rifle held by one hand 
across the pummel of the saddle. Thirty-nine of them were 
his regular men, the rest were loafers picked up lately; his 
original band were principally backwoodsmen from the State 
of Tennessee, and the banks of the upper waters of the Mis- 
souri. He had one or two with him who enjoyed a high 
reputation in the prairies. Kit Carson was as well known 
there as the Duke is in Europe. The dress of these men was 
principally a long, loose coat of deer skin, tied with thongs in 
front; trowsers of the same, of their own manufacture, which, 
when wet through, they took oif, scraped well inside with a 
knife, and put on as soon as dry ; the saddles were of various 
fashions, though these and a large drove of horses and a brass 
field gun, were things they had picked up about California. 
They were allowed no liquor, tea and sugar only; this, no 
doubt, had much to do with their good conduct, and the disci- 
pline, too, was very strict. They were marched up to an open 
space on the hills near the town, under some large firs, and 
there took up their quarters in messes of six or seven, in the 
open air. The Indians lay beside their leader. One man, a 
doctor, six feet six high, was an odd looking fellow. May I 
never come under his hands. In justice to the Americans, I 
must say they seemed to treat the natives well, and their author- 
ity extended every protection to them." 



CHAPTER LV. 

Insttrkection in Southekn California — Fremont Subdues the 
Walla Wallas — The War in Southern California — Descrip- 
tion OP Southern California — Pico Defeated — The Peace. 

The course pursued by Colonel Fremont was of great value 
to the United States. It caused Commodore Sloat to take 
possession of Monterey on his arrival at that place, so that 
when Sir George Seymour arrived with a British squadron, he 
found the flag of the United States floating over the place. It 
is evident, then, that California was saved from falling into the 
hands of the British, by the great foresight and bravery of Col. 
Fremont and his heroic followers. 

Immediately after the conquest. Commodore Sloat sailed for 
the United States, leaving Commodore Stockton, who had 
arrived a few days before, in command. Fremont at once pro- 
ceeded to Los Angeles, then the capital of California, where, 
on his arrival, he discovered that Commodore Stockton had 
arrived before him, and proclaimed American protection. 
Castro had fled to Sonoma. From Stockton Fremont received 
several appointments, in the government of California, first as 
Major of the California battalion, afterwards military com- 
mandant of California, and finally, governor and commander- 
in-chief in that territory. 

Early in September, 1846, an extensive insurrection broke 
out in Southern California, and Fremont, having returned to 
the valley of the Sacramento, imniediately set about raising a 
battalion among the settlers, for the purpose of suppressing it. 
At the same time the panic was increased by the report of an 
Indian invasion from the north. One thousand Walla Walla 
Indians were marching on Sutter's Fort. The whole country 
"was now a scene of commotion, and every available force was 
(426) 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO C1<;NTU,R1KS. 427 

mustered to ineet tliis new danger. When the news of the 
Indian outbreak reached Fremont, his battalion was ah-eady 
seven hundred strong, but thinking that the story was greatly 
exaggerated, he took only three men and started out to meet 
the Walla Wallas. He soon came upon them, and although 
they were not so numerous as had been rumored, they were 
nevertheless in considerable force, and in a state of great anger. 
He marched with his tliree men directly into their midst, but 
they knew him, and instead of giving battle, they gathered 
round him, and made their complaint. They had been robbed, 
and, worse than all, one of their best young men had been 
killed by the whites. Fremont listened to their tales of com- 
plaint, and then promised them redress, on the condition that 
they would follow his advice, which was, that they should 
retire peaceably to their winter hunt, and meet him in the 
spring. He further agreed to send with them one of his own 
men, to hold the United States flag over them, and said that 
whoever struck that flag struck him. This plan was success- 
ful, and the war was averted. The Indians, after contributing 
ten of their best warriors to Fremont's battalion, retired to the 
winter hunt, returning in the spring to the place agreed upon, 
where they were met by Fremont, who gave them horses for 
pi-esents. 

On the twelfth of October, Fi'emont arrived at San Fran- 
cisco with his battalion. Here he embarked his command for 
Santa Barbara, in the ship Sterling, but they had not been out 
two days when they fell in with a vessel from which Fremont 
learned that no horses could be had in the country to which he 
was sailing, and he returned to Monterey for the purpose of 
marching overland. While in the latter place, he received 
intelligence that he had been appointed a Lieutenant-Colonel 
of a rifle regiment in the army of the United States. 

He dispatched a messenger to the Sacramento valley for the 
purpose of obtaining more men and supplies, and prepared for 
a long and tedious winter march. In the meantime the insur- 
rection had assumed a formidable shape. A party of four 
hundred American sailors and marines, on their journey from 
San Pedro to Los Angeles, had been attacked, with the loss of 



4:28 CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO: 

six men killed. They wero defeated by a strong band of Cali- 
fornians. Los Angeles and Santa Barbara were in their hands. 
The United States Consul had been taken prisoner. Captains 
Burroughs and Foster, and Mr. Eames, were killed in a severe 
skirmish, while escorting a lot of horses to Fremont's camp. 
Of the latter, Fremont received information, and with a force 
of four hundred mounted men and three pieces of artillery, 
marched to meet them. A large drove of beef cattle brought 
up the rear, to serve as provisions on the march. At San Juan 
Fremont received reenforcemeuts in the way of a large body of 
emigrants, who had recently crossed the country. One of 
them, named Edwin Bryant, who, in 1849, published a work on 
California, served as a First Lieutenant of one of the com- 
panies, and afterwards became alcalde of San Francisco. He 
speaks of the regiment in the following language: 

" There were no plumes nodding over brazen helmets, nor 
coats of broadcloth spangled with lace and buttons; a broad- 
brimmed, low-crowned hat, a shirt of blue flannel or buckskin, 
with pantaloons and moccasins of the same, all generally much 
the worse for wear, and smeared with mud and dust, make up 
the costume of the party, officers as well as men. A leathern 
girdle surrounds the waist, from which are suspended a bowie, 
and a hunter's knife, and sometimes a brace of pistols. These, 
with the rifle and holster pistols, are the arms carried by offi- 
cers and privates. A single bugle composes the -band. The 
staff officers were: Lieut.-Col. John C. Fremont, com- 
manding; A. H. Gillespie, Major; P. B. Beading, Paymaster; 
Henry King, Commissary; J. R. Snyder, Quartermaster; Wm. 
H. Bussell, Ordnance Officer; J. Talbot, Adjutant; and J. J. 
Myers, Sergeant-Major." 

In another place, speaking of Fremont's battalion, Mr. 
Bryant says: "The men composing the California battalion 
have been drawn from many sources, and are roughly clad and 
weather-beaten in their exterior appearance, but I feel it but 
justice to state my belief, that no military party ever passed 
through an enemy's country and observed the same strict 
regard for the rights of its population. I never heard of an 
outrage or even a trespass being committed by one of the 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIIiS. 429 

American volunteers during our entire march. Everj Amer- 
ican appeared to understand perfectly the duty which he owed 
to himself and others in this respect, and the deportment of 
the battalion might be cited as a model for imitation." 

After marching one hundred and fifty miles, this little army 
surprised, in a dark niglit, San Louis Obispo, the seat of a dis- 
trict commandant, and, without firing a gun, captured Don 
Jesus Pico, the leader of the insurrection in that place. " Two 
days afterwards," says Mr. Upham, in his valuable work on 
the life of Fremont, " December sixteenth, Pico was tried by a 
court martial and condemned to death for breaking his pai'ole. 
The next day, about an hour before noon, at which time the 
execution was to take place, a procession of females, headed by 
a lad}-- of fine appearance, proceeded to the quarters of Colonel 
Fremont, and with all the fervor natural to a mother, wife 
and children and near relations, under such circumstances, 
imj^lored for mercy, and prostrate and in tears, begged for the 
life of the convict. Their supplication was granted. Pico, 
who had borne himself with perfect coolness and firmness at 
the trial, and had prepared to die with the solemn dignity of 
a Spaniard, when brought in and informed of his pardon, flung 
himself with unrestrained emotion before Colonel Fremont, 
clasped his knees, swore eternal fidelity, and begged the priv- 
ilege of fighting and dying for him." 

Fremont has been censured for his clemency towards Pico, 
but when it was considered that an act of mercy had sometimes 
more to do with subduing the people of California, than the 
shedding of blood, the course he pursued can hardly be ques- 
tioned. 

" On the twenty-seventh of December, the battalion entered, 
without resistance, the town of Santa Barbara, where it 
remained recruiting until the third of January, 1847." Sev- 
eral days after, as they were pursuing their march, they were 
met by two messengers, who brought the welcome intelligence 
that Commodore Stockton had retaken Los Angeles, after a 
long and victorious engagement with the insurgents. It was 
now ascertained that the enemy's force was within a few miles 
of Fremont's camp, which was confirmed by the sudden appear- 



430 CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO: 

ance of two California officers, who visited Fremont to treat 
for peace. After some consultation, articles were agreed upon 
on the thirteenth of January, 1847, which stipulated that all 
Californians should deliver up their arms, return in peace to 
their homes, not engage in hostilities again during the war 
with Mexico, and do all in their power to keep the country in 
a state of peace. Californians or citizens of Mexico, were to 
be permitted to leave the country, and none of them were to 
be required to take the oath of allegiance to the United States 
until a treaty of peace should be made between the United 
States and Mexico. This was called the " capitulation of Cow- 
enga." On the following day, Fremont reached Cindad de los 
Angeles, having conquered California, and secured peace and 
protection to the United States settlers in that territory. 

We must now go back a few months to bring forward the 
adventures of Gen. Kearney. After finishing the conquest of 
California, which Fremont had so efiectually begun, Commo- 
dore Stockton sentKit Carson, with fifteen men, to Washington, 
D. C, with dispatches, giving full details of what had taken 
place. Carson was, if possible, to complete the journey and 
return in four months. He set out accordingly, and after 
traveling eastward for about thirty days, he met Gen. Kearney, 
on his way to California, " to conquer the Mexicans." Of 
course he received information that he was too late to perform 
that work, upon which he divided his command, and with a 
portion of it continued towards California. Carson accom- 
panied this detachment. 

Gen. Kearney had no sooner reached the borders of Califor- 
nia, than he was met by the enemy in full force; for, as the 
reader will observe, the insurrectionary movement was then at 
its height. AVhen within thirty miles of San Diego, he fought 
two battles, in which he was partially defeated. Being sur- 
rounded by the enemy, and reduced to a state of siege, he was 
in great want of grass and water. In this extremity, as in all 
others in which he found himself, Kit Carson came to the front 
as a volunteer in a bold scheme for relief. In this he was 
accompanied by one Beal and a Delaware Indian. Tiicy 
started out, and, under cover of the night, crawled through the 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 431 

enemy's lines. Having taken off their shoes to lessen the 
noise consequent upon their progress, they unfortunately lost 
them, and were compelled to continue their route barefooted. 
After a cautious journey, they reached their destination, and 
procured the necessaiy relief for Gen. Kearney, Avhich dis- 
persed the enemy and led him in triumph to Los Angeles. 

Here difficulties arose which terminated unhappily, Cali- 
fornia and the Pacific slope liad been conquered, but who waa 
to command. Commodore Stockton and Gen. Kearney were 
both, according to their understandings of the instructions 
they had received, appointed to the office; and when we con- 
sider that this territory was so far from the seat of government, 
it is not surprising that difficulties of this kind should have 
occurred. For the most part, dispatches from Washington had 
to be sent via Cape Horn, which sufficiently explains the neces- 
sity of action on the part of these officers without definite 
instructions. At all events we find Kearney and Stockton 
disputing the right to command. For a time Gen. Kearney's 
forces were so small that he was obliged to yield to Stockton, 
but on receiving reenforcements, he entered upon full com- 
mand, and seizing Col. Fremont, sent him under arrest to the 
United States. He was afterwards tried for disobedience of 
orders, and found guilty, but the development of subsequent 
circumstances, proved that he acted to the best of his judg- 
ment and in a patriotic manner. 

For further particulars of the lives of Kit Carson and Col. 
Fremont, the reader is referred to the appendix, in which I 
have followed out all those circumstances that cannot well be 
included in the current of the narrative. 



CHAPTER LYI. 

General Kearney and Colonel Doniphan — The Conquest op New 
Mexico — Battle of the Sacramento — CninuAnuA Taken — 
Glorious Victory of the Missouri ans — Triumphal Entry into 
THE Ancient Capital. 

In following the adventures of Colonel Fremont and Kit 
Carson tlirougli the mountains and over the broad prairies of 
the great west, I have, I trust, accomjolished two ends — first, 
in giving the reader a slight description of the outposts of civ- 
ilization in the west in 1843-6, and of the i^hysical features of 
the country, and second, in furnishing an account of the lives 
and public services of two brave men. This part of the narra- 
tive has led us into the Mexican war, and we have already seen 
the Mexican power overthrown in California and the Pacific 
slope. Let us now turn our attention to the events that were 
transpiring in New Mexico, and in Mexico itself. The first -will 
give us something of the lives of General Kearney, of whom 
I have already spoken, and Colonel Doniphan ; and the second 
a bright page in the history of Generals Scott and Taylor. 

First then as to New Mexico. On the thirtith of June, 
1846, by order of government, General Kearney marched 
from Fort Leavenworth with sixteen hundred regulars, on an 
expedition against Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. After 
marching eight hundred and fifty miles in six weeks, he took 
possession of the j^lace in the following August. Having 
accomplished this he published a proclamation in which he 
claimed that New Mexico belonged to the United States, and 
called upon the inhabitants to submit in peace to the new 
government. He then started for California, but we have 
already seen the results of this expedition. When he was met 
by Kit Carson he sent back the greater part of his force, 
(432) 



OK, THl': B()KM)KR WARS OF TWO OlONTURIKS. 433 

and, with a small troop harried on to join Commodore 
Stockton, while Colonel Doniphan led the main body across 
the mountains for the purpose of punishing tlie Indians who 
had so long harrassed the people of New Mexico. The 
Navahos, the principal hostile tribe in this affair were com- 
pelled to ask for peace, which Colonel Doniphan granted them 
only on the condition that they Avould desist from further 
aggressions upon the people whom the Americans had just 
conquered — a novel treaty indeed. This object accomplished 
and impatient of inactivity, and without definite orders, they 
turned eastward to "carve some new work for themselves." 
Chihuahua now became an object of conquest. This was a 
city of nearly thirty thousand souls, the seat of government of 
the Mexican state of that name, and at one time the residence 
of the Captains-General of the Internal Provinces under the 
Vice-Eegal Government of new Spain. This was indeed a 
perilous enterprise and a daring one for a thousand men to 
undertake, but danger and hardships, in those days lent a charna 
to any enterprise, and the adventurous march was resolved on, 
and at once commenced. " First," said Hon. Thomas Benton 
when addressing Colonel Doniphan's command on its return, 
"the ominous desert was passed, its character vindicating its 
title to its mournful appellation — an arid plain of ninety 
miles strewn with the l:»ones of animals that had died pinched 
by hunger and thirst — little hillocks of stone, and the solitary 
cross, erected by pious hands, marking the spot where some 
Christian had fallen victim to the savage, the robber, or the 
desert itself — no water — no animal life — no sign of habita- 
tion. There the Texan j)ioneers driven by the cruel Salazar, 
had met their direst sufferings, unrelieved as in other parts of 
the country, by the compassionate ministrations of the pitying 
women. The desert was passed, and the place for crossing the 
river apj^roached. * * * Tliere the enemy in superior 
numbers, and confident in cavalry and artillery, undertook to 
bar the way. Vain pretension! Their discovery, attack, and 
route were about simultaneous operations. A few minutes 
did the work! And in this way our Missouri volunteers of the 
Chihuahua column spent their Christmas day of the year 1846." 
28 



434 CONQUEST OF CALIFOKXIA AND NEW MEXICO: 

This victory at the river Bracito opened the way to the 
crossing of the river Del Norte and to admission into the 
handsome little town of Paso Del Norte, " where a neat civili- 
zation, a comfortable people, fields, orchards and vineyards, 
and a hospitable reception, offered the rest and refreshment 
which toils and dangers and victory had won." 

Here they rested until the artillery reached them from Santa 
Fe, when, in February, 1847, they moved forward and fought 
the battle of the Sacramento, one of the military marvels of 
that age, which cleared the route to Chihuahua. This state 
was entered without further resistance. But let us look in 
upon the battle just mentioned. 

The force under Colonel Doniphan consisted of nine hundred 
and twenty-four effective men, one hundred and seventeen offi- 
cers and privates of the artillery, ninety-three of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Mitchel's escort, and the remainder, the first regiment 
of Missouri mounted riflemen. They progressed in the direc- 
tion of Chihuahua until the twenty-fifth of February, when 
they were informed by the spies that the enemy, to the num- 
ber of fffteen hundred men was at Inseneas, the country seat 
of Governor Trias, about twenty-five miles in advance. On 
the twenty-seventh the command arrived at Sans, and learned 
that the enemy in great force had fortified the pass of the 
Sacramento river, about fifteen miles in advance, and about 
fifteen miles from the city which they had set out to conquer. 
At sunrise on the last day of February they took up the line of 
march and formed the whole train, consisting of three hundred 
and fifteen trader's wagons, and the commissary and company 
wagons, into four columns, thus shortening the line so as to 
make it more easily protected. They placed the artillery and 
all the command except the cavalry proper, consisting of two 
hundred, in the intervals between the columns of wagons. 
They thus fully concealed their force and its position by mask- 
ing it with cavalry. When they arrived within three miles of 
the enemy they made a reconnoisance of his position and the 
appointment of his forces. This they easily accomplished. 
They ascertained that the enemy had one battery of four guns, 
two nine and two six pounders on the point of the mountain 



OR, THE BOKDEK WARS OF TWO CKNTURIR^S. 435 

on their right, at a good elevation to sweep the plain, and at 
a point where the mountain extended farthest into the plain. 
On the left of Colonel Doniphan's command the enemy had 
erected another battery on an elevation commanding the rotid, 
with three entrenchments of two six pounders, and on the brow 
of the crescent near the center, another of several heavy ram- 
part pieces mounted on carriages; and on the Q-est of the hill 
or ascent between the batteries and the right and left, the 
enemy had twenty-seven redoubts dug and thrown up, extend- 
ing at short intervals across the whole ground. In these their 
infantry were placed and were entirely protected. Their 
cavalry was drawn up in front of the redoubts in the intervals, 
four deep, and in front of the redoubts two deep, so as to 
mask them as far as possible. 

"When Colonel Doniphan had arrived within one and a half 
miles of the entrenchments along the main road, he advanced the 
cavalry still farther, and suddenly diverged with the columns to 
the right so as to gain the narrow part of the ascent on his 
right, which the enemy discovered, and endeavored to prevent 
by moving forward with one thousand cavalry and four pieces 
of cannon in the rear, masked by them. Doniphan's move- 
ments were so rapid that he gained the elevation with his 
forces and the advance of the wagons in time to form before 
the Mexicans arrived within reach of his guns. The enemy 
halted, and the Americans advanced with the head column 
to within twelve hundred yards of them, so as to let their 
wagons attain the high lands and form as before. 

The battle commenced by a brisk fire from the American 
battery, which caused the enemy to unmask and return the 
assault. Even at this distance the Americans killed fifteen 
Mexicans, and wounded several more, suflering no loss them- 
selves beyond two or tliree mules. The enemy slowly retreated 
behind their works, and the Americans advanced so as to avoid 
the batteries. After marching as far as they could without 
going within range of their heavy battery, Capt. Weightman, 
of the artillery, was ordered to charge with the two twelve 
pound howitzers, to be supported by the cavalry under Capts. 
Reid, Parsons and Hudson. They charged at full speed with the 



436 CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO! 

howitzers, and were gallantly sustained by Capt. Reid, but by 
some misunderstanding, the Colonel's order was not given to 
the two companies, but Capt. Hudson anticipated the order, 
and charged in time to give ample support to the howitzers. 
Capt. Parsons, at the same moment, asked for permission for 
his company to charge the redoubts on the left, which he did in 
a gallant manaer. The remainder of the two battalions of the 
first regiment were dismounted during the cavalry charge, and 
following rapidly on foot, while Major Clarke advanced as fast 
as possible with the remainder of the battery, they charged 
the redoubts from right to left, with a brisk and deadly fire of 
riflemen. Major Clarke opened a well directed fire on a col- 
umn of cavalry which attempted to pass to the left, so as to 
attack the wagons in the rear. It was forced to fall back, and 
the American riflemen, with the cavalry and howitzers, cleared 
the parapets after an obstinate resistance, and Doniphan's 
forces advanced to the very brink of the enemy's redoubts, and 
attacked the Mexicans with their sabres. When the redoubts 
were cleared, and the batteries in the centre and on the left 
were silenced, the main battery on the right still continued to 
pour upon the invaders a constant and heavy fire, as it had 
done during the heat of the engagement; but as the whole fate 
of the battle depended upon carrying the redoubts and center 
battery, the one on the right remained undisturbed, and the 
enemy had concentrated there more than five hundred strong. 
Of the progress from this poi^it, we have an account in Col. 
Doniphan's own words: "Major Clarke commenced a heavy 
fire upon it. Lieut.-Cols. Mitchell and Jackson, commanding 
the first battalion, were ordered to remount and charge the 
battery on the left, while Major Gilpin passed the second bat- 
talion on foot up the rough ascent of the mountain on the 
opposite side. The fire of our battery was so efi'ective as to 
completely silence theirs, and the rapid advance of our column 
put them to flight over the mountains in great confusion." 

Thus ended the battle of the Sacramento. The force of the 
enemy was twelve hundred cavalry from Durango and Chihua- 
hua, with the Yera Cruz dragoons; twelve hundred infantry 
from Chihuahua; three hundred artillerymen, and fourteen 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 437 

hundred and twenty rancheros, badly armed with lassoes, 
lances and maehetoes, or corn knives; ten pieces of artillery, 
and six rampart pieces. Their forces were commanded by 
Major-General Hendea, general of Durango, Chihuahua, Son- 
ora and New Mexico; Brigadier-General Jostimani, Brigadier- 
(lenei-al Gracia Conde; General Ugerte and Governor Tria, and 
colonels and other officers without number. 

The force under Col. Doniphan consisted of nine hundred 
and twenty-four effective men; at least one hundred of whom 
were engaged in holding horses and driving teams. The loss 
of the Mexicans was their entire artillery, ten wagons, three 
liundred killed and about the same number wounded, and forty 
prisoners. The battlefield was literally covered with the dead 
of the enemy. The loss of the invincible America'ns was one 
killed, one mortally wounded and seven slightly w^ounded. 
Language can form no tribute worthy the coolness, gallantry 
and bravery of the officers and men in Colonel Doniphan's 
command. 

On the iirst day of March tliey took formal possession of the 
capital of Chihuahua, in the name of the United States govern- 
ment. Their entry to this city is thus spoken of by Hon. 
Thomas Benton: "It had been entered once before by a 
detachment of American troops, but under circumstances how 
different ! In the year 1807, Lieut. Pike and his thirty brave 
men, taken prisoners on the head of the Eio del ISTorte, had 
been marched captives into Chihuahua; in the year 1847, Don- 
iphan and his men entered it as conquerors. The paltry 
triumph of a captain-general over a lieutenant, was effaced in 
the triumphal entrance of a thousand Missourians into the grand 
and ancient capital of all the Internal Provinces ! and old 
men, still alive, could remark the grandeur of the American 
spirit under both events^the proud and lofty bearing of the 
captive thirty — the mildness and moderation of the conquer- 
ing thousand." 

Doniphan was not merely satisfied with conquering Chihua- 
hua, but lie bound the enemy so as to protect the American 
settlers in the place. Having accomplished this, the ancient 
capital became, like Santa Fe, not the terminating point of a 



438 CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. 

long expedition, bnt the starting point of a new one. Says 
Mr. Benton, from whom I have jnst quoted: "Gen. Ta.ylor 
was some where — no one knew exactly where — but some seven 
or eight hundred miles towards the other side of Mexico." 
Doniphan had heard that Taylor had been defeated ; that Buena 
Yista had not turned out well to him. He did not believe this 
report, but he concluded to go and see. A volunteer party of 
fourteen undertook to penetrate to Saltillo, and return with 
information as to the truthfulness of the rumor. Amidst many 
dangers they accomplished their mission. Then the whole 
army marched forward, a vanguard of one hundred men, led 
by Lieut.-Col. Mitchell, leading the way. Then followed the 
main body commanded by Col. Doniphan. The wliole table 
land of Mexico, in all its breadth from west to east, was to be 
traversed. A numerous hostile population in towns — treach- 
erous Camanches in the mountains — were to be encountered. 
But even in the face of these difficulties, the Americans set out, 
accomplishing a safe march, evading Mexican towns, and pun- 
ishing Camanches. It was a novel march, for, meeting no 
armed forces, the Americans acted merely as protectors to the 
Mexicans, and delivered them from their Indian enemies. 

In the month of May they arrived in Gen. Taylor's camp, 
where they reported for duty. But that general being then 
without an army, was compelled to decline their service, and 
the famous Missourians returned to their native State. 



CHAPTEE LVII- 

War Between the United States and Mexico — Genekal Taylor 
Proceeds to Point Isabel with an Army — He is Ordered to 
Leave the Country — He Refuses — His Danger at the River 
Fort — The Battle of Palo Alto. 

We now come to that desperate but glorious contest 
between the United States and Mexico. It will be unnecessary 
to dwell here upon the causes which led to this war. For the 
most" part my readers are already acquainted with these. In 
May, 1845, General Zachary Taylor, of whose heroic defense 
of Fort EEarrison we have already read in our account of 
Tecumseh's war, received a confidential letter from the Secre- 
tary of War instructing him to place his troops at such a posi- 
tion as would enable him to defend Texas in case that Terri- 
tory should be invaded by Mexicans. This was immediately 
after Texas had been erected into a Territory under the United 
States government. As is well known this act displeased the 
Mexicans. They looked upon it as a violation of the law of 
nations, and as projected with a view to depriving them of a vast 
portion of her territory. 

In a subsequent letter the Secretary of War addressed 
General Taylor in these words. "Should Mexico assemble a 
large body of troops on the Rio Grande, and cross it with a 
considerable force, such a movement must be regarded as an 
invasion of the United States and the commencement of hostil- 
ties. You will of course use all the authority which has been 
or may be given yon to meet such a state of things. Texas 
must be protected from hostile invasion, and for that purpose 
you will of course employ, to the utmost extent, all the means 
jou possess or can command." 

In persuance of these instructions General Taylor took up 
(439) 



440 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

his position at Corpus Cristi where he remained until the 
eighth of March, 1846. On this date the American army 
commenced its march for the Eio Grande, the siege train 
being sent by water to Point Isabel, with ai- corps of engineers 
and officers of ordnance, commanded by Major Monroe. A 
body of Mexican troops w^re encountered at Arroya, Colorado, 
but the American army was permitted to pass without being 
attacked. The army liad not proceeded far, however, when 
General Taylor was met by a deputation from Matamoras 
which protested against his apparant invasion of that country. 
The deputation carried a white flag, and, on approaching the 
General, desired an interview with him. He informed the 
Mexicans that he would halt at a suitable place on the road 
and hold a conference with them. It was, however, he says, 
found necessary, on account of the scarcity of water, to con- 
tinue the march to Point Isabel, and when within some ten 
miles of this place the deputation halted, declining to accom- 
pany the army farther, and handed General Taylor a formal 
protest from the prefect of the northern district of Tamanlip 
as against the occupation of the country by American troops. 

Proceeding forward the General soon discovered that the 
buildings at Point Isabel were in flames. On observing this 
he sent a messenger back to the deputaion, informing them 
that he would answer the protest when opposite Matamoras. 
Taylor looked upon the conflagration before his eyes as decided 
evidence of hostility, and regarded the prefect in making the 
protest as a tool of the military authorities at Matamoras. 

The cavalry arrived in season to arrest the fire, which had 
fortunately consumed but two or three buildings, but the port 
captain who cotnmitted the act escaped before its arrival. 
When General Taylor arrived at Point Isabel he found that 
the inhabitants had fled to Matamoras. 

He at once proceeded to erect a fort on the bank of the Kio 
Grande, over which he unfurled the flag of the United States. 
The position was well fortified, the fort being furnished with 
six bastions and capable of containing two thousand men. On 
the opposite side of the river the Mexicans erected batteries 
and made redoubts. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OE TWO CENTURIES. 441 

On the tenth of April Colonel Cross, while riding out for 
exercise, was attacked by some lawless rancheroes, murdered 
and stripped. Thus the first American blood was shed in the 
Mexican war. On the following day General Ampudia 
arrived in Matanioras, and without delay entered upon the 
work of "compelling the American army to leave Texas." 
We shall see how far he was successful. On the twelfth, in 
writing to General Taylor he concludes as follows: "By 
explicit and definite orders from my government, which 
neither can, will, nor should receive new outrages, I require 
you in all form and at latest in the peremptory term of twenty- 
four hours, to break up your camp and retire to the other 
bank of the ISTeuces river, while our governments are regulat- 
ing the pending question in relation to Texas. If you insist 
on remaining upon the soil of the department of Tamanlipas, 
it will clearly result that arms, and arms alone, must decide 
the question; and in that case I advise you that we accept the 
war to which, with so much injustice on your part you 
provoke us, and that, on our part, this war shall be conducted 
conformably to the principles established by the most civilized 
nations — trusting that on your part the same will be observed." 

General Taylor replied to this communication, informino- 
the enemy that he could not, according to his instructions, 
withdraw from the territory. Soon after, he prevented the 
ships that were advancing Avith supplies for the Mexican 
army, from entering the river, and declared the Rio Grande 
in a state of blockade. 

On the twentieth, all intercourse between the armies was 
broken off, and on both sides of the river preparations for the 
war were going forward. Soon ' after, Taylor received infor- 
mation that the Mexicans to the number of three thousand 
had crossed the river and fortified a position so as to cut off 
his retreat to Point Isabel, where he had stored his principle 
supplies. A party of sixty men was sent out under Captain 
Thornton to reconnoiter the position of the enemy, but falling 
into an abuscade they were all made prisoners and sent to 
Matamoras. The Mexicans had concealed themselves in great 
numbers behind a chaparral hedge, and the reconnoitering 



442 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

party marched into their midst and were captured. Intoxi- 
cated with this success the Mexicans crossed the river in great 
numbers and completely surrounded General Taylor's posi- 
tion. For three days the little army endured inexpressible 
suspense, but on the fourth Captain Walker of the Texan 
Eangers arrived, bringing the welcome news that all was still 
safe at Point Isabel. He added to this information, however, 
that the j^lace was in imminent danger. There was now no 
time to spare. General Taylor at once decided to move with 
the whole army to defend this point, w^hich he did, leaving 
only a few soldiers to garrison the river fort. It was on the 
first of May that the retreat was commenced. The move- 
ment was celebrated in Matamoras by " the ringing of bells, 
explosion of fire arms and every other manifestation of joy." 
The river fort had been left under the command of Major 
Brown, and General Arista, of the Mexican forces at once 
commenced extensive operations for the destruction of the 
garrison. On the third of May a battery opened upon the 
fort and kept up a brisk fire for some time, but to no eifect. 
However, on the morning of the fifth. Major Brown discovered 
a battery in rear of the fort, which had been erected by the 
Mexicans during the night. It opened a severe fire upon the 
fort and was assisted by the guns in Matamoras. For three 
days an incessant cannonade was kept up on both sides, during 
which Major Brown Avas mortally wounded. The command 
devolved upon Captain Plawkins wlio no sooner entered upon 
his new station than he met a summons to surrender, which 
he gallantly declined. The assailants renewed the attack with 
vigor, but on the night of the eighth retired, to the great joy 
of the wearied garrison. 

Gen. Taylor had no sooner arrived at Point Isabel and 
adjusted matters at that station, than he commenced the return 
march. On the eighth he received information that the enemy 
was stationed on the field of Palo Alto, not far in advance. 
The hour for battle was now at hand, and the soldiers seemed 
to realize that they were soon to test their bravery, and meas- 
ure strength with the Mexicans. The forward march was 
continued, and soon the Mexican army was in sight, in battle 



OR, THE I50KDKR WARS OF TWO CliNTURIES. 44)^ 

array. The order of battle was formed in Taylor's army a? 
follows: "The ri^ht wing, under Col. Twiggs, was composed 
of the fifth infantry, under Col. Melntosli; Einggold's artil- 
lery; third infantry, under Capt. Manis; two eighteen pounders, 
under Lieut. Churchill; fourth infantry, under Major Allen; 
two squadrons of dragoons under Capts. Kerr and May. The 
left wing, under Col. Belknap, was formed of a battalion of 
artillery, under Col. Childs; Duncan's light artillery, and tlie 
eighth infantry, under Capt. Montgomery. 

In this order the army marched forward to battle. When 
within seven hundred yards of the Mexican force, its right 
opened with a tremendous discharge pf artillery. "Then," 
says an able writer, " Gen. Taylor was seen hurrying along his 
van, deploying it into line, and exhorting the soldiers to be 
firm. Order w^as given to return the fire, and immediately all 
other sounds were drowned in the fearful roar of artillery. 
Resigning the battle to this terrible engine, the infantry and 
rifle corps leaned upon their pieces, and watched the opposing 
columns as they swayed to and fro under the ccmstant fire. 
At every discharge, whole ranks of the enemy were mowed 
down, and scores of horses and horsemen flung into one undis- 
tinguishable mass." 

At length the Mexican infantry began to give way, and Gen, 
Arista ordered a charge with the cavalry. " Pouring down in 
two columns, the lancers came towards the American line, with 
a grace and rapidity peculiar to the Mexicans. But before 
they reached tjieir object, Ridgley and Ringgold opened the 
artillery. At the first blast they staggered — again and again 
with stern energy, the cannon broke forth; huge gaps opened 
among the horsemen, and scores sunk down beneath the tramp 
of their companions. Fear succeeded enthusiasm. Eveiy 
exertion withered before the dreadful prospect around. They 
turned and fled precipitately, leaving behind them at every 
step victims to tlie iron storm that pursued them." The battle 
now became general, and raged for some time with fearful 
destruction. Suddenly, from the discharge of the cannon, the 
grass of the prairie was ignited, which rolled up volumes of 
smoke and for a while screened the army from view. The 



444 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

battle ceased, and both armies formed new lines. Two thou- 
sand Mexicans attempted a flank movement, but a slight breeze 
dispersed the smoke, and they were discovered. Capt. Duncan 
gallantly led his troops against them, and arrested their prog- 
ress. "The Mexican infantry retired to some neighboring 
chaparral, but the lancers stood firm before a fire which cut 
deep gaps into their solid masses." But now the infantry 
again appeared, and moved slowly in the very face of the storm 
from which they had previously fled. But their eflbrt was 
productive only of their ruin. At every step they were mowed 
down with frightfnl slaughter, and they were compelled to 
retreat in confusion. The cavalry soon followed, for it had 
been literally cut to pieces. As night closed in upon the bat- 
tlefield of Palo Alto, six hundred Mexicans, dead and wounded, 
lay upon the ground, while the loss of the Americans was but 
nine killed and forty -four wounded. 

On the following morning, the Mexicans were seen in the 
distance retreating, and Gen. Taylor, expecting to encounter 
them again during the day, advanced in battle order. His 
army proceeded uninterrupted until about three o'clock in the 
afternoon, when information was brought in that the Mexicans 
were posted near the road in full force. The position which 
they had taken was most admirably adapted to defensive action, 
and, by the Mexicans was called Kesaca de la Palma. In this 
sort of ditch, and amid the dense thicket on its banks, the 
Mexicans were entrenched, with their artillery in such a posi- 
tion as to sweep the road. 



CHAPTER LVIII. 

The Battle op Resaca de la Palma — A Desperate Struggle — 
Bravery op the Mexicans — The Dead and Dying — Gen. Tay- 
lor's Victory — Matamoras Taken^Uen. Taylor's Difficulties 
— The Siege of Monterey — The Victory. 

The BAiTLE of Eesaca de la Palma M'as opened by tlie artil- 
lery. Eidgley pushed guns to within less than one hundred 
yards of the Mexicans, and then sent a shower of iron hail 
against the enemy. At the same time the infantry was coming 
up, and in a few minutes the rifle corps lent valuable aid to the 
artillery. And now the struggle was fierce and desperate. 
The Mexicans seemed determined to conquer, and took no heed 
to those who were falling thick and fast around them, but sent 
volley after volley into the American ranks. At length, how- 
ever, the enemy retreated to a place of security behind a 
chaparral hedge, and the Americans pushed forward to com- 
plete the victory by a charge, but the position was guarded 
with artillery, and the men who stood by the batteries held out 
with commendable energy. The effect upon the troops in Gen. 
Taylor's army was shocking. In this extremity, the general 
ordered Capt. May to charge them with his dragoons. '• May 
shouted to his men, and the next instant they were dashing 
headlong down the narrow road towards the cannon's mouth. 
Pausing till Pidgley drew the enemy's fire, they again drove 
on, and almost before the eye had time to trace their course, 
they werCx within a few yards of the fatal guns. May's horse 
was far ahead of his troops ; and as he turned to wave them on, 
only the impetuous Inge was near him. Yet that squadron 
was not faltering. Fast as their steaming steeds could fly, 
they were hastening on, while the flinty ground rocked and 
echoed beneath their tread. Suddenly a volley from the higher 
(445) 



446 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

battery swept fearfully upon their column, crushing seven men 
and eight horses to death. But the living paused not. One 
leap, and May was upon the battery. His men followed, and 
the Mexicans were driven back. But the heroic La Vega 
rallied them to the charge, and once more seized their pieces. 
Thus charge after charge was made until only the Mexican 
general was left at the guns. Surrounded with piles of dead, 
grim with powder and smoke, he rallied his troops to duty, 
and faced his fierce enemies unmoved. In tlie act of discharff- 

o 

ing a piece. May ordered him to surrender, and finding further 
resistance vain, he complied." But the struggle did not end 
here. The battalion under Tampico, made a charge for the 
purpose of retaking their artillery, and at the same time the 
contest raged along the whole line. The Mexicans, from the 
chaparral hedges, were pouring an effective fire upon the 
Americans, and in the wild effort to rout the enemy from this 
position, the artillery ceased. And now the brave soldiers 
rushed forward to the charge. The fight became desperate, 
and Americans and Mexicans were mixed in thrilling disorder. 
The bayonet was freely used, and from this the enemy turned 
slowly, and stubbornly awa3^ Gen. Arista's camp and head- 
quarters had been taken, but the Tampico battalion still defied 
the march of the Americans. The brave men in this force 
held out until they were literally cut down. The standard- 
bearer tore the flag from the staff*, and fled, but even this last 
man was taken prisoner, and his flag carried away by the 
victors. The retreat of the Mexicans now became genei-al, and 
theartillery having advanced to the action, it opened upon the 
fleeing ranks with shocking effect. 

Six thousand Mexicans opposed seventeen hundred Ameri- 
cans in this battle, yet after all, so brave and superior were our 
men that the six thousand were completely routed, and every- 
thing in their camp was captured. One thousand Mexicans 
were killed, while the loss of the Americans did not exceed 
one hundred. 

But who shall describe the scene on this battlefield on the 
night of the ninth? When darkness gathered over Kesaca do 
la Palma, hundreds of wounded, dying, and dead, pale and stiff, 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OENTUKIFS. 447 

or howling in the agonies of mortality, lay upon the ground. 
In the awful struggle and flight hundreds had been crushed 
down beneath the feet of the confused artillery, and men wertj 
writhing in a most horrible condition. J3ut such are the results 
of war, and such were the results of General Taylor's second 
victory over the Mexicans. 

The American army now returned to the river fort, opposite 
Matamoras, and thence to Point Isabel, where arrangements 
were soon completed for an attack upon Matamoras. On the 
eighteenth he summoned the city to surrender, and received for 
an answer that he might enter Matamoras without opposition. 
Gen. Taylor accordingly took possession of the city, and 
appointed Col. Twiggs to the office of its Military Governor. 
Gen. Arista, with his army, had retired on the previous night. 
The small town of Barita, near the mouth of the Eio Grande, 
was also occupied by the Americans. 

But no sooner had Gen. Taylor achieved this victory than he 
seemed to be visited by a series of troubles. Although he had 
unfurled the flag of the United States on the left bank of the 
Rio Grande, yet his forces and military stores were so small 
that he was obliged to remain inactive during nearly the whole 
summer. When re-enforcements were sent him, they were 
entirely without means of transportation, and being inexperi- 
enced volunteers, many of them were unfit for important duty. 
During this inactivity of the Americans, the Mexicans were 
recruiting their strength for another struggle. 

Gen. Taylor was compelled to remain quiet until the fifth 
of September, when, with a large army, he marched for the 
interior. Previous to this date, however, the towns of Mier, 
Camargo, Seralvo, and Eeynosa had been occupied by Ameri- 
can troops. Taylor had not proceeded tar when he received 
intelligence from Gen. Worth that large re-enforcements of the 
enemy were daily arriving at Monterey, the capital city of the 
northern division of Mexico. He therefore set out for that 
place without delay, leaving Gen. Patterson in command on the 
Rio Grande. Taylor's first aim was to join Worth at Seralvo. 
He reached this place in due time, where he rested his army 



448 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

for several days. On the eighteenth, however, they were at 
Walnut Springs, three miles from the capital. 

At this time Monterey, the capital of Kew Leon, contained 
about fifteen thousand inhabitants. Being situated near the 
base of the grand mountain range called the Sierra Madre, par- 
allel to which runs the Arroya San Juan, it possessed all the 
advantages for a defensive warfare. In front, and to the right 
of the town, a strong and extensive fortress known as the cita- 
del, liad for some time been erected. It covered an area of 
about three acres, the walls being of solid masonry, thick and 
high, with bastions commanding all approaches from the north- 
east, the north, and northwest. On the eastern side of the city 
were several redoubts. Near the outskirts on the southwest of 
the city were two large forts on the course of the Aroya San 
Juan, and on the opposite side ot the river, and also on the Sal- 
tillo road, the heights were crowned by two strong fortifications. 
The latter was known as the Bishop's Palace. These well-con- 
structed defenses were mounted with forty-two heavy cannon. 
In the city itself were also many sources of defense. The stone 
walls of the houses rose some distance above the roofs, thus 
affording good parapets. Gen. Ampudia was at this time in 
the city Math an army of eight thousand regular troops, and 
over a thousand militia, with an abundant supply of arms and 
ammunition. 

Gen. Taylor established his camp at Walnut Springs, three 
miles from Monterey, and determined to approach the city by 
way of the Saltillo road. He ordered a close reconnoisance of 
this route, which strengthened his determination, and he at 
once sent a column forward to turn the works of the enemy in 
that direction. Gen. Worth commanded the detachment sent 
on this expedition, and marched on the twentieth. His move- 
ment was soon discovered by the enemy. The following is his 
own account of the contest which engaged the division under 
him : 

"My instructions were by 2, detour to the right, to endeavor 
to find and reach the Saltillo road, effect a thorough reconnois- 
sance of the approaches to the city from that direction, to cut 



OR, THE BORDEK WARS OK TWO CENTURIES. 44'J 

off supplies and re-enforcements, and, if practicable, carry the 
heights. 

" Owing to the difficulties of the ground after leaving the 
Marin, and before striking the Presquina Grande road, the 
division had reached only six miles, in consequence of the delay- 
in making the route practicable for artillery, which service was 
performed by Capt. Sanders, at six o'clock p. m., and was halted 
just without the range of a gun battery on the summit of an 
isolated hill called Loma de Indejpendencia, midway on the 
ascent of which was the Bishop's Palace. Thence a reconnois- 
sance was made, under cover of detachments of Hay's Texans, 
to the intersection of the Presquina Grande route, then in our 
possession, with the Saltillo road. This examination resulted 
in the conviction that the grounds in our front and on our left, 
in advance, constituted at the same time the weak and the 
strong points of the enemy's position, and entered mainly into 
the defenses of the city — the weak point, because commanding 
the only lines of retreat and of supply in the direction of Sal- 
tillo, and controling that in the direction of Presquina Grande; 
the strong point, because of the peculiarly defensive character 
of the hills and gorges, and of the very careful and skillful man- 
ner in which they had been fortified and guarded. It was also 
clearly indicated that our further advance would be strenuously 
resisted. 

" On the morning of the twenty-first, the division was put 
in motion, and with such formation as to present the readiest 
order of battle, on any point of assault. At six the advance, 
consisting of Hay's Texans, supported by the light compajiies, 
first brigade, under Capt. C. F. Smith (both extended as the 
valley widened or contracted), closely followed by Duncan's 
light artillery and battallion, heads of columns, on turning an 
angle of the mountain at a hacienda called San Jeronimo, 
came upon a strong force of cavalry and infantry, mostly the 
former. A conflict immediately ensued. The Texans received 
the heavy charge of cavalry with their unerring rifles and usual 
gallantry; the light companies opened a rapid and well-directed 
fire; Duncan's battery was in action in one minute (promptly 
supported by a section of Mackall's), delivering its fire over the 
29 



450 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

heads of our men. Ere the close of the combat, which lasted 
but fifteen minutes, the First brigade had formed to the front, 
on the right and left, and delivered its fire. The Second brig- 
ade was held in reserve, the ground not admitting of its 
deployment. The enemy retired in disorder (leaving on the 
ground one hundred killed and wounded; among the former, 
Don Juan N. Najua, colonel of the permanent regiment of 
lancers), upon the Saltillo road, and was closely pursued, until 
we got possession of the gorge, where all the debouches from 
Monterey unite, whereby the force just defeated, as also rein- 
forcements and supplies from that direction, were excluded 
from entering the city. At this important point the division 
was halted, and attention directed to the mountain forts which 
envelope the city on its western and southwestern faces. Soon 
discovering, however, that our position brought us within 
effective range of the batteries, the troops were advanced some 
eight hundred yards farther on the Saltillo road. 

"The examination thus far had manifested, besides the 
imj)ortance of the positions, the impracticability of any effect- 
ive operations against the city, until possessed of the exterior 
forts and batteries. Independent, however, of ulterior objects, 
the occupation of these heights became indispensible to the 
rest (ration of our lines of communication with headquarters, 
necessarily abandoned for the moment in order to secure the 
gorges of the Saltillo road. At twelve m. a force was detached 
under Capt. C. F. Smith, with orders to storm the batteries on 
the crest of the nearest hill, called Federacion^ and after taking 
that, to carry the fort called Soldada^ on the ridge of the same 
height, retired about six hundred yards. The two effectually 
guarded the slopes and roads in either valley, and consequently 
the approaches to the city. This command consisted of four 
".ompanies of the artillery battalion, and Green's, McGowan's, 
E. A. Gillespie's, Chandler's, Ballone's, and McOulloch's com- 
panies of Texan riflemen, under Maj. Chevalier, acting in 
co-operation — in all about three hundred effectives. It was 
impossible to mask the movement of the storming party. On 
approaching tlie base of the mountain, the guns of both batteries 
opened a plunging tire, and numerous light troops were seen 



OE, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTUKIPJS. 451 

descending and arranging themselves at favorable points on the 
slopes. Perceiving the indications of determined resistance, 
Capt. Miles was detached from the Seventh to support and co- 
operate with the first party. 

"In a short time the fire became general, the enemy gradu- 
ally yielding and retiring up the rugged acclivity, and our 
men as steadily pursuing. The appearance of heavy rein- 
forcements on the summit, and the cardinal importance of the 
operation demanding further support, the fifth under Major 
Scott, and Blanchard's companies of volunteers were immedi- 
ately detached, accompanied by Brigadier-General Smith, 
who was instructed to take direction in that quarter. On 
reaching the advance parties, General Smith discovered that 
under fiivor of the ground, he could, by directing a portion 
of the force to the right, and moving it obliquely up the hill, 
carry the Soldada simultaneously with the Federacion. He 
accordingly very judiciously pointed and accompanied the 
fifth, seventh, and Blanchard's company in that direction. 
Captain Smith's command having most gallantly carried the 
first object of attack, promptly turned the captured gun — a 
nine-pounder — upon the second, and moved on with his main 
body to participate in the assault on Soldada, which was carried 
in gallant style by the forces under Scott, Miles, Blanchard, 
and Hays (who had been detached on special service, but who 
returned in time to share with fifty of his men in the first 
assault, and to take a prominent part in the second), the whole 
directed by General Smith. 

"At this point we secured another nine-pounder, and imme- 
diately both pieces were brought to bear upon the Bishop's 
Palace, situated upon and midway the southern slope of the 
hill Independencia, a valley of only six hundred yards inter- 
vening. We had now secured an important advantage, and 
yet -but half the work was done. The possession of these 
heights only made the more apparent the controlling import- 
ance of those opposite, and the necessity of occupying the 
palace. A violent storm ensued, and night closing in, opera- 
tions for tlie day ceased. The troops had now been thirty-six 
hours without food, and constantly tasked to the utmost physical 



452 CONQUEST or Mexico: 

exertions. Such as could be permitted slept with arms in 
hand, subjected to a pelting storm, and without cov^ering till 
three a. m., when thej were aroused to carry the hill Inde- 
pendencia. 

" Lieut,-Col. Childs was assigned to lead the storming parties, 
consisting of three companies, I and G (fourth), and A, (third 
artillery battalion;) three companies eighth infantry, (A, B, 
and D,) under Capt. Scriven, with two hundred Texan riflemen, 
under Col. Hays and Lieut.-Col. Walker (captain of rifles), 
acting in co-operation. The command moved at three, con- 
ducted to its point of ascent by Capt. Sanders, military, and 
Lieut. Meade, topographical engineers. Favored by the 
weather, it reached by the dawn of day within about one 
hundred yards of the crest, in which position, among the clefts 
of rocks, a body of the enemy had been stationed the previous 
evening in apparent anticipation of the attack. The enemy's 
retreating fire was ineflfectual, and not returned until Col. 
Child's and Hays' command had reached to within a few yards 
of the summit, when a well-directed and destructive fire, fol- 
lowed by the bayonet of the regulars and rush of the Texans, 
placed us in possession of the work; the cannon having been 
previously withdrawn, no impression could be made upon the 
massive walls of the palace or its outworks, without artillery, 
except at enormous sacrifice. 

"Lieut. Rowland, of Duncan's battery, was ordered from 
the main rank with a twelve-pound howitzer, an# in two 
hours (aided by fifty men from the line, under Capt. Sanders, 
military engineer, for the purpose of selecting the route least 
diflacult) that enterprising and gallant oflicer had his guns in 
position, having ascended an acclivity as rugged as steep, 
between seven and eight hundred feet in two hours. A fire 
was immediately opened from the howitzer, covered by the 
epaulement of the captured battery, upon the palace and its 
outworks, four hundred yards distant, and soon produced a visible 
sensation. Meanwhile, to re-enforce the position, the fifth, 
Major Scott and Blanchard's volunteers, had been passed from 
the first heights, and reached the second in time to participate 
in the operations against the palace. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 453 

"After many affairs of light troops and several feints, a 
heavy sortie was made, sustained by a strong corps of cavalry, 
with desperate resolution, to repossess the heights. Such a 
move had been anticipated and prepared for. Lieut.-Col. 
Cliilds had advanced under cover, two companies of light 
troops under the command of Capt. Vinton, acting major, and 
judiciously drawn up the main body of his command, flanked 
on the right by Hays, and left by Walker's Texans. The 
enemy advanced boldly, was repulsed by one general discharge 
from all arms, fled in confusion, closely pressed by Childs and 
Hays, preceded by the light troops under Vinton; and while 
they fled past, our troops entered the palace and fort. In a 
few moments the unpretending flag of our union had replaced 
the gaudy standard of Mexico. The captured guns — one six- 
inch howitzer, one twelve, and two nine-pounder brass guns, 
together with Duncan's and Mackali's fleld-batteries, which 
came up at a gallop, were in full and effective play upon the 
retiring and confused masses that filled the street (of which 
we had the prolongation) leading to the nearest plaza, La 
Capella, also crowded with troops. At this moment the 
enemy's loss was heavy. The investment was now complete. 
Except the forces necessary to hold the positions on Indepen- 
dencia and serve the guns (shifted to points where the shot 
could be made to reach the great phiza), the division was now 
concentrated around the palace, and preparation made to 
assault the city on the following day, or sooner, should the 
general-iu-chief either so direct, or, before communication be 
had, renew the assault from the opposite quarter. In the mean 
time attention was directed to every provision our circum- 
stances permitted, to alleviate the condition of our wounded 
soldiers and officers; to the decent interment of the dead, not 
omitting in either respect all that was due to those of the 
enemy. 

"About ten A. M., on the twenty-third, a heavy fire was 
heard in the opposite quarter. Its magnitude and continu- 
ance, as wc^ll as other circumstances, did not permit a doubt 
that the general was conducting a main attack; and that his 
orders for my co-operation (having to travel a circuit of some 



454 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

six miles) had miscarried or failed to reach me, by means of 
the numerous cavalry of the enemy. Under these convictions, 
the troops were instantly ordered to commence an operation, 
which, if not otherwise directed, I had designed to execute in 
part, under favor of the night. Two columns of attack were 
organized, to move along the two principal streets, leading 
from our position, in direction of the great plaza, composed 
of light troops slightly extended, with orders to mask the 
men whenever practicable, avoid those points swept by the 
enemy's artillery, to press on to the first plaza, Capella, to get 
hold of the ends of streets beyond, then enter the buildings, 
and by means of picks and bars break through the longitu- 
dinal section of the walls, work from house to house, and 
ascending the roofs, to place themselves on the same breast- 
height with the enemy. Light artillery by sections and pieces, 
under Duncan, Koland, Mackall, Martin, Hays, Irons, Clarke, 
and Curd, followed at suitable intervals, covered by reserves to 
guard the pieces and the whole operation against the probable 
enterprises of cavalry upon our left. This was effectually done 
by seizing and commanding the head of every cross street. 
The streets M^ere, at different and well-chosen points, barri- 
caded by heavy masonry walls, with embrasures for one or 
more guns, and in every instance well supported by cross bat- 
teries. These arrangements of defense gave to our operations 
at this moment a complicated character, demanding much care 
and precaution; but the work went on steadily, simultane- 
ously, and successfully. About the time our assault com- 
menced, the fire ceased from our force in the opposite quarter. 
Disengaged on the one side, the enemy was enaoled to shift 
men and guns to our quarter, as was soon manifested by accu- 
mulation of fire. At dark we had worked through the walls 
and squares, and reached to within one block of the great 
plaza, leaving a covered way in our rear — carried a large build- 
ing which towered over the principal defenses, and during the 
night and ensuing morning, crowned its roof with two howit- 
zers and a six-pounder. All things were now prepared to 
renew the assault at dawn of day, when a flag was sent out. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 455 

asking a momeiitarj suspension of fire, which led to the eapi- 
tnlation upon terms so honorable to our arms. 

"As the columns of attack were moving from the palace 
hill, Major Munroe, chief of artillery, reached me with a ten- 
inch mortar, which was immediately advanced to the plaza, 
chapel, put in position masked by the church wall, its bed 
adjusted as rapidly as possible, and by sunset opened upon the 
great square. At this period, our troops had worked to with- 
in one square of the plaza; the exact position of our comrades, 
on the opposite side, was not known, and the distance of the 
position to be assailed by the bomb battery, but conjecturing 
eight hundred yards was assumed, and the tuze and charge 
regulated accordingly; the tirst shell fell a little short of tlie 
point on which it was directed, and beside our troops; a slight 
increase of the projecting charge gave exact results. The 
whole service was managed by Major Munroe, most admira- 
bly, and, combined with other operations, exercised a decided 
influence upon the final results. Early on the morning of the 
twenty-third, Major Brown's artillery battallion was des- 
patched with a select command, and one section of Mackall's 
battery, under Lieut. Irons, to occupy the stone mill and 
adjacent grounds, constituting, one league in advance, .the 
narrow gorge near St. Catarina. The major took possession, 
repulsed the enemy's pickets, and was preparing his command 
to resist any attack, when he received my orders to retrace his 
steps, enter the city, and form the main reserve to the assault- 
ing columns. He came up in good time and in good order, 
and was at once under fire. 

"On the twenty-fifth, in conformity to. the articles of capit- 
ulation, the citadel was taken possession of by a command 
consisting of two companies of each regiment, and one section 
of each battery, second division. Gen. Smith was directed 
to take command of this corps, and conduct the ceremony; 
which duty he executed with delicacy to the unhappy and 
humiliated foe. 

Let us now read Gen. Taylor's account of his operations in 
-co-operation with the division under Gen. Worth: 

"Early on the morning of the twenty -first, I received a note 



456 COK QUEST OF MEXICX): 

from Gen. Worth, written at half-past nine o'clock the night 
before, suggesting what I had already intended, a strong diver- 
sion against the center and left of the town, to favor his enter- 
prise against the heights in the rear. The infantry and artil- 
lery of the first division, and the field division of volunteers, 
were ordered under arms, and took the direction of the city, 
leaving one company of each regiment as a camp guard. The 
second dragoons, under Lieut.-Col. May, and Col. Wood's reg- 
iment of Texas mounted volunteers, under the immediate 
direction of Gen. Henderson, were directed to the right to 
support Gen. Worth, if necessary, and to make an impression, 
if practicable, upon the upper quarter of the city. Upon 
approaching the mortar battery, the first and third regiments 
of infantry, and battalion of Baltimore and Washington vol- 
unteers, with Capt. Bragg's field battery — the whole under 
the command of Lieut.-Col. Garland — were directed towards 
the lower part of the town, with orders to make a strong 
demonstration, and carry one of the enemy's advanced works, 
if it could be done without too heavy loss. Major Mansfield, 
Engineers, and Capt. Williams and Lieut. Pope, Topographi- 
cal Engineer, accompanied this column. Major Mansfield 
being charged with its direction, and the designation of points 
of attack. 

" In the meantime, the mortar, served by Capt. Eamsay, of 
the ordnance, and the howitzer battery under Capt. Webster, 
first artillery, had opened their fire upon the citadel, which was 
deliberately sustained, and answered from the work. Gen. 
Butler's division had now taken up a position in the rear of 
this battery, when the discharges of artillery, mingled finally 
with a rapid fire of small arms, showed that Lieut.-Col. Gar- 
land's command had become warmly engaged. I now deemed 
it necessary to support this attack, and accordingly: ordered 
the fourth infanti-y, and three regiment's of Gen. Butler's 
division, to march at once, by the left flank, in the direction of 
the advanced work at the lower extremity of the town, leaving 
one regiment (first Kentucky) to cover the mortar and howit- 
zer battery. By some mistake, two companies of the fourth 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 45T 

infantry did not receive this order, and, consequently, did not 
join the advance comj)anies nntil some time afterwards. 

" Lieut.-Col. Garland's command had approached the town 
in a direction to the right of the advanced work (No. 1,) at tlie 
northeastern angle of the city, and the engineer officer, covered 
by skirmishers, had succeeded in entering the suburbs and 
gaining cover. Tlie remainder of this command now advanced 
and entered the town under a heavy fire of artillery from the 
citadel and the works on the left, and of musketry from the 
houses and small works in front. A movement to tlie right 
was attempted, with a view to gain the rear of No. 1, and cari-y 
that work, but the troops were so much exposed to a fire which 
they could not efiectually return, and had already sustained 
such severe loss, j^articularly in officers, that it was deemed 
best to withdraw them to a more secure position. Capt. 
Backus, first infantry, however, with a portion of his own and 
other companies, had gained the roof of a tannery, which 
looked directly into the gorge of ISTo. 1, and from which he 
poured a most destructive fire into that work and upon the 
strong building in its rear. This fire happily coincided in 
point of time with the advance of a portion of the volunteer 
division upon No. 1, and contributed largely to tlie fall of that 
strong and important work. 

"The three regiments of the volunteer division, under the 
immediate command of Major-Gen. Butler, had, in the mean- 
time, advanced in the direction of No. 1. The leading brigade, 
under Brig.-Gen. Quitman, continued its advance upon that 
work, preceded by three companies of the fourth infantry, 
while Gen. Butler, with the first Ohio regiment, entered the 
town to the right. The companies of the fourth infantry had 
advanced within short range of the work, when tliey were 
received by a fire that almost in one moment struck down one- 
third of the officers and men, and rendered it necessary to 
retire and effect a conjunction with the two other companies 
then advancing. Gen. Quitman's brigade, though suffering 
most severely, particularly in the Tennessee regiment, con- 
tinued its advance, and finally carried the work, in handsome 
style, as well as the strong building in its rear. Five pieces 



458 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

of artillery, a considerable supply of ammunition, and thirty 
prisoners, including three officers, fell into our hands. 

"Major-Gen. Butler, with the first Ohio regiment, after 
entering the edge of the town, discovered that nothing was to 
be accomplished in his front, and at this point, yielding to the 
suggestions of several officers, I ordered a retrograde move- 
ment; but learning almost immediately from one of my staff 
that the battery No. 1 was in our possession, the order was 
countermanded, and I determined to hold the battery and 
defenses already gained. Gen. Butler, with the first Ohio reg- 
iment, then entered the town at a point further to the left, and 
marched in the direction of the battery No. 2. While making 
fin examination with a view to ascertain the possibility of car- 
rying this second work by s^orm, the general was wounded and 
soon after compelled to quit the field. As the strength of No. 
:2, and the heavy musketry fire flanking the approach, rendered 
it impossible to carry it without great loss, the first Ohio regi- 
ment was withdrawn from the town. 

'•Fragments of the various regiments engaged were now 
under cover of the captured battery and some buildings in its 
front, and on the riglit. The field battery of Capts. Bragg and 
Hidgely was also partially covered by the battery. An inces- 
sant fire was kept on this position from battery No. 2, and 
other works on its right, and from the citadel on all our 
approaches. Gen. Twiggs, though quite unwell, joined me at 
this point, and was instrumental in causing the artillery cap- 
tured from the enemy to be placed in battery, and served by 
Capt. Eidgely, against No. 2, until the arrival of Capt. Wel^- 
ster's howitzer battery, which took its place. In the meantime, 
I directed such men as could be collected of the first, third and 
fourth regiments and Baltimore battalion, to enter the town, 
penetrate to the right, and carry the second battery if possible. 
This command, under Lieut.-Col. Garland, advanced beyond 
the bridge ' Purisima,' when, finding it impracticable to gain 
the rear of the second battery, a portion of it sustained them- 
selves for some time in that advanced position; but as no 
permanent impression could be made at that point, and the 
main object of the general operation had been effected, the 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTUKira. 459 

command, including a section of Capt. Ridgely's battery, 
which had joined it, was withdrawn to battery No. 1. During 
the absence of this cohimn, a demonstration of cavah-y was 
reported in the direction of the citadeL Capt. Bragg, who 
was at hand, immediately galloped with his battery to a suita- 
ble position, from which a few discharges efiectually dispersed 
the enemy. Capt. Miller, first infantry, M^as dispatched with a 
mixed command to suj^port the battery on this service. The 
enemy's lancers had previously charged upon the Ohio and 
a part of the Mississippi regiments, near some fields at a dis- 
tance from the edge of the town, and had been repulsed with 
considerable loss. A demonstration of cavalry on the opposite 
side of the river was also disj)ersed in the course of the after- 
noon by Capt. Eidgely's battery, and the squadrons returned 
to the city. At the approach of evening all the troops that had 
been engaged were ordered back to the camp, except Capt. 
Eidgely's battery and the regular infantry of the first division, 
who were detailed as a guard for the works during the night, 
under command of Lieut.-Col. Garland. One battalion of the 
first Kentucky regiment was ordered to re-enforce this com- 
mand. Intrenching tools were procured, and additional 
strength was given to the works, and protection to the men, 
by working parties during the night, under the direction of 
Lieut. Scarritt, Engineers. 

" The main object proposed in the morning had been effected. 
A powerful diversion had been made to favor the operations of 
the second division, one of the enemy's advanced works had 
been carried, and we now had a strong foothold in the town. 
But this had not been accomplished without a very heavy loss, 
embracing some of our most gallant and accomplished ofiicers. 
Capt. Williams, Topographical Engineers; Lieuts. Terrett and 
Dilwortli, first infantry ; Lieut. Woods, second infantry; Capts. 
Morris and Field, Brevet Major Barbour, Lieuts. Irwin and 
Hazlitt, third infantry; Lieut. Hoskins, fourth infantry; Lieut.- 
Col. Watson, Baltimore battalion; Capt. Allen and Lieut. Put- 
nam, Tennessee regiment, and Lieut. Hett, Ohio regiment, 
were killed, or have since died of wounds received in this 
engagement, while the number and rank of the ofiicers wounded 



460 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

gives additional proof of the obstinacy of the contest, and the 
good conduct of our troops. Tlie number of killed and 
wounded incident to the operations in the lower part of the 
city on the twenty-first, is three hundred and ninety-four. 

" Early in the morning of this day (twenty -first,) the advance 
of the second division had encountered the enemy in force, and 
after a brief, but sharp conflict, repulsed him with heavy loss. 
Gen Worth then succeeded in gaining a position on the Sal- 
tillo road, thus cutting off the enemy's line of communication. 
From this position the two heights south of the Saltillo road 
were carried in succession, and the guns taken in one of them 
turned upon the Bishop's Palace. These important successes 
were fortunately obtained with comparatively small loss: Capt. 
McKavett, eighth infantry, being the only officer killed, 

" The twenty-second of September passed without any active 
operations in the lower part of the city. The citadel and other 
works continued to fire at parties exposed to their range, and 
at the work now occupied by our troops. The guard left in it 
the preceding night, except Capt. Eidgely's company, was 
relieved at mid-day by Gen. Quitman's brigade. Capt. Bragg's 
battery was thrown under cover in front of the town, to repel 
any demonstration of cavalry in that quarter. At dawn of 
day the height above the Bishop's Palace was carried, and soon 
after meridian the Palace itself was taken, and its guns turned 
upon the fugitive garrison. The object for which the second 
division was detached had thus beeri completely accomplished, 
and I felt confident that with a strong force occupying the 
road and heights in his rear, and a good position below the 
city in our possession, the enemy could not possibly maintain 
the town. 

" During the night of the twenty-second the enemy evac- 
uated nearly all his defenses in the lower part of the city. 
This was reported to me early in the morning of the twenty- 
third, by Gen. Quitman, who had already meditated an assault. 
upon those works. I immediately sent instructions to that 
officer, leaving it to his discretion to enter the city, covering 
his men by the houses and walls, and advance carefully so far 
as he might deem prudent. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 461 

" After ordering the remainder of the troups as a reserve, 
under tlie orders of Brig. -Gen. Twiggs, I repaired to the aban- 
doned works, and discovered that a portion of Gen. Quitman's 
brigade had entered the town, and were successfully forcing 
their way towards the principal plaza. I then ordered up the 
second regiment of Texas mounted volunteers, who entered 
the city, dismounted, and, under the immediate orders of Gen. 
Henderson, co-operated with Gen. Quitman's brigade. Capt. 
Bragg's battery was also ordered up, supported by the third 
infantry, and after firing for some time at the cathedral, a por- 
tion of it was likewise thrown into the city. Our troops 
advanced from house to house, and from square to square, until 
they reached a street but one square in the rear of the princi- 
pal plaza, in and near which the enemy's force was mainly 
concentrated. This advance was conducted' vigorously, but 
with due caution, and although destructive to the enemy, was 
attended with but small loss on our part. Capt. Eiclgely, in 
the meantime, had served a captured piece in battei-y No. 1 
against the city, until the advance of our men rendered it 
imprudent to fire in the direction of the Cathedral. I was 
now satisfied that we could operate successfully in the city, and 
that the enemy had retired from the lower portion of it to 
make a stand behind his barricades. As Gen. Quitman's 
brigade had been on duty the previous night, I determined to 
withdraw the troops to the evacuated works, and concert with 
Gen, Worth a combined attack upon the town. The troops 
accordingly fell back deliberately, in good order, and resumed 
their original positions. Gen. Quitman's brigade being relieved 
after nightfall by that of Gen. Hamer. On my return to 
camj), I met an officer with the intelligence that Gen. "Worth, 
induced by the firing in the lower part of the city, was about 
making an attack at the upper extremity, which had also been 
evacuated by the enemy to a considerable distance. I regretted 
that this information had not reached me before leaving the 
city, but still deemed it inexpedient to change my orders, and 
accordingly returned to camp. A note from Gen. Worth, 
written at eleven o'clock p. m., informed me that he had 
advanced to within a short distance of the principal plaza, and 



462 cx)NQrEST of mexico: 

that the mortar (which had been sent to his division in the 
morning) was doin^ good execution within effective range of 
the enemy's position. 

" Desiring to make no further attempt upon the city without 
complete concert as to the hues and mode of approach, I 
instructed that officer to suspend his advance until I could 
have an interview with him on ^,he following morning, at his 
headquarters. 

" Early on the morning of the twenty-fourth I received, 
through Col. Moreno, a communication from Gen. Ampudia, 
proposing to evacuate the town; which, with the answer, were 
forwarded with my first dispatch. I arranged with Col. Moreno 
a cessation of fire until twelve o'clock, at which hour I would 
receive the answer of the Mexican general at Gen. Worth's head- 
quarters, to which I soon repaired. In the meantime. Gen. 
Ampudia had signified to Gen. Worth his desire for a personal 
interview with me, to which I acceded, and which finally 
resulted in a capitulation, placing the town and the materials 
of war, with certain exceptions, in our possession. A copy of 
that capitulation was transmitted with my first dispatch. 

"Upon occupying the city it was found to be of great 
strength in itself, and to have its approaches carefully and 
strongly fortified. The town and works were armed with forty- 
two pieces of cannon, well supplied with ammunition, and 
manned with a force of at least seven thousand troops of the 
line, and from two to three thousand irregulars. The force 
under my orders before Monterey, as exhibited by the accom- 
panying return, was four hundred and twenty-five officers, and 
six thousand two hundred and twenty men. Our artillery 
consisted of one ten-inch mortar, two twenty-four pounder 
howitzer's, and four light field batteries of four guns each — 
the mortar being the only piece suitable to the operations of a 
siege. 

" Our loss is twelve officers and one hundred and eight men 
killed; thirty-one officers and three hundred and thirty-seven 
men wounded. That of the enemy is not known, bat is believed 
considerably to exceed our own. 

"I take pleasure in bringing to the notice of the govern- 



OE, THE BOEDKR WARS OF TWO CKNTURIES. 463 

ment the good conduct of the troops, both regulars and 
volunteers, which has been conspicuons throughout the opera- 
tions. I am proud to bear testimony to their coolness and 
constancy in battle, and the cheerfulness with which they have 
submitted to exposure and privation. To the general officers 
commanding divisions — Maj.-Gens. Butler and Henderson, and 
Brig. Gens, Twiggs and Worth — I must express my obligations 
for the efficient aid which they have rendered in their respective 
commands." 

The following sketch of a portion of the engagement, from 
the pen of an officer in a Baltimore battalion, who participated 
in the hottest of the fight, will give the reader some idea of 
the sufferings endured, and gallantry evinced by many of the 
companies: 

" I saw Col. Watson shouting, but as to hearing a command, 
that was an impossibility, owing to the deafening roar of the 
cannon and musketry. I saw the head of our line changing 
its direction, and 1 knew at once that the point of attack was 
changed, and ran to the head of my company to intercept- the 
head of the column. I reached it just as Col. Watson was 
dismounting from his horse, which the next moment fell from 
a shot. The colonel cried out to the men, ' Shelter yourselves, 
men, the best way you can.' At tliis time, the battalion was 
scattered over a space of about an acre, and the men were lying 
down, the shot in most instances flying over our heads ; but 
the guns were soon depressed and the shot began to take effect. 

" I was lying close to CoL Watson, alongside of a hedge, 
when he jumped up and cried out, ' Now is the time, boys, 
follow me!' We were now in a street, or lane, with a few 
houses on either side, and within a hundred yards of three bat- 
teries which completely raked it, in addition to which, two 
twelve-pound guns were planted in the castle on the right, and 
completely enfiladed the whole distance we had to make. Add 
to this the thousand musketeers on the house-tops, and in the 
barricades at the head of the street up which we advanced, and 
at every cross street, and you may form some idea of the deluge 
of balls that poured upon us. (Bear in mind that the four 
companies of regulars were now with us, the one intermingled 



-464 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

with the other.) Onward we went, men and liorses falling at 
every step. Cheers, shrieks, groans and words of command 
added to the din, whilst tlie roar of the guns was absolutely 
deafening. 

"■ We had advanced up the street under this awful and fatal 
fire nearly two hundred yards, when we reached a cross street, 
at the corner of which all those who had succeeded in getting 
this far halted, as if by mutual consent. I was shaking Col. 
Watson by the hand, while he was complimenting me, when a 
shower of grape, round and canister shot came from the corner 
above, ^ndjlve officers fell, and I know not how many privates. 
Eacli man sought some place of apparent shelter. 

" I sat down on the ground, with my back to the wall of a 
house. On my left were two men torn nearly to pieces. One 
of them was lying flat on his back, with his legs extending 
farther in the street than mine. Crash came another shower 
of grape, which tore one of his wounded legs off. He reared 
up, shrieked, and fell back a corpse. I never moved, for I was 
satisfied that one place was as safe as another. Directly oppo- 
site to me was my Brevet Second-Lieutenant Aisquith ; on the 
right hand corner was Lieut. Bowie, also of my company; and 
close to me sat Col. Watson and Adjutant SchcEler. In a 
few minutes I saw our color sergeant, old Hart, come past 
with his right arm shattered, and in a few minutes there came 
our battalion fiag, borne by one of the color guards— our glo- 
rious stars and stripes — and note this, that it was the first 
American flag in the city of Monterey, an honor which we 
know belongs to our battalion. 

" No man there ever thought for a moment that he would 
get out alive, and most of them did not. The firing still con- 
tinued without the slightest intermission, whilst we remained 
at this memorable corner, which was perhaps for fifteen minutes. 
When we were ordered to charge up the street, a slight hesi- 
tation was manifested by both regulars and volunteers, but the 
■ofiicers sprang to the front in double file. We advanced, I 
suppose, about fifty yards, when Col. Garland, of the army, 
ordered us to retire. We still advanced, and he again ordered 
us to retire, adding this time in good order. I now became 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 466 

separated from Col. Watson, and never saw liini agaiTi. Jle 
took the left hand side of the street and I the right hand, 
and when I reached the open field where he had first ordered 
US to lie down, I was joined by Lieut. Aisquith, who, to my 
inquiry, answered that he had just left the colonel, and sup- 
posed that he would soon be with us. Seeing no other officer 
around me, 1 rallied the ba^.talion, and led them down to make 
another attack upon the fort." 
30 



CHAPTER LIX. 

General Taylor at Monterey — Saltillo Taken — Gen. Santa 
Anna — Victoria Taken — Scott Supercedes Taylor — The Bat- 
tle OF BuENA Vista. 

General Taylor now established his headquarters at Monte- 
rey. He dispatched Gen. Worth with twelve hundred men and 
eight pieces of artillery against Saltillo, of which he took pos- 
session without the slightest opposition. Here he remained until 
the middle of January, when he was ordered to proceed with 
the regulars and volunteers of the army to join Gen. Scott at 
Vera Cruz. 

Brig.-Gen. Wool was sent against Parras with a detachment 
of twenty -four hundred men. Meanwhile a revolution at the 
capital of Mexico had placed Gen. Santa Anna at the head of 
Mexican affairs. He did not accept the Presidential chair, but 
placed himself at the head of the army, and commenced extrav- 
agant preparations for raising and equipping a force sufficient 
to arrest the progress of Gen. Taylor. The United States 
government was alarmed at the appearance of his movements, 
and ordered Taylor to terminate the armistice which had been 
granted. Receiving this information, he marched a force to 
Victoria, and entered that place without opposition. At this 
time Maj.-Gen. Scott had been appointed to supercede Taylor 
in the command of the army in Mexico, and finding his force 
insufficient to attack Vera Cruz, the first object of his cam- 
paign, he made a lieavy draft on Taylor's army. In obedience 
to this demand nearly all the regular troops, comprising the 
divisions of Gens. Worth and Patterson, the brigades of 
Quintam and Twiggs, and all the other corps that could be 
drawn from the Rio Grande, started out for Vera Cruz. Five 
hundred regulars and four thousand newly arrived volunteers 
(46G) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 467 

were all that remained with Gen. Taylor. As soon as the troops 
departed to join Scott, Taylor retired to Monterey, where he 
remained until informed that Gen. Santa Anna was approach- 
ing. He then set out for Agua ISTueva, which is about twenty 
miles south of Saltillo. At this point he remained until the 
twenty-first of February, when, being informed that the Mexi- 
cans were approaching in great force, he retired to " the defile 
called Angostura, which faces the hacienda of Buena Vista." 

In this strong position he posted his little army of five 
thousand, and awaited the approach of twenty thousand Mex- 
icans. On the twenty-second of February the Mexican army 
blackened the distant hills, and Taylor's men beheld their 
approach. " It was a glorious spectacle," says an able writer, 
" and even those who had never faced an enemy felt their 
bosoms bounding with courage and enthusiasm as the glitter- 
ing masses of Santa Anna's cavalry poured down into the 
plains below. All fear was flung to the winds; silently and 
sternly that little band gathered around its leader and awaited 
the fearful shock." 

The American army was drawn up nearly at right angles to 
the road, its chief force being on the east side. This force con- 
stituted the left wing, and faced the south; a battery of light 
artillery occupied the road, and the right wing rested on the 
hill west of it. On the twenty-first a flag approached Gen. 
Taylor's headquarters, and the latter was treated with the 
following communication from Gen. Santa Anna: 

" You are surrounded by twenty thousand men, and cannot, 
in any human probability, avoid suffering a rout and being cut 
to pieces with your troops; but as you deserve consideration 
and particular esteem, I wish to save you from a catastrophe, 
and for that purpose give you this notice in order that you 
may surrender at discretion, under the assurance that you will 
be treated with the consideration belonging to the Mexican 
character; to which end you will be granted an hour's time to 
make up your mind, to commence from the moment when my 
flag of truce arrives in your camp." 

Gen. Taylor refused to surrender, and the celebrated battle 



468 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

of Biiena Vista followed, the general's own account of which 
is as follows: 

" The information which reached me of the advance and 
concentration of a heavy Mexican force in my front, liad 
assumed such a probable form as to induce a special examina- 
tion far beyond the reach of our pickets, to ascertain its 
correctness. A small party of Texan spies, under Maj. Mc- 
Culloch, dispatched to the hacienda of Encarnacion, thirty miles 
from this, on the route to San Luis Potosi, had reported a cav- 
alry force of unknown strength at that place. On the twentieth 
of February a strong reconnoissance under Lieut.-Col. May was 
dispatched to the hacienda of Heclionda, while Maj. McCul- 
lough made another examination of Encarnacion. The result 
of these expeditions left no doubt that the enemy was in large 
force at Encarnacion, under the orders of Gen, Santa Anna, 
and that he meditated a forward movement and attack upon 
our position. 

" As the camp at Agua Nueva could be turned on either 
flank, and as the enemy's force was greatly superior to our own, 
particularly in the arm of cavalry, I determined, after much 
consideration, to take up a position about eleven miles in rear, 
and there await the attack. The army broke up its camp and 
marched at noon on the twenty-iirst, encamping at the new 
position a little in front of the hacienda of Buena Vista. With 
a small force I proceeded to Saltillo to make some necessary 
arrangements for the defense of the town, leaving Brig. Gen. 
"Wool in the immediate command of the troops. 

" Before those arrangements w^ere completed, on the morning 
of the twenty-second, I was advised that the enemy was in 
sight, advancing. Upon reaching the ground it was found 
that his cavalry advance was in our ft-ont, having marched 
from Encarnacion, as we have since learned, at eleven o'clock 
on the day previous, and driving in a mounted force left at 
Agua Kueva to cover the removal of public stores. Our troops 
were in position, occupying a line of remarkable strength. 
The road at this point becomes a narrow defile, the valley on 
its right being rendered quite impracticable for artillery by a 
system of deep and impassible gullies, while on the left a sue- 



OR, THE BORDf:R WARS OF TWO OKNTURllCS. 469 

ridges and precipitous ravines extend far 
back toward the mountain which bounds the valley. The 
features of the ground were such as nearly to paralyze the 
artillery and cavalry of the enemy, while his infantry could not 
derive all the advantages of its numerical superiority. In this 
position we prepared to receive him. Capt. Washington's bat 
tery (Fourth artillery) was posted to command the road, while 
the First and Second Illinois regiments, under Cols. Hardin and 
Bissell, each eight companies (to the latter of which was 
attached Capt. Conner's company of Texas volunteers), and 
the Second Kentucky, under Col. McKee, occupied the crests 
of the ridges on the left and in the rear. The Arkansas and 
Kentucky regiments of cavalry, commanded by Cols. Yell and 
H. Marshall, occupied the extreme left near the base of the 
mountain, while the Indiana brigade, under Brig.-Gen, Lane, 
(composed of the Second and Third regiments, under Cols. 
Bowles and Lane), the Mississippi riflemen, under Col. Davis, 
the squadrons of the First and Second dragoons, under Capt. 
Steen, and Lieut.-Col. May, and the light batteries of Captains 
Sherman and Bragg, Third artillery, were held in reserve. 

" At eleven o'clock I received from Gen. Santa Anna a sum- 
mons to surrender at discretion, which, with a copy of my 
reply, I have already transmitted. The enemy still forbore his 
attack, evidently waiting for the arrival of his rear columns, 
wdiich could be distinctly seen by our look-outs as they 
approached the field. A demonstration made on his left 
caused me to detach the second Kentucky regiment and a sec- 
tion of artillery to our right, in which position they bivouacked 
for the night. In the meantime, the Mexican light troops had 
engaged ours on the extreme left (composed of parts of the 
Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry dismounted, and a rifle battal- 
ion from the Indiana brigade, under Major Gorman, the whole 
commanded by Col. Marshall,) and kept up a sharp fire, climb- 
ing the mountain side, and apparently endeavoring to gain our 
fiank. Three pieces of Capt. Washington's battery had been 
detached to the left, and were supported by the second Indiana 
regiment. An occasional shell was thrown by the enemy into 
this part of our line, but without effect. The skirmishing of 



470 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

the light troops was kept up with trifling loss on our part until 
dark, when I became convinced that no serious attack would 
be made before the morning, and returned, with the Missis- 
sippi regiment and squadron of second dragoons, to Saltillo. 
The troops bivouacked without fires, and laid upon their arms. 
A body of cavalry, some fifteen hundred strong, had been vis- 
ible all day in rear of the town, having entered the valley 
through a narrow pass east of the city. This cavalry, com- 
manded by Gen. Minon, had evidently been thrown in our rear 
to break up and harass our retreat, and perhaps make some 
attempt against the town if practicable. The city was occupied 
by four excellent companies of Illinois volunteers, under Major 
Warren of the first regiment. A field work, which commanded 
most of the approaches, was garrisoned by Capt. Webster's 
company, first artillery, and armed with two 24:-pound howit- 
zers, while the train and headquarter camp was guarded by two 
companies of Mississippi rifiemen, under Capt. Rogers, and a 
field piece commanded by Capt. Shover, third artillery. Hav- 
ing made these dispositions for the protection of the rear, I 
proceeded on the morning of the twenty-third to Buena Vista, 
ordering forward all the other available troops. The action 
had commenced before my arrival on the field. 

" During the evening and night of the twenty-second the 
enemy had thrown a body of light troops on the mountain side, 
with the purpose of outflanking our left; and it was here that 
the action of the twenty-third commenced at an early hour. 
Our riflemen, under Col. Marshall, who had been re-enforced by 
three companies under Major Trail, second Illinois volunteers, 
maintained their ground handsomely against a greatly supe- 
rior force, holding themselves under cover, and using their 
weapons with deadly effect. About eight o'clock a strong 
demonstration was made against the center of our position, a 
heavy column moving along the road. This force was soon 
dispersed by a few rapid and well-directed shots from Capt. 
Washington's battery. In the meantime the enemy was con- 
centrating a large force of infantry and cavalry under cover of 
the ridges, with the obvious intention of forcing our left, 
which was posted on an extensive plateau. The second Indi- 



OR, THE BORDER WAfiS OF TWO CPINTURIK««. 471 

ana and second Illinois regiments formed this part of our line, 
the former covering three pieces of light arti'^ery, imaer the 
orders of Capt. O'Brien — Brig.-Gen. Lane being in the imme- 
diate command. In order to bring his men within effective 
range, Gen. Lane ordered the artillery and second Indiana 
regiment forward. The artillery advanced within musket 
range of a heavy body of Mexican infantry, and was served 
against it with great effect, but without being able to check its 
advance. The infantry ordered to its support had fallen back 
in disorder, being exposed, as well as the battery, not only to 
a severe fire of small arms from the front, but also to a mur- 
derolis cross-fire of grape and canister from a Mexican battery 
on the left. Capt. O'Brien found it impossible to retain his 
position without support, but was only able to withdraw two 
of his pieces, all the horses and cannoneers of the third piece 
being killed or disabled. The second Indiana regiment, which 
had fallen back as stated, could not be rallied, and took no 
farther part in the action, except a handful of men, who, under 
its gallant colonel, Bowles, joined the Mississippi regiment, 
and did good service, and those fugitives who, at a later period 
in the day, assisted in defending the train and depot at Buena 
Vista. This portion of our line having given way, and the 
enemy appearing in overwhelming force against our left flank, 
the light troops which had rendered such good service on the 
mountain were compelled to withdraw, which they did, for the 
most part, in good order. Many, however, were not rallied 
until they reached the depot at Buena Vista, to the defense of 
which they afterward contributed. 

" Col. Bissell's regiment (second Illinois,) which had been 
joined by a section of Capt. Sherman's battery, had become 
completely outflanked, and was compelled to fall back, being 
entirely unsupported. The enemy was now pouring masses of 
infantry and cavalry along the base of the mountain on our 
left, and was gaining our rear in great force. At this moment 
I arrived upon the field. The Mississippi regiment had been 
directed to the left before readying the position, and immedi- 
ately came into action against the Mexican -infantry which had 
turned our flank. The second Kentucky regiment and a sec- 



472 CONQUKST OF MEXICO: 

tion of artillery under Oapt. Bragg, liad previously been 
ordered from the right to re-enforce our left, and arrived at a 
most opportune moment. That regiment, and a portion of the 
first Illinois, under Col. Hardin, gallantly drove the enemy, 
and recovered a portion of the ground we had lost. The bat- 
teries of Capts. Sherman and Bragg were in a position on the 
plateau, and did much execution, not only in front, but partic- 
ularly upon the masses which had gained our rear. Discover- 
ing that the enemy was heavily pressing upon the Mississippi 
regiment, the third Indiana regiment, under Col. Lane, was 
dispatched to strengthen that part of our line, which formed a 
crotchet perpendicular to the first line of battle. At the-same 
time Lieut, Kilburn, with a piece of Capt. Bragg's battery, 
was directed to support the infantry there engaged. The 
action was for a long time warmly sustained at that point — 
the enemy making several efforts both with infantry and cav- 
alry against our line, and being always repulsed with heavy 
loss. I had placed all the regular cavalry and Capt. Pike's 
squadron of Arkansas horse under the orders of Brevet Lieut- 
Col. May, with directions to hold in check the enemy's column, 
still advancing to the rear along the base of the mountain, 
which was done in conjunction with the Kentucky and Arkan- 
sas cavalry under Cols. Marshall and Yell. 

" In the meantime our left, which was still strongly threat- 
ened by a superior force, was farther strengthened by the 
detachment of Capt. Bragg's and a portion of Ca23t. Sherman 's 
batteries to that quarter. The concentration of artillery fire 
upon the masses of the enemy along the base of the mountain, 
and the determined resistance offered by the two regiments 
opposed to them, had created confusion in their ranks, and 
some of the corps attempted to effect a retreat upon the main 
line of battle. The squadron of the first dragoons, under 
Lieut. Rucker, was now ordered up the deep ravine which these 
retreating corps were endeavoring to cross, in order to charge 
and disperse them. The squadron proceeded to the point 
indicated, but could not accomplish the object, being exposed 
to a heavy tire from a battery established to cover the retreat 
of those corps. While the squadron was detached on this 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 473 

service, a large bodj of the enemy was observed to concentrate 
on our extreme left, apparently with a view of making a 
descent upon the hacienda of Buena Yista, where our train 
and baggage were deposited. Lieut.-Col. May was ordered to 
the support of that point, with two pieces of Capt. Sherman's 
battery under Lieut. Eeynolds. In the meantime, the scat- 
tered forces near the hacienda, composed in part of Majors 
Trail and Gorman's commands, had been to some extent organ- 
ized under the advice of Major Monroe, chief of artilleiw, with 
the assistance of Major Morrison, volunteer staff, and were 
posted to defend the position. Before our cavalry had reached 
the hacienda, that of the enemy had made its attack; having 
been handsomely met by the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry 
under Cols. Marshall and Yell. The Mexican column imme- 
diately divided, one portion sweeping by the depot, where it 
received a destructive lire from the force which had collected 
there, and tlien gaining the mountain opposite, under a fire 
from Lieut. Eeynolds' section, the remaining portion regaining 
the base of the mountain on our left. In the charge at Buena 
Yista, Col. Yell fell gallantly at the head of his regiment; we 
also lost adjutant Vaughan, of the Kentucky cavahy — a young 
officer of much promise. Lieut.-Col. May, who had been 
rejoined by the squadron of the first dragoons and by portions 
of the Arkansas and Indiana troops, under Lieut.-Col. Eoane 
and Major Gorman, now approached the base of the mountain, 
holding in check the right flank of the enemy, upon whose 
masses, crowded in the narrow gorges and ravines, our artil- 
lery was doing fearful execution. 

" Tlie position of that portion of the Mexican army which 
had gained our rear was now very critical, and it seemed 
doubtful whether it could regain the main body. At this 
moment I received from Gen. Santa Anna a message by a stafl* 
officer, desiring to know what I wanted? I immediately des- 
patched Brig.-Gen. "Wool to the Mexican general-in-chief, and 
sent orders to cease firing. Upon reaching the Mexican lines 
Gen. "Wool could not cause the enemy to cease their fire, and 
accordingly returned without iiaving an interview. The 
extreme right of the enemy continued its retreat along tlie 



474 CONQUEST OF MEXICO I 

base of the mountain, and finally, in spite of all our efforts,, 
effected a junction with the remainder of the army. 

" During the day, the cavalry of Gen. Minon had ascended 
the elevated plain above Saltillo, and occupied the road from 
the city to the field of battle, where they intercepted several 
of our men. Approaching the town, they were fired upon by 
Capt. Webster from the redoubt occupied by his company,, 
and then moved off towards the eastern side of the valley, and 
obliquely towards Buena Vista. At this time, Capt. Shover 
moved rapidly forward with his piece, supported by a miscel- 
laneous command of mounted volunteers, and fired several 
shots at the cavalry with great effect. They were driven into- 
the ravines which lead to the lower valley, closely pursued by 
Capt. Shover, who was farther supported by a piece of Capt.. 
Webster's battery, under Lieut. Donaldson, which had 
advanced from the redoubt, supported by Capt. Wheeler's 
company of Illinois volunteers. The enemy made one or two 
efforts to charge the artillery, but was finally driven back in a 
confused mass, and did not again appear upon the plain. 

" In the meantime, the firing had partially ceased upon the 
principal field. The enemy seemed to confine his efforts to 
the protection of his artillery, and I had left the plateau for a 
moment, when I was recalled thither by a very heavy musketry 
fire. On regaining that position, I discovered that our infantry 
(Illinois and second Kentucky) had engaged a greatly superior 
force of the enemy — evidently his reserve— and that they had 
been overwhelmed by numbers. The moment was most criti- 
cal. Capt. O'Brien, with two pieces, had sustained this 
heavy charge to the last, and was finally obliged to leave his 
guns on the field— his infantry support being entirely routed. 
Capt. Bragg, who had just arrived from the left, was ordered 
at once into battery. Without any infantry to support him, 
and at the imminent risk of losing his guns, this ofiicer came 
rapidly into action, the Mexican line being but a few yards 
from the muzzle of his pieces. The first discharge of canister 
caused the enemy to hesitate, the second and third drove him 
back in disorder, and saved tlie day. The second Kentucky 
regiment, which had advanced beyond supi3orting distance in 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 475 

this affair, was driven back and closely pressed by the enemy's 
cavalry. Taking a ravine which led in the direction of Capt. 
Washington's battery, their pursuers became exposed to his 
fire, which soon checked and drove them back with loss. In 
the meantime the rest of our artillery had taken position on 
the plateau, covered by the Mississippi and third Indiana 
regiments, the former of which had reached the ground in 
time to pour a fire into the right flank of the enemy, and thus 
contribute to his repulse. In this last conflict we had the 
misfortune to sustain a very heavy loss. Col. Hardin, first 
Illinois, and Col. McKee and Lieut.-Col. Clay, second Ken- 
tucky regiment, Ml at this time while gallantly leading their 
commands. 

" Ko farther attempt was made by the enemy to force our 
position, and the approach of night gave an opportunity to 
pay proper attention to the wounded, and also to refresh the 
soldiers, who had been exhausted by incessant watchfulness 
and combat. Though the night was severely cold, the troops 
were compelled for the most to bivouac without fires, expect- 
ing that morning would renew the conflict. During the night 
the wounded were removed to Saltillo, and evei-y prepartion 
made to receive the enemy, should he again attack our position. 
Seven fresh companies were drawn from the town, and Brig.- 
Gen. Marshall, with a re-enforcement of Kentucky cavalry and 
four heavy guns, under Capt. Prentiss, first artillery, was near 
at hand, when it was discovered that the enemy had abandoned 
his position during the night. Our scouts soon ascertained 
that he had fallen back upon Agua ITueva. The great dis- 
parity of numbers, and the exhaustion of our troops, rendered 
it inexpedient aijd hazardous to attempt pursuit. A stafiT 
officer was dispatched to Gen. Santa Anna to negotiate an 
exchange of prisoners, which was satisfactorily completed on 
the following day. .Our own dead were collected and buried, 
and the Mexican wounded, of which a large number had been 
left upon the field, were removed to Saltillo, and rendered as 
comfortable as circumstances would permit. 

" On the evening of the twenty-sixth, a close reconnoissance 
was made of the enemy's position, which was found to be 



476 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

occiij)ied only by a small body of cavalry, the infantry and 
artillery having retreated in tlie direction of San Luis Potosi. 
On the twenty-seventh, our troops resumed their former camp 
at Agua ISTueva, the enemy's rear-guard evacuating the place 
as we approached, leaving a considerable number of wounded. 
It was my jjurpose to beat up his quarters at Encarnacion 
early the next morning, but upon examination, the weak con- 
dition of the cavalry horses rendered it unadvisable to attempt 
so long a march without water, A command was finally des- 
patched to Encarnacion, on the first of March, under Col. 
Belknap. Some two hundred wounded, and about sixty Mexi- 
can soldiers were found there, the army having passed on in 
tlie direction of Matehuala, with greatly reduced numbers, and 
suffering much from hunger. The dead and dying were 
strewed upon the road, and crowded the buildings of the 
hacienda. 

" The American force engaged in the action of Buena Vista 
is shown, by the accompanying field report, to have been three 
hundred and thirty-four officers, and four thousand four 
hundred and twenty-five men, exclusive of the small command 
left in and near Saltillo. Of this number, two squadrons of 
cavalry and three batteries of light artillery, making not more 
than four hundred and fifty-three men, composed the only 
force of regular troops. The strength of the Mexican army is 
stated by Gen. Santa Anna, in his summons, to be twenty 
thousand; and that estimate is confirmed by all the informa- 
tion since obtained. Our loss is two hundred and seventy- 
seven killed, four hundred and fifty-six wounded, and twenty- 
three missing. Of the numerous wounded, many did not require 
removal to the hospital, and it is hoped that a comparatively 
small number will be permanently disabled. The Mexican loss 
in killed and wounded may be fairly estimated at one thousand 
five hundred, and will probably reach two thousand. At least 
five hundred of their killed were left upon the field of battle. 
We have no means of ascertaining the number of deserters 
and dispersed men from their ranks, but it is known to be very 
great." 



CHAPTEK LX. 

Gen. Scott's Cajipaign — The Siege of Vera Cruz — Victory of 
Cerro Gordo — Capture op Puebla — Advance on Mexico — 
Battle of the Contreras — The Victory — Other Battles — 
Battle of Churubusco — The Armistice. 

Leavijmg Gen. Taylor at Monterey, to ^^'hicli place he marched 
soon after the battle of Biiena Yista, let us turn our attention 
to the campaign of Major-Gen. Winfield Scott, who was 
advancing into Mexico from another quarter. After muster- 
ing an army of nearly twelve thousand men, part of them 
having been drawn from Gen. Taylor's force, he proceeded 
against the city and castle of Vera Cruz, the first object of the 
campaign. On the fifth of March, 1847, Gen. Scott's fleet 
arrived in the port of Anton Lizardo, presenting a grand scene. 
"The whole eastern horizon," says an eye witness, "looked 
like a wall of canvass. The usually quiet harbor was soon 
astir with the fleet, which presented a perfect wilderness of 
spars and rigging. For five days the excitement raged; drums 
were beating, bands of music playing," and everything told of 
an approaching conflict. On the tenth, the ships of war were 
got under way for Vera Cruz, and the army was transported 
from the transports to them in surf-boats. The ships then 
set sail for the city, and, in the passage, presented a beautiful 
sight. " The tall ships of war sailing leisurely along under 
their topsails, their decks thronged in every part with dense 
masses of troops, whose bright muskets and bayonets were 
flashing in the sunbeams; the gingling of spurs and sabres; 
the bands of music playing; the hum of the multitude rising 
up like the murmur of the distant ocean; the small steamers 
plying about, their decks crowded with anxious spectators; 
the long lines of surf-boats towing astern of the ships, ready 
(477) 



478 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

to disembark tlie troops; all these tended to render the scene 
one of the deepest interest." About three o'clock in the after- 
noon, the army beheld in the distance, the time-worn walls 
and battlements of Vera Cruz, and the stately old castle of San 
Juan d'Ulloa, with their ponderous cannon, tier upon tier, 
flashing in the yellow rays of the sun. 

The scene of embarkation and the siege, is thus described by 
an eye witness, whose language has been preserved in a neat 
little work, entitled " The Mexican War and its Heroes:" " It 
was a most beautiful, nay, a suhlmie sight, that embarkation. 
I still retained my position in the fore-top, and was watching 
€very movement with the most anxious interest; for it was 
thought by many that the enemy would oppose the landing of 
our troops. About four o'clock, tlie huge surf-boats, each capa- 
ble of conveying one hundred men, were hauled to the gang- 
ways of the different men-of-war, and quickly laden with their 
^ warlike fraughtage;' formed in a single line, nearly a mile in 
length; and at a given signal, commenced slowly moving 
toward the Mexican shore. It was a grand spectacle! On, on 
went the long range of boats, loaded down to the gunwales 
with brave men, the rays of the slowly-departing sun resting 
upon their uniforms and bristling bayonets, and wrapping the 
far inland and fantastic mountains of Mexico in robes of gold. 
On they went; the measured stroke of the countless oars ming- 
ling with the hoarse, dull roar of the trampling surf upon the 
sandy beach, and the shriek of the myriads of sea-birds soar- 
ing high in air, until the boats struck the shore, and quick as 
thought our army began to land. At this instant, the Amer- 
ican flag was planted, and unrolling its folds, floated proudly 
out upon the evening breeze; the crews of the men-of-war 
made the welkin ring with their fierce cheering; and a dozen 
bands of music, at the same time, and as if actuated by one 
impulse, struck up 

' 'Tis the star-spangled banner! O, long may it wave, 
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave!' 

" Early the next morning, the old grim castle of San Juan 
d'Ulloa commenced trying the range of its heavy guns, throw- 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 479 

ing Paixlian sliells at the armj, and continued it at intervals 
for a week; but with the exception of an occasional skirmish 
with a party of the enemy's lancers, they had all the fun to 
themselves. In the meantime our forces went quietly on with 
their preparations, stationing their pickets, planting their 
heavy mortars, landing their horses, provisions and munitions 
of war, constantly annoyed with a ceaseless fire from the 
Mexican batteries, which our troops were as yet too busy to 
return. 

" On the twenty-fourth, Lieut. Oliver Hazard Perry, with a 
zeal worthy of his illustrious father, ' the hero of Lake Erie,' 
dismounted one of the waist guns of the ' Albany,' a sixty- 
eight pounder, procured a number of volunteers who would 
willingly have charged up to the muzzles of the Mexican can- 
non with such a leader, and taking forty rounds of Paixhan 
shells, proceeded on shore, where, after dragging his gun 
through tlie sand for three miles, he arrived at a small fortifi- 
cation, which the engineers had constructed of sand-bags for 
him, and there planted his engine of destruction, in a situation 
which commanded the whole city of Vera Cruz. Roused by 
such a gallant example, guns from each of the other ships of 
the squadron were disembarked and conveyed to the breast- 
work, which was as yet concealed from the eyes of the Mexi- 
cans by being in the rear of an almost impervious chaparral, 
and in a short time a most formidable fortress was completed, 
which was styled the N'aval Battery. 

"At this period. Gen. Scott, having quietly made all his 
arrangements, while a constant shower of shot and shell were 
thrown at his army by the enemy, sent a flag of truce, with a 
summons for the immediate surrender of the city of Vera 
Cruz, and the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, and with a full 
understanding that unless his demand was immediately com- 
plied with, an attack would follow. As a matter of course, the 
Mexicans, expecting aij assault, for which they were well pre- 
pared, and not a bombardment, returned an indignant refusal, 
and were told that at four o'clock p. m., they should hear farther 
from us. In the meantime, the chaparral had been cut away, 
disclosing the l^aval Battery to the gaze of the astonished 



480 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

Mexicans, and the mortars and heavy artillery, which had been 
planted upon the hills overlooking the city, and were ready to 
vomit forth their fires of death. Every person was now wait- 
ing with trembling anxiety the commencement of the fray. 

" About four o'clock p. m., while the crews of the squadron 
were all at supper, a sudden and tremendous roar of artillery 
on shore proclaimed that the battle had begun. The tea- 
things were left to ' take care of themselves,' and pell-mell 
tumbled sick and well up the ladders to the spar-deck. I fol- 
lowed with the human tide, and soon found myself in the 
fore-top of the ' Albany,' and looking around me a sublime 
but terrific sight my elevated perch presented to the view. 
Some two hundred sail of vessels were lying immediately 
around us, their tops, cross-trees, yards, shrouds — everything 
where a foothold could be obtained — crowded with human 
beings, clustered like swarming bees in inid-summer on the 
trees, all intently watching the battle. I turned my eyes on 
shore. Jonathan had at last awakened from his slumber, and 
had set to work in earnest. Bombshells were fiying like hail- 
stones into Vera Cruz from every quarter; sulphurous flashes, 
clouds of smoke and the dull boom of the heavy guns arose 
from the walls of the city in return, while ever and anon a red 
sheet of flame would leap from the great brass mortars on the 
ramparts of the grim castle, followed by a report, which fairly 
made the earth tremble. The large ships of the squadron 
could not approach near enough to the shore to participate in 
the attack upon the city, without exposing them to the fire of 
the castle; but all the gunboats, small steamers and everything 
that could be brought to bear upon the enemy, were sent in 
and commenced blazing away; a steady stream of fire, like the 
red glare of a volcano! This state of things continued until 
sunset, when the small vessels were called ofl"; but the mortars 
kept throwing shells into the devoted town the live-long night. 
I was watching them until after midnight, and it was one of 
the most striking displays that I ever beheld. 

" A huge black cloud of smoke hung like a pall over the 
American army, completely concealing it from view; thq Mex- 
icans had ceased firing, in order to prevent our troops from 



OR, THE HOKDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 481 

■directing their guns by the flashes from the walls; but the 
bombardiers had obtained the exact range before dark, and kept 
thundering away, every shell falling directly into the doomed 
city. Suddenly, a vivid, lightning-like flash would gleam for 
an instant upon the black pall of smoke hanging over our lines, 
and then as the roar of the great mortar came borne to our 
-ears, the pondei-ous shell would be seen to dart upward like a 
meteor, and after describing a semi-circle in the air, descend 
with a loud crash upon the house-tops, or into the resounding 
streets of the fated city. Then, after a brief but awful moment 
of suspense, a lurid glare, illuminating for an instant the white 
domes and grim fortresses of Yera Cruz, falling into ruins 
with the shock, and the echoing crash that came borne to our 
ears, told that the shell had exploded, and executed its terrible 
mission ! 

" Throughout the whole night these fearful missiles were 
traveling into the city in one continued stream; but the enemy 
did not return the fire. At daylight, however, the Mexicans 
again opened their batteries upon our army, with the most 
determined bravery. 

"About eight o'clock a. m., the gallant Perry and his brave 
associates, having finished the mounting of their guns, and 
completed all their arrangements, opened with a tremendous 
roar the Naval Battery upon the west side of the city, and 
were immediately answered from four distinct batteries of the 
enemy. The firm earth trembled beneath the discharge of 
these 2:»onderous guns, and the shot flew like hail into the town, 
and were returned with interest by the Mexicans. Their heavy 
,guns were served with wonderful precision ; and almost every 
shot struck the little fort, burst open the sand-bags of which it 
was constructed, and covered our brave ofiicers and men with 
a cloud of dust. Many shot and shell were thrown directly 
through the embi-asures; and to use the expressions of one of 
our old tars who had been in several engagements, ' the red- 
skins handled their long thirty-two's as if they had been rifles!' 
Several of our men and one officer had fallen, but the remain- 
der of the brave fellows kept blazing away; while the forts and 
. ramparts of the city began to crumble to the earth. This 
31 



482 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

state of tilings continued until the twenty-seventli ; the army 
throwing a constant shower of bombs into the city, and the 
Naval Battery (manned daily by fresh officers and men,) beat- 
ing down the fortifications, and destroying everything within 
its range, when a fiag of truce was sent out with an offer, 
which was immediately accepted, of an unconditional surren- 
der of the city of Yera Cruz and the castle of San Juan'^ 
d'Ulloa." 

The American army under Gen. Scott entered Vera Cruz in 
triumph, where it remained about two wrecks, when the Gen- 
eral marched his army for the Mexican Capital. On the 
seventeenth of April he arrived at the pass of the Sierra Gorde, 
where Gen. Santa Anna was posted with eleven thousand men. 
Scott made preparations for attacking the enemy on the fol- 
lowing day, planning an attack which has become famous for 
its perfection and results. In his report of the engagement, 
Gen. Scott says: "We are quite embarrassed with the results 
of victory — prisoners of war, heavy ordnance, field batteries, 
small arms, and accoutrements. About three thousand men 
laid down their arms with the usual proportion of field and 
company officers, besides five generals, several of them of great 
distinction. Pinson, Jarerro, La Yega, Noriega, and Obando. 
A sixth general, Yasquez, was killed in defending the battery 
(tower) in the rear of the whole Mexican army, the capture of 
which gave us those glorious results." The loss of the Amer- 
icans in this terrible battle was light, while that of the Mexi- 
cans was, as in most of their engagements with the United 
States troops, very heavy. 

/^ A detachment under Gen. Worth captured Puebla on the 
fifteenth of May, where the army remained until the seventh 
of August, when the whole army marched for the city of 
Mexico. On the afternoon of the third day's march, a sudden 
turn in the route revealed a scene that was well calculated to 
excite the weary soldiers. The whole vast plain of Mexico 
was before them. The coldness of the air, which was most 
sensibly felt at this great elevation, their fatigue and da.nger 
were forgotten, and their "eyes were the only sense that 
thought of enjoyment." Mexico with its lofty steeples and 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO (JEN'I'UKIKS. 4SH 

chequered domes, its bright reality, and its former fame, its 
modern splendor and its ancient magnificence, was before them, 
while around on everj^ side its thousand lakes seemed like 
silver stars on a velvet mantle. Scott's army encamped that 
night at the base of the mountains with the enemy's scouts 
on every side. On the following day the army halted al 
.i^yotta, only fifteen miles from Mexico. " We were separated," 
says one who bore the fatigues of the march, "from the city 
by the marshes which surround Lake Tezcuco, and by the lake 
itself." The road from thio point was commanded by a steep 
and loftly hill called El Pinnal, which had been strongly forti- 
fied by Santa Anna. Batteries mounting over fifty guns in 
all, had been placed on its sides, and a deep ditch, twenty-four 
feet wide, and ten deep, filled with water, had been cut, con- 
necting the ports already surrounded by marshes. On this 
side Santa Anna had twenty-five thousand men against the 
American force of a little over nine thousand. 

On the twenty-second of August, the Amei-icans made a 
reconnoisance of the work which was pronounced impractica- 
ble, as the lives of half the troops would be sacrificed befoi-e 
the ditch could be crossed. After a long search another road 
was found, which led around on the left, but which was guarded 
with five strong batteries at a point about five miles from the 
city. All approach to the city seemed to be cut oif, but at 
length, by means of his scouts. General Worth, who was 
encamped about five miles distant found a path around the 
left of Lake Chalco, which led to the western gate of the city, 
and which had not yet been fortified. On the fourteenth the 
army commenced its march by this route. On the nineteenth it 
arrived at San Juan, Worth's division being considerably in 
advance. When the Americans arrived at this place, they 
received orders to sling their blankets across their shoulders, 
put their knapsacks into their wagons, and to put two day's 
bread and beef in tlieir haversacks. When this order came the 
men knew that the work was at hand. The enemy was 
reported to be in position as follows: Santa Anna with twenty 
thousand men was at St. Augustine; Valencia with ten thous- 
and was at an elevation called Contreros which commanded 



484 CONQUEST OF MEXICO'. 

the road in that direction. It now became Scott's object to 
drive Valencia from his position, and thus get in between 
Santa Anna and the city. With a view to effecting this, Gen. 
Worth was directed to keep Santa Anna in check, while a 
portion of the army under Gen. Twiggs was to rout Yalencia. 
The progress from this point is thus described by one who 
participated :* 

^'" We left San Juan about one o'clock, not particularly desir- 
ing a fight so late in the day, but still not shunning it in case 
we could have a respectable chance. About two p. m., as w^e 
had crawled to the top of a hill, whither we had been ourselves 
pulling Magruder's battery and the mountain howitzers, we 
suddenly espied Yalencia fortified on a hill about two hundred 
yards off, and strongly re-enforced by a column which had just 
come out of the city. We laid down close to avoid drawing 
their fire, while the battery moved past at a full gallop. Just 
then. Gen. Smith's manly voice rung out, ^Forward the rifles 
— to support the lattery.'' On they went until we got about 
eight hundred yards from the work, when the enemy opened 
upon them with the long guns, which were afterwards found 
to be sixteen and eight-inch howitzers. The ground was the 
worst possible for artillery, covered with rocks large and small, 
prickly -pear and cactus, intersected by ditches filled with water 
and lined with maguey -plant, itself imper viable to cavalrj^, 
and with patches of corn which concealed the enemy's skir- 
mishers, while it impeded our own passage. The artillery 
advanced but slowly under a most tremendous fire, which 
greatly injured it before it could be got in range, and the 
thickness of the undergrowth caused the skirmishers thrown 
forward to lose their relative position, as well as the column. 
About four, the battery got in position under a most murder- 
ous fire of grape, canister, and round-shot. Here the superi- 
ority of the enemy's pieces rendered our fire nugatory. We 
could get but three pieces in battery, while they had twenty- 
seven., all of them three times the calibre of ours. For two hours 
our troops stood the storm of iron and lead they hailed upon 
them, unmoved. At every discharge they laid flat down to 

* The Mexican War and Its Heroes. 



OR, TFIE BORDER WARS OV TWO (IKN'I'II KI I*. 485 

avoid the storm, and then s])ruiig up to serve the guns. At 
the end of that time, two of the gnus were dismounted, and 
we badly hurt: thirteen of the horses were killed and disabled, 
and fifteen of the cannoniers killed and wounded. The regi- 
ment was then recalled. The lancers had been rej)e]led in 
three successive charges. The third infantry and tirst artillery 
had also engaged and successfully repelled the enemy's skir- 
mishers without losing either officers or men. The greatest 
loss had been at the batteries. Officers looked gloomy for the 
first day's light, but the brigade was formed, and Gen. Sniith 
in person took command. All felt revived, and followed liim 
with a yell, as, creeping low to avoid the grape, (which was 
coming very fast,) we made a circuit in rear of the batteries; 
and, passing off to the right, we were soon lost to view in the 
chaparral and cactus. 

" Passing over the path that we scrambled through, behold 
us at almost six o'clock in the evening, tired, hungry, and sor- 
rowful, emerging from the cliaparral and croosing the road 
between it and Valencia. Here we found Cadwalader and his 
brigade already formed, and discovered Riley's brigade skir- 
mishing in rear of the enemy's works. Valencia was ignorant 
of our approach, and we were as yet safe. In front of us was 
Valencia, strongly entrenched on a hill-side and surrounded 
by a regular field-work, concealed from us by an orchard in 
our rear. Mendoza, with a column of six thousand, was in 
the road, but thinking us to be friends. On our right was a 
large range of hills whose continued crest was parallel to the 
road, and in which were formed in line of battle five thousand 
of the best Mexican cavalry. On our left we were separated 
from our own forces by an almost impassible wilderness, and 
it was now twilight. Even Smith looked round for help. 
Suddenly a thousand vivas came across the hill-side like the 
yells of prairie wolves in the dead of night, and the squadrons 
on our right formed for charging. Smith is himself again! 
' B'ace to the rear!' 'Wait till yon see their red caps, and 
then give it to them!" Furiously they came on a few yards, 
then changed their minds, and, disgusted at our cool reception, 
retired to their couclies. 



480 CONQUEST OF MEXICO : 

'' On the edge of the road, between us and Valencia, a Mexican 
hamlet spread out, with its mud huts, large orchards, deep-cut 
roads, and a strong church; and through the centre of this 
hamlet ran a path parallel to the main road, but concealed 
from it; it is nearly a mile long. In this road Smith's and 
Ei ley's brigade bivouacked. Shields, who came up in the 
night, lay in the orchard, while Cadwalader was nearest the 
enemy's works. As we were within range of their batteries, 
which could eniilade the road in which we lay, we built a stone 
breastwork at either end to conceal ourselves from their view 
and grape. There we were, completely surrounded by the 
enemy, cut olf from our communications, ignorant of the 
ground, without artillery, w^eary, dispirited, and dejected. We 
were a disheartened set. With Santa Anna and Salas's promise 
of ' no quarter,' a force of four to one against us, and one- 
half defeated already, no succour from Puebla, and no news 
from Gen. Scott, all seemed dark. Suddenly the words came 
whispered along, ' We stor7n at 'midnight.'' Now we are our- 
selves again! But what a horrible night! There we lay, too 
tired to eat, too w^et to sleep, in the middle of that muddy road, 
officers and men side by side, with a heavy rain pouring down 
upon us, the officers without blankets or overcoats (they had 
lost them in coming across), and the men worn out with fatigue. 
About midnight the rain was so heavy that the streams in the 
road Ifooded us, and there we stood crowded together, drenched 
and benumbed, waiting for daylight. 

" At lialf-past three the welcome word ^fccll in ' was passed 
down, and we commenced our march. The enemy's works were 
on a hill-side, behind which rose other and slightly higher 
hills, separated by deep ravines and gullies, and inter- 
sected by streams. The whole face of the country was of stiff 
clay, which rendered it almost impossible to advance. We 
formed our line about a quarter of a mile from the enemy's 
works, Riley's brigade on our right. At about four we started, 
winding through a thick orchard which effectually concealed 
us, even had it not been dark, debouching into a deep ravine 
which ran within about live hundred yards of the work, and 
wliich carried us directly in rear and out of sight of their bat- 



OR, TIIK BORDER WAIIS OF TWO ('ICNTfUIKS. 487 

teries. At dawn of day we reached our place, after incredible 
exertions, and got ready for our charge. The men threw otf 
their wet blankets and looked to their pieces, while the ofHcers 
got ready for a rush, and the first smile that lit up our faces 
for twelve hours boded but little good for the Mexicans. On 
the right, and opposite the right of their w^ork, was Eiley's 
brigade of the Second and First infantry and Fourth artillery, 
next the rifles, then the First artillery and Third infantry. In 
rear of our left ^vae Cadwalader's brigade, as a support, with 
Shield's brigade in the rear as a reserve — the whole division 
under command of Gen. Smith, in the absence of Gen. Twiggs. 
They had a smooth place to rush down on the enemy's work, 
with the brow of the hill to keep under until the word was 
given. 

"At last, just at daylight, Gen. Smith, slowly walking up, 
asked if all was ready. A look answered him. ' Men, for- 
ward! ' And we did " forward.' Springing up at once, Eiley's 
brigade opened, when the crack of a hundred rifles startled the 
Mexicans from their astonishment, and they opened their fire. 
Useless fire! /or we were so close that they overshot us, and 
before they could turn their pieces on us w^e were on them. 
Then sucb cheers arose as you never heard. The men rushed 
forward like demons, yelling and firing the while. The carnage 
was frightful, and, though they fired sharply, it was of no use. 
The earthen parapet was cleared in an instant, and the blows 
of the stocks could be plainly heard mingled with the yells and 
o-roans around. Just before the charge was made, a large body 
of lancers came winding up the road, looking most splendidly 
in their brilliant uniforms. They never got to the work, but 
turned and fled. In an instant all was one mass of confusion, 
each trying to be foremost in the flight. The road was literally 
blocked up, and, while many perished by their ow^n guns, it 
was almost impossible to fire on the mass from the danger of 
killino- our own men. Some fled up the ravine on the left, or 
on the right, and many of these were slain by turning their 
own o-uns on them. Towards the city the rifles and Second 
infantry led ofl' the pursuit. Seeing that a large crowd of the 
fugitives were jammed up in a pass in the road, some of our 



488 ^ CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

men ran through the cornfield, and by thns heading them off 
and firing down upon them, about thirty men took over five 
hundred prisoners, nearly a hundred of them officers. After 
disarming the prisoners, as the pursuit had ceased, we went 
back to the fort, where we found our troops in full possession^ 
the rout complete. 

" We found that the enemy's position was much stronger 
than we had supposed, and their artillery much larger and 
more abundant. Our own loss was small, which may be 
accounted for by their perfect surprise at our charge, as to 
them we appeared as if rising out of the earth, so unper- 
ceived was our approach. Our loss was one officer killed, Capt. 
Hanson, of the Seventh infantry, and Lieut. Van Buren, of the 
rifles, shot through the leg, and about fifty men killed and 
wounded. Their force consisted of eight thousand men, under 
Yalencia, with a reserve, which had not yet arrived, under 
Santa Anna. Their loss, as since ascertained, was as follows: 
Killed, and buried since the fight, seven hundred and fifty; 
wounded, one thousand; and fifteen hundred prisoners, exclu- 
sive of officers, including four generals — Salas, Mendoza, Garcia, 
and Gaudalupe — in addition to dozens of colonels, majors, 
captains, etc. We captured, in all, on the hill twenty-two pieces 
of cannon, including five eight-inch howitzers, two long eight- 
eens, three long sixteens, and several of twelve and eight inches. 
In addition were taken immense quantities of ammunition 
and muskets; in fact, the way was strewd with muskets, esco- 
pets, lances, and flags for miles. Large quantities of horses 
and mules were also captured, though large numbers were 
killed. 

" Thus ended the glorious battle of Contreros, in which two 
thousand men, under Gen. P. F. Smith, completely routed and 
destroyed an army of eiglit tliousand men, under Gen. Valencia, 
with Santa Anna and a force of twenty thousand men witJiin 
five miles. Their army was so completely routed that not 
fifteen hundred men rejoined Santa Anna and participated in the 
second battle. Most people would have thought that a pretty 
good day's work. Not so. We had only saved ourselves, not 
conquered Mexico, and men's work was before us yet. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 4Si) 

"At eight A. M. we fornied again, and Gen. Twiggs having 
taken command, we started on the road to Mexico. We had 
hardly marclied a mile before we were sharply fired npon from 
both sides of the road, and onr right was deployed to drive tlie 
enemy in. We soon found that we had caught up with the 
retreating party, from the very brisk tiring in front, and we 
drove them through the little town of San Angelo, where they 
had been halting in force. About half a mile from this town 
we entered the suburbs of another called San Katherina, when 
a large party in the church-yard fired on the head of the col- 
umn, and the balls came right among us. Our men kept 
rushing on their rear and cutting them down, until a discharge 
of grape-shot from a large piece in front drove them back to 
the column. In this short space of time five men were killed, 
ten taken prisoners, and a small color captured, which was 
carried the rest of the day. 

" Meanwhile Gen. Worth had made a demonstration on San 
Antonio, where the enemy was fortified in a strong hacienda; 
but they retired on his approach to Churubusco, where the 
works were deemed impregnable. They consisted of a fortified 
hacienda, which was surrounded by a high and thick wall on 
all sides. Inside the wall w^as a stone building, the roof of 
which was flat, and higher than the walls. Above all this was 
a sto]ie church, still higher than the rest, and having a large 
steeple. The wall was pierced with loop-holes, and so arranged 
that there were two tiers of men firing at the same time. 
They thus had four difi:erent ranges of men firing at once, and 
four ranks were formed on each range, and placed at such a 
height that they could not only overlook all the surrounding 
country, but at the same time they had a plunging fire upon 
us. Outside the hacienda, and completely commanding the 
avenues of approach, was a field-work extending around two 
sides of the fort, and protected by a deep, wet ditch, and armed 
with seven large pieces. This hacienda is at the commence- 
ment of the causeway leading to the western gate of the city, 
and had to be passed before getting on the road. About three 
hundred yards in rear of this work another field-work had been 
built where a cross-road meets the causeway, at a point where 



490 CONQUEST OF MEXICO ; 

it crosses a river, thus forming a bridge lieacl, or t^e de pont. 
This was also very strong, and armed with three large pieces 
of cannon. The works were snrronnded on every side by large 
corn-fields, which were filled with the enemy's skirmishers, so 
that it was difficult to make a reconnoissance. It was therefore 
decided to make the attack immediately, as they were full of 
men, and extended for nearly a mile on the road to the city, 
completely covering the cause\\^ay. The attack commenced 
about one f. m. General Twiggs' division attacked on the side 
towards which they approached the fort; that is, opj)Osite the 
city. Gen. Worth's attacked the bridge head, which he took 
in about an hour and a half ; while Gens. Pillow and Quitman 
were on the extreme left, between the causeway and Twiggs' 
division. The rifles were on the left and in rear of the work, 
entrusted by Gen. Scott with the task of charging it in case 
Gen. Pierce gave way. The firing was most tremendous — in 
fact, one continued roll while the combat lasted. The enemy, 
from their elevated station, conld readily see our men, who were 
unable to get a clear view from their position. Three of the 
pieces were manned by ' the deserters,' a body of about one 
hundred, who had deserted from the ranks of our army during 
the war. They M^ere enrolled in two companies, commanded 
by a deserter, and were better uniformed and disciplined than 
the rest of the army. These men fought most desperately, 
and are said not only to liave shot down several of our officers 
whom they knew, but to have pulled dow^n the white flag of 
surrender no less than three times. 

" The battle raged most furiously for about three hours, when, 
both sides having lost a great many, the enemy began to give 
way. As soon as they commenced retreating, Kearney's squad- 
ron passed through the tete de pont, and charging through the 
retreating column, pursued them to the very gate of the city. 
When our men got within about five hundred yards of the gate 
they were opened upon with grape and canister, and several 
officers wounded. The official returns give our loss in killed 
and wounded at one thousand one hundred and fifty, besides 
officers. The Mexican loss is five hundred killed in the second 
battle, one thousand wounded, and eleven hundred prisoners, 



OR, 'iUK BORDER WARS OF TWO OENTi:RIES. 491 

exclusive of officers. Three more generals were taken, araono; 
them Gen. Eincon, and Anaya, the Provisional President; also 
ten pieces of cannon, and an immense amonnt of ammuni- 
tion and stores. Santa Anna, in his report, states his loss in 
killed, wounded, and missing, at twelve thousand. He has 
only eighteen thousand left out of thirty thousand, which he 
gives as his force on the twentieth in both actions. 

" Thus ended the battle of Churubusco, one of the most 
furious and deadly, for its length, of any of the war. For rea- 
sons which he deemed conclusive, Gen. Scott did not enter 
the city that night, but encamped on the battle-field, about 
four miles from the western gate of the city. The next day 
a flag of truce came out, and propositions were made which 
resulted in an armistice." 



CHAPTEK LXI. 

Termination op the Armistice — The Battle of Molinos del Ret 
— The Siege op the Capital — The City op Mexico Occupied — 
The American Flag Floating from the Mexican National 
Palace. 

An armistice was concluded on the twenty-fourth of August 
between Gen. Scott and President Santa Anna, with a view of 
terminating the war and effecting a treaty of peace. JSTegotia- 
tions at once commenced, but terminated on the seventh of 
September, when both armies assumed hostile attitudes. On 
the date last mentioned, a large body of Mexicans was discov- 
ered hovering about Molinos del Rey, within a mile of the 
American camp and Gen. Scott's headquarters. Gen. Worth 
was at once ordered to attack the enemy at this point, and his 
division being re-enforced, he moved forward to battle. The 
position of the Mexicans was well taken. Their left rested 
upon and occupied a group of strong stone buildings, called 
El Molino del Rey, adjoining the grove at the foot of the hill 
of Chapultepec, and directly under the guns of the castle which 
crowned its rumrait. The right of his line rested upon 
another stone building, called Casa Mata, situated at the foot 
of the ridge that slopes gradually from the heights above the 
village of Tacubaya to the plain below. Midway between these 
buildings was the enemy's field battery, and his infantry 
forces were disposed on either side to support it. " The early 
dawn," says Worth, " was the moment appointed for the 
attack, which was announced to the troops, by the opening of 
Huger's guns on El Molinos del Eey, upon which they contin- 
ued to play actively until this point of the enemy's line became 
sensibly shaken, when the assaulting party, commanded by 
Wright, and guided by that accomplished ofiicer, Capt. Mason^ 
(492) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 493 

of the engineers, assisted by Lieut. Foster, dashed gallantly 
forward to the assault." 

* Unshaken by the galling fire of musketry and canister 
that was showered upon them, on they rushed, driving the 
infantry and artillerymen at the point of the bayonet. The 
enemy's field battery was taken, and his own guns were trailed 
upon his retreating masses; before, however, they could be 
discharged, perceiving that he had been dispossessed of this 
strong position by comparatively a handful of men, he made a 
desperate effort to regain it. Accordingly, his retiring forces 
rallied and formed with this object. Aided by the infantry, 
which covered the house-tops (within reach of which the bat- 
tery had been moved during the night,) the enemy's whole line 
opened upon the assaulting party a terrific fire of musketry, 
wliich struck down eleven out oi fourteen ofiicers that com- 
posed the command, and non-commissioned officers and men in 
proportion; including among the ofiicers Brev.-Major Wright, 
the commander; Capt. Mason and Lieut. Foster, engineers; all 
severely wounded. This severe shock staggered for a moment 
that gallant band. The light battalion, held to cover Iluger's 
battery, under Capt. E. Kirb}^ Smith, and the right wing of 
Cadwalader's brigade, were promptly ordered forward to sup- 
port, which order was executed in the most gallant style; the 
enemy was again i-outed, and this point of his line carried, and 
fully possessed by our troops. In the meantime, Garland's 
brigade, ably sustained by Capt. Drum's artillery, assaulted 
the enemy's left, and, after an obstinate and very severe con- 
test, drove him from this apj^arently impregnable position, 
immediately under the guns of the castle of Chaj^ultepec. 
Drum's section, and the battering guns under Capt. Huger, 
advanced to the enemy's position, and the captured guns of the 
enemy were now opened on his retreating forces, on which they 
contimied to fire until beyond their reach. AVliile this work 
was in progress of accomplishment by the center and right, the 
troops on the left were not idle. Duncan's battery opened on 
the right of the enemy's line, up to this time engaged; and 
the second brigade, under Col. Mcintosh, was now ordered to 
* Gen. Wortli's Report. 



494 CONQUEST OF MEXICO: 

assault the extreme right of the enemy's line. The direction 
of this brigade soon caused it to mask Duncan's battery, the 
fire of which, for the moment, was discontinued; and the 
brigade moved steadily on to the assault of Casa Mata, which, 
instead of an ordinary field entrenchment, as was supposed, 
proved to be a strong stone oitadel, surrounded with bastioned 
entrenchments and impassable ditches — an old Spanish work, 
recently repaired and enlarged. When within easy musket 
range, the enemy opened a most deadly fire upon the advanc- 
ing troops, which was kept up, without intermission, until the 
gallant men reached the very slope of the parapet of the work 
that surrounded the citadel.* By this time a large proportion 
of the command was either killed or wounded, among whom 
were the three senior ofiicers present, Brevet-Col. Mcintosh, 
Brevet Lieut.-Col. Scott, of the fifth infantry, and Major ^ aite, 
eighth infantry; the second killed, and the first and last des- 
perately wounded. Still, the fire from the citadel was unabated. 
In this crisis of the attack, the command was momentarily 
thrown into disorder, and fell back on the left of Duncan's 
battery, where they rallied. As the second brigade moved to 
the assault, a very large cavalry and infantry force was discov- 
ered approaching rapidly upon the left flank, to re-enforce the 
enemy's right. As soon as Duncan's battery was masked, as 
before mentioned, supported by Andrews's voltigeurs, of Cad- 
walader's brigade, it moved promptly to the extreme left of the 
line to check the threatened assault on this point. The ene- 
my's cavalry came rapidly within canister range, when the 
whole battery opened a most eftective fire, which soon broke 
the squadrons and drove them back in disorder. During this 
fire upon the enemy's cavalry, Major Sumner's command 
moved to the front, and changed direction in admirable order, 
under a most appalling fire from the Casa Mata. Tliis move- 
ment enabled his command to cross the ravine immediately on 
the left of Duncan's battery, where it remained, doing noble 
service until the close of the action. At the very moment the 
cavalry were driven beyond reach, the American troops drew 
back from before the Casa Mata, and enabled the guns of Dun- 
* Gen. Worth's Keport. 



OR, TIIK BORDER WARS OF TWO ('KNTUHIl'S. 495 

can's battery to re-Oi^eu upon this position, wliicli, after a 
short and well-directed tire, the enemy abanduiicd. The i^uns 
of the battery were now turned upon the retreating columns, 
and continued to play upon tbem until beyond reach. The 
Mexicans were now driven from every point of the tield, and 
their strong lines, which had certainly been defended well, were 
in AYorth's possession. In fulfillment of the instructions of Gun. 
Scott, the Casa Mata was blown up, and such of the ca])tured 
ammunition as was useless to the Americans, as well as the 
cannon-moulds found in £1 Molinos del Key, were destroyed. 
After which, Worth's command, under the orders c)f the 
general-in-chief, returned to quarters at Tacubaya, with three 
of the enemy's four guns, as also a large quantity of small 
arms, with gun and musket ammunition, and exceeding eight 
hundred prisoners, including fifty-two commissioned officers. 
*By the concurrent testimony of prisoners, the enemy's force 
exceeded fourteen thousand men, commanded by Gen, Santa 
Anna in person. His total loss, killed (including the second 
and third in command, Gens. Valdarez and Leon), wounded, 
and prisoners, amounted to three thousand, exclusive of some 
two thousand who deserted after the rout. Worth's command, 
re-enforced as before stated, only reached three thousand one 
hundred men of all arms. The contest continued two hours, 
and its severity was painfully attested hy the heavy loss of 
American officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, 
including in the first two classes some of the brightest orna- 
ments of the service. 

But why horrify the reader with all the bloody details of this 
siege? A series of battles of forty-eight hour's continuance 
followed Worth's triumph at Molinos del Eey, after which, on 
the fourteenth of September, 1847, Gen, Scott's glorious army 
hoisted the flag of the United States on the walls of the 
jS'ational Palace of Mexico. Immediately on entering the 
Palace, the following order was issued: 

" The general-in-chief calls upon his brethren in arms to 
return both in public and private worship, thanks and gratitude 
to God for the signal triumphs which they have recently 

* Gen. Worth's Report. 



496 CONQUEST OF MEXICO! 

acliieved for their country. Beginnino- with the nineteenth of 
August, this army has gallantly fought its way through the 
fields and forts of Contreras, San Antonio, Churubusco, Molinos 
del Rey, Cliapultepec and the gates of San Casone and Tacu- 
baya or Belen, into the Capital of Mexico. W^hen the very 
limited numbers who have performed these brilliant deeds shall 
have become known, the world will be astonished and our own 
countrymen filled with joy and admiration. But all is not yet 
done. The enemy, though scattered and dismayed, has still 
many fragments of his late army hovering about us, and, aided 
by an exasperated population, he may again reunite in treble 
our numbers, and fall upon us to advantage if we rest inactive 
on the security of past victories." ^ * 

Eetiring from the capital, Gen. Santa Anna collected several 
fragments of his army, and laid siege to Puebla, which Avas 
poorly garrisoned. The siege was prosecuted with considerable- 
vigor for twenty-eight days, and nobly repulsed by the com- 
mander. Col. Childs, who had been left to guard the place with 
a feeble garri son. y And here, without following Gens. Scott 
and Butler through all the war of detail that completed the 
conquest of Mexico, or the military and diplomatic disputes 
that finally terminated in a peace between that country and 
the United States, we will return to the main current of our 
narrative, from which I have so widely diverged — the wars with 
the Indians. 



CHAPTEK LXII. 

Wars with the Indians in New Mexico — The Massacre of the 
White Family — Brutality of the Apaches — The Wars with 
Utahs and iVp aches — The Settlements in New Mexico In- 
vaded BY Hostile Indians — A Brilliant Company — Seven 
Battles — Peace. 

Let us now return to, 'New Mexico, which has become a 
part of our own truly great nation. No sooner had the 
United States forces occupied that territory than the neigh- 
boring Indians raised the hatchet in defiance. The insolence 
of the Mexican settlers had wrought hard upon their native 
thirst for vengeance, and the presence of an American mili- 
tary force irritated tlieir rage to fury. At this time, 1848-9, 
Col. Beall was commanding the United States forces in New 
Mexico, and had established his headquarters at Taos. The 
Indians with whom he had to deal were, for the most part, 
Apaches, wlio, among all the western tribes have given the 
United States government tlie most trouble. They were 
never to be trusted. In war they were treacherous, in peace 
they were always finding cause for new quarrels. But 
we must not suppose that these constant outbreaks were 
always without a reason — a cause sometimes founded in 
just comj^laint. The savages were not always to blame. 
They were not responsible for their creation, and it is unrea- 
sonable to suppose that they should have put themselves to 
death, with a view to accommodating American pioneers — 
or even to quietly submit to ha^'i'ig their best hunting 
grounds taken from them without making a faint resistance. 
The Indian had a right to make war upon the Americans; 
his only wrong was in not conquering them — a wrong for 
vhich his race has suffered total extermination. As a rule, 
32 (497) 



498 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

the Indians, and more especially the western tribes, have been 
held to a strict account for their depredations upon the whites. 
No one should complain of this, not even the Indians them- 
selves. Unhappily, on the contrary, those who have been 
appointed over them in official position by the United States 
government, have not been held to a strict account for their 
depredations upon the savages. But the savages had no repre- 
sentatives in Congress; they had orators, but no statesmen, 
and the story of their wrongs will die with them, unless a 
jealous nation shall perpetuate it in history. 

The Apaches were an obstinate race of Indians. They were 
brave, too, for the chief source of their ruin has been the 
battle-field. Long before the United States troops entered 
New Mexico, these fierce natives had been a terror to tlie 
Spanish settlers there. Tliey had invaded the settlements from 
every quarter, and it required every exertion of the Mexicans 
to hold them in check. For ten long years the Apaches had 
at frequent intervals, invaded the settlements of this interior 
Mexican state with furious onset, spreading the terrors of massa- 
cre throughout the peaceful villages. But now, in 1848, theii 
progi-ess was barred by the arms of a superior foe. 

No sooner had Col. Beall been appointed to the office alread^y 
mentioned, than he became possessed of the conviction which 
has ever invaded the breasts of United States officers on attain- 
ing a similar position — that the only sure plan of making' 
peace with the Indians was to exterminate them. With this 
righteous determination he despatched a junior officer with a 
strong force, with orders to pursue the Apaches, overtake 
tliem, and punish them. The order was obeyed, and the expe- 
dition started. This time, however, providence had defended 
the savages. The snow was too deep for the pursuit, and the 
gallant army returned to Taos. But Col. Beall was dissatisfied, 
and after listening to the report of his subordinate officer he 
replied: " that there was no such word as impracticability in 
the soldiers vocabulary, and that nothing ought to be impossi- 
ble for the first regiment of United States Dragoons to accom- 
plish." Col. Beall took the detachment under his own imme- 
diate command, and with the famous Kit Carson as guide, he 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OENTUKIKS. 499 

set out for the country of the Apaclies. It was a long and 
fatiguing march, and required all the courage and persever- 
ance of the men and animals, but the rugged mountains were 
crossed, and fruitless days spent in the valley beyond in the 
search for the enemy. At length, when signs of Indians were 
no where to be found, the dragoons turned their faces home- 
ward, but as they were slowly making a difficult mountain 
pass, known as the Sangre de Ghristo, a village of the hostile 
Indians suddenly appeared before them. A charge was 
ordered, but the tired animals could make so little progress in 
the deep snow that all the savages, except two old chiefs, made 
their escape in safety. Col. Beall gave these men a severe 
" talk " and dismissed them, after which his tired dragoons 
were permitted to return to Taos. 

It was not long before the military commander of New Mex- 
ico received intelligence that his Apache enemies had committed 
another wicked murder, the details of which are heartrending. 
A Santa Fe merchant had been to the United States for the 
purpose of purchasing a supply of goods. On his return the 
train was escorted by a small force of men. The prairies and 
mountains had been crossed in safety, and the caravan was 
nearing Santa Fe, when Mr. White, thinking that all danger 
had been passed, drove in advance with his private carriage, in 
which he was accompanied by his wife and child. A few men 
brought up the immediate rear as an escort. He had proceeded 
but a few miles when he was attacked by a band of Apaches. 
The Indians had concealed themselves in the rocks on either 
side of the trail, and as the carriage neared their hiding places 
they poured forth a volley upon the travelers with terrible 
effect. Every man in the escort, including Mr. White, fell 
pierced by Indian bullets. But Mrs. White and her child were 
reserved for the horrors of cajDtivity. 

As soon as the news of this disaster reached New Mexico, a 
command was organized for the purpose of pursuing the Indi- 
ans, and, if possible, rescuing Mrs. White. In due time this 
party arrived at the place where the butchery had been con- 
summated. Here were many evidences of Indian cruelty, but 
the exasperated party did not wait long to examine these. 



500 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS. 

Finding uue trail, thej pursued the savages for twelve days 
before coming up with them. During the inarch they met 
many evidences which convinced them that Mrs. White was 
still living. At the camping grounds of the savages were 
found several remnants of her dress, which appeared to have 
been torn from her in a struggle with her captives. At length 
the enemy was in full view. At this critical point the Amer- 
icans stopped to hold a consultation as to the best mode of 
attacking the savages. This was a fatal mistake, for had they 
charged upon the enemy Mrs. White might have been rescued 
alive. Yet there was little to be regretted. Her person was 
so fearfully mutilated that she could not have long survived 
the shock. The position of her body showed that a bullet had 
pierced her heart while attempting to escape to her friends, 
whom she had observed. Her child had fallen a prey to the 
merciless tomahawk, many days before. 

In this aifair the Americans succeeded in killing but three 
warriors, wounding several others, and capturing the camp 
equippage. On their return they were overtaken by a terrible 
snow storm, from which one of their men perished. 

But it will be impossible to mention all the outbreaks which 
have characterized tlie border wars between the settlers of New 
Mexico and the Apache Indians, in this volume. I have space 
only to describe some of the more important battles of this 
war. When Kit Carson was appointed to, the position of 
Indian Agent at Taos, in New Mexico, the Apaches were at the 
height of their discontent, and with every day came reports of 
their lawless acts. The settlers in Northern New Mexico had 
been driven from their homes, robbed and murdered, and the 
savage invaders, gloating over their success, were fast becoming 
bolder in their attacks. Lieut. Bell, of the Second Regiment 
of United States dragoons, was now sent against these Indians, 
After a short march he came upon them on the Red river, and 
at once made an attack. At first the savages returned their 
fire, but the soldiers made repeated charges, and penetrated 
through and through the Indian ranks. They were compelled 
to fall back and retreat. In this battle the Apaches lost many 
warriors. Among the slain was their principal chief, whose 



OR, 'raE BORDER WARS OF TWO (;|i:N'I'URI KS. 5() I 

death was a severe blow to tlie tribe. Tlie A tricric.unH lost two 
soldiers killed, and several seriously wounded. 

Not more than ten days after this battle news was received 
at Taos that a strong band of Apache warriors was encamped 
in the mountains, not twenty miles distant. This report was 
soon confirmed by the hostile appearance of these Indians 
among the settlements, which resulted in one of the most 
thrilling battles ever fought by American soldiers against the 
Apaches. It was as follows: Lieut. Davidson (now Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel of the Tenth United States cavalry), with a 
command of sixty men belonging to the First regiment of 
United States dragoons, started out to repulse the savao-e 
invaders. He marched to the Embuda mountains^ where he 
came upon the enemy. The Indians were prepared for the 
assault, having taken a strong position. The strength of the 
Apaches in this contest was two hundred and forty warriors, 
and the advantages of their position seemed to defy approach. 
After a consultation with his officers, Lieut. Davidson concluded 
to make an attempt to draw the savages from their position b}' 
proposing to hold a talk with them. This plan failed, and he 
next resolved to hazard an attack. He ordered his men to 
dismount, and leaving the horses in charge of a small guard, 
the soldiers began the ascent of the mountain for the purpose 
of reaching the stronghold of the enemy. They succeeded in 
dislodging the savages, with the loss of five of their men 
killed, notwithstanding they met with a desperate resistance; 
but when the brave soldiers reached the top of the mountain, 
they found, to their great disappointment, that instead of taking 
to flight, the Indians were surrounding them. Lieut. Davidson 
now faced his little command about and commenced the return 
march, with a view of saving their horses. During this march 
both soldiers and Indians fought with commendable courage. 
The latter obstinately contested every inch of the ground, but 
the former, after a severe struggle, secured the animals. How- 
ever, the fight did not end here. The Indians became bolder 
at seeing the weakness of the Americans, and, confident in the 
superiority of their own numbers, they continued the pursuit 
with great energy. Wlien the horses had been reached, the 



502 TKOUBLB WITH THE WESTERN INJIIANSI 

soldiers faced about and threw back a volley at their pursuers, 
but the Indians were so well secured behind trees that the balls 
were spent in vain. At this point Lieut. Davidson ordered a 
retreat. Seeing this the savages took new courage, and charged 
down the mountain, yelling the war whoop, and rushing upon 
the soldiers. The latter beat them off with their guns, but 
the Indians pursued the retreating party with such boldness, 
that, by the time they reached the road in the valley at the foot 
of the mountain, twenty of their men had been killed, and 
nearly all the survivors wounded. Thus two hundred and forty 
Apaches had driven back sixty soldiers, killing one-third of 
them, and wounding nearly every one who escaped death. 

When the news of this disaster reached Taos, the inhabitants 
became greatly excited. An expedition was immediately 
formed for the purpose of bringing in the dead bodies of the 
fallen soldiers, in which both Americans and Mexicans freely 
volunteered. On reaching the field the dead were found, but 
the bodies were horribly mutilated and stripped of all clothing. 

No sooner had this expedition returned to Taos than a large 
body of American troops were made ready to pursue and 
punish the Apaches, who had gained a victory over Lieut. 
Davidson's command. This expedition was commanded by 
Ool. Cook, of the second regiment of United States dragoons. 
Besides the regulars, Col. Cook employed for this expedition 
some forty men selected from the Mexican and Pueblo Indians. 
These were to be used as spies, on account of their familiarity 
with Indian habits. They were commanded by James H. 
Quinn, a well known and prominent citizen ot New Mexico. 

Col. Cook's command inarched from Taos, ten miles north 
to a stream known as Arroya Hondo, and thence to the Eio 
del Norte. The fording of this river was attended with many 
difiiculties, but was executed in a gallant manner by the 
soldiers. On the opposite shore new difficulties were presented. 
In their front rose a precipice at least six hundred feet in 
height. Up the zigzag trail in this rocky bank, the soldiers 
bent their course, and after a tedious effort they mounted the 
summit and commenced their journey over a rough country, in 
which they continued for six davs before the Indians were 



OK. TIIK BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 508 

overliauled. The band of Apaclies had been traveling 
slowly, and their animals were, consequently, in good spirits, 
while, on the contrary, the horses of the Americans were nearly 
exhausted. Thus when their strength was most needed, it was 
too far spent to be of much service. The Indians discovered 
their pursuers in time to make their escape, not however, 
without losing many of their warriors and most of their camp 
equipage. Thus, after a long and wearisome march, the 
soldiers were compelled to return, without rendering their 
enemies the justice they so richly deserved. 

Soon after, another expedition against the Apaches was 
undertaken by Major Brooks, of the Third Eegiment of United 
States dragoons. He had no difficulty in discovering the trail 
of the enemy, but it soon led him into the country of the 
Utahs, where it was crossed and re-crossed by the trails of the 
Utahs until his guides could not tell the Apache from the 
Utah trail. The result of this was that his command, after 
being on the march fifteen days, was compelled to return with- 
out accomplishing anything. 

But these hostile Indians were not permitted to escape 
without further punishment. Another expedition was made 
ready and placed under the command of Major Carlton, of the 
First Eegiment of United States dragoons. The march was 
taken up, and in due time the trail was discovered which led 
to the Indian encampment on "Fisher's Peak" in the Eaton 
mountains. Climbing to the summit, they routed the Indians 
with a heavy loss, capturing about forty horses and nearly all 
their camp equipage. 

But these details soon resulted in a formidable Indian war. 
Outrages had been committed upon the Utahs, and this nation 
waited only the distribution of their annuities before joining 
the Apaches against the settlements. And now the forests of 
New Mexico were filled with hostile savages, who were pre- 
paring to rush upon the villages, painted for battle. Travelers 
were waylaid and murdered, towns were attacked and the 
inhabitants murdered or made captives. Thus matters con- 
tinued until eveiy settlement in New Mexico was filled with 
consternation. Terror seized the defenseless inhabitants, but 



504 TROUBLE WITH 'tHE WESTEKN INDIANS: 

there was no way open for mercy in flight, for the isohited 
towns of this territory were far away from a place of refuge. 
Indian depredations were continued until nearly half the horses, 
mules, cattle and sheep in the territory were captured by the 
savages. 

The Utahs, by whose strong, fierce warriors the Apaches had 
been re-enforced, were led to battle by their renowned war 
chief Blanco, who had become famous in all the west for great 
bravery and skill in war. Being thus strengthened, the savages 
set the United States forces at defiance. At Fort Massachu- 
setts, in northern ]^ew Mexico, affairs soon became critical. 
It was impossible to leave the fort without falling into the 
merciless hands of the lurking savages, and the towns for 
many miles around disappeai-ed in smoke and flame, while the 
inhabitants either perished under the tomahawk, or were 
made prisoners. At length the fort became an object of con- 
quest, and the savages congregated in the neighboring forest 
for the purpose of laying plans for the destruction of the little 
garrison. Every precaution was taken by the troops to save 
the fort. Breastworks were thrown up on the block house 
attached to the fort, so that the soldiers could be well protected 
in case of an attack. Sentinels wei-e posted in these, and the 
the guards were doubled. Preparations were also made against 
fire, and every step calculated to ensure safety was taken, and 
it was well that these precautionary measures were taken, for 
it was afterwards discovered that the savages remained in the 
vicinity of the fort several days, waiting in vain for an oppor- 
tunity to attack it. 

It was not possible that this state of aflPairs should long con- 
tinue without some opposition on the part of the United States 
authorities in New Mexico. The Governor issued a proclama- 
tion calling upon the people to volunteer for the purpose of 
defending their lives and property, and of repelling the savages. 
The call was promptly responded to, and in a few days six com- 
panies, each containing eighty volunteers, were mounted and 
equipped. The troops had the power to elect their own oflicers^ 
by and with the advice and consent of the Governor. Each 
man furnished himself with a horse, and was to receive thirty 



OR, TIIK BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 5()5 

dollars per month from the government for his services. Mr. 
Ceran St. Train, of Taos, was selected as the leader of the vol- 
unteers, having the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel conferred upon 
him by the Governor. His appointment was received by the 
people with approval, for with such a force, and with so brave 
and judicious a commander, they felt that they were to be 
delivered from the constant and increasing hostilities of the 
Indians. Early in February, 1855, Col. T. T. Fauntleroy 
arrived at Taos from Fort Union, a post not very far distant, 
in that Territory. By orders from the War Department, Col. 
Fauntleroy had been appointed to the chief command of the 
whole expedition. His command, when completed, consisted 
of four companies of Mexican volunteers, two companies of 
dragoons, one company of artillery, who were performing duty 
as a rifle corps, and one company of spies. The other two 
companies of volunteers were sent out to protect some of the 
frontier towns from further Indian depredations. The artillery 
company was not mounted, but succeeded in keeping up with 
the horses when the mountains had been reached. 

With Kit Carson as guide, the troops under Col. Fauntleroy 
set out for Fort Massachusetts. Reaching this post, they w^asted 
no time, bnt continued in the direction of the hostile Indians. 
The march from Fort Massachusetts to the mountains by 
the route of the great canon of the Eio Grande del Norte, was 
attended with many hardships, which were not decreased by 
its continuation to the Saquachi Pass, bordering the valley of 
San Luis, At this point the main trail of the Indians was 
discovered, and subsequently the Indians themselves. The 
latter were in their war dress, about two hundred and fifty 
strong, and on seeing the advance company of spies, arrayed 
themselves in battle order to receive them. The spies pre- 
tended to be arranging for an attack, when really they were only 
holding the attention of the savages until the volunteers should 
arrive. In the meantime the great war chief, Blanco, was seen 
riding to and fro in front of his lines, giving orders, and appar- 
ently in high hope of victory. When the main body had 
advanced to the proper point, being still unobserved by the 
savages they prepared for the charge. In a moment more the 



506 TROITBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

bugle sounded the command, and away dashed the enthusiastic 
soldiers, eager for the battle. As they galloped in sight the 
Indians saw the truth of their situation, and turned to liy, but 
for many of them it was too late. In a few minutes the sol- 
diers were among them, and the work of slaughter commenced. 
The savages wasted no time to return the fire, but kept up the 
flight, their ranks thinning by the steady tire of the volunteers 
as they advanced along the valley. The running fight was con- 
tinued for nearly eight miles, when the Indians who had not 
fallen escaped to the mountains. On the following morning 
the volunteers made preparations and started in pursuit of the 
Indians, which they kept up for several days. Finally they 
discovered the enemy, and after a hard fight they routed them 
a second time, with severe loss. Having thus thoroughly pun- 
ished these hostile Indians, the whole command returned to 
Fort Massachusetts. In this campaign Col. Fauntleroy's little 
army sufiered no loss beyond a few slightly wounded. The 
Mexicans had shown themselves worthy so brave a commander, 
and had executed his orders with a firmness and gallantry truly 
•commendable. 

The command remained at this post for several months, 
recruiting their tired and weary animals, and preparing for a 
new campaign. When the preparations had been completed, 
the soldiers were divided into two parties, one under Col. St. 
Yrain, and the other under Col. Fauntleroy. The latter com- 
mander proceeded to the headwaters of the Arkansas, where he 
came upon a fresh trail, which led directly to a large village of 
Apaches and Utahs, which was discovered by the Americans, 
whose presence was unobserved by the Indians. When the 
command reached an eminence commanding a view of the vil- 
lage, its occupants were engaged in a war and scalp dance, 
making such hideous noises that they did not hear the sound 
of the approaching soldiers. They were having a merry time, 
not dreaming of danger, when a volley of rifle balls was poured 
in upon them, striking down many of the foremost partici- 
pants. The surprise was complete, and so benum])ed with fear 
and consternation were the savages that they knew not which 
way to turn for flight. Many of their bravest warriors were 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURII'S. 507 

sliot down before tlie real danger was understood. Tlie sur- 
vivers flew to the woods for refuge, leaving everything behind. 
A few of the warriors, however, seized their rifles and returned 
the Are of the soldiers, killing two, and severely wounding four 
others. 

In this contest our soldiers won a splendid victory for peace, 
for the lesson, although severe, proved a lasting reminder to 
those forgetful savages. In this aftair the Indians lost all their 
proTisions, ammunition, horses, and camp equipage, besides 
a large stock of valuable furs. It was the se\'erest blow the 
Utahs and Apaches ever received at the hands of the United 
States government, and was richly deserved. 

Not satistied with this victory. Col. Fauntleroy pursued a 
trail which led to a village in which the celebrated Blanco 
resided. Coming upon this, the savages were routed with a 
heavy loss of their best warriors; and so hotly were they pur- 
sued that the brave Blanco came out upon a rock in the 
mountain side and asked the white chief in the plain below to 
grant him a " talk." He said his men were tired of war, and 
were anxious to conclude a lasting peace with their wliite 
brethren. In another moment a ball went whizzing by his 
head, which had been discharged from a Mexican's rifle for the 
purpose of dispatching him, but which had missed its object. 
Blanco disappeared suddenly. After scouring the country for 
many miles around, and severely chastising the Indians where- 
ever they could be found. Col. Fauntleroy returned to Fort 
Massachusetts, where, to his great satisfaction, he learned that 
Col. St. Vrain, who had been sent out as before mentioned, 
had also encountered several strong bands of Indians, and dis- 
persed them all with a severe chastisement. 

I ought, perhaps, at this point, to explain that the Fort 
Massachusetts here referred to is not the one occupied at the 
present time. The one spoken of here was abandoned some 
years ago, and another bearing the same name was erected six 
miles from the original site, on the river Trinchera. 

Cols. Fauntleroy and St. Yrain had thus terminated a bril- 
liant Indian campaign. The Utahs and Apaches had been 



508 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

engaged in seven battles, and had been routed as many times 
with the loss of all their camp equipage and over five hundred 
horses. Being thus defeated and punished on every hand, they 
sued for peace, which was granted them in a grand council held 
at Santa F6. 



CHAPTER LXIII. 

"The Navajo Indians Join the Rebels — Their Hostile Attitude 

— Carson Leads an Army against them — Ten Thousand Indi- 
ans TAKEN Prisoners — Advocates of the New Reservation 
Policy — The Military Division of the Missouri — Its Extent 

— Condition of the Tribes in this Division in 1866. 

In 1860, and, in fact, during the whole of the civil war in 
the United States, Indian aflairs in Kew Mexico were unset- 
tled. Many of the strongest bands became the allies of the 
Texans, and invaded the settlements that were supposed to be 
friendly to the Union, without mercy. Perhaps, among the 
tribes which thus assumed a hostile attitude, the Navajo Indi- 
ans were the most troublesome. Indeed, for more than ten 
years they had defied the United States government, and now, 
allied with the rebels, they were unusually bold and dangerous. 
Their warriors numbered into the thousands, and were consid- 
ered as formidable enemies. Soon after the War of the Rebel- 
lion broke out, two thousand picked men were placed under 
the command of Kit Carson, then Colonel of Yolunteers, and 
ordered to march against these hostile Indians. Carson's com- 
mand performed this service in a very satisfactory manner. 
Driving the Indians into a narrow ravine, and disposing of his 
forces so as to command every approach, Carson eflected the 
surrender of ten thousand Indians, which is said to be the 
largest single capture of Indians ever known. For this gallant 
service Kit Carson was breveted with the rank of Brigadier- 
General of Yolunteers. Soon after, the captured Indians were 
placed on a reservation on one of the tributaries of the 
Arkansas river, and, at a later day, under Gen. Sherman's 
management, the same Indians were removed to a reservation 
in their ovm country, where they still remain, though reduced 
in numbers, and fallen from their primitive state. 
(509) 



510 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS : 

This splendid victory over the savages most hostile to tlie 
people of Kew Mexico, put an end to the formidable Indian 
wars in that territory, with one or two exceptions, which I have 
yet to mention. 

But with the termination of the war with the Sioux, a 
change in the Indian policy was felt to be much needed, both 
by the government and the people, as well as by the Indians 
themselves. Many of my readers will remember the appeal 
sent out by Bishop Whipple, of Minnesota, in which he said: 
" There is not a man in America who ever gave an hour's calm 
reflection to this subject, who does not know that our Indian 
system is an organized system of robbery, and has been for 
years a disgrace to the nation. It has left savage men without 
governmental control; it has looked on unconcerned at every 
crime against the law of God and man; it has fostered savage 
life by wasting thousands of dollars in the purchase of paint, 
beads, scalping-knives and tomahawks ; it has fostered a system 
of trade which robbed the thrifty and virtuous to pay the 
debts of the indolent and vicious; it has squandered the funds 
for civilization and schools; it has connived at theft; it has 
winked at murder; and at last, after dragging the savage down 
to a brutishness unknown to his fathers, it has brought a har- 
vest of blood to our own door." 

This appeal met with a hearty support in all parts of the 
United States, and led to the petition from the Episcopal 
bishops and clergy of the Northern States to the President, in 
which the following timely suggestions were set forth: 

" First — That it is impolitic for our government to treat a 
heathen community, living in our borders, as an independent 
nation, but that they ought to be regarded as our wards. 

" Second — That it is dangerous to ourselves and to them, to 
leave these Indian tribes without a government, not subject to 
our laws, and when every corrupt influence of the bordci 
would inevitably foster a spirit of revenge leading to raurdei 
and war. 

" Third — That the solemn responsibility of the care of a 
heathen race requires that the agents and servants of the govern- 

men of eminent 



OR, THE BOItDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 511 

fitness, and in no case should such offices be regarded as a 
reward for political service. 

" Fourth — That every feeling of honor and of justice 
demands that the Indian funds which we hold for them as a 
trust, shall be carefully expended under some well devised sys- 
tem which will encourage their eiforts toward civilization. 

" Fifth — That the present system of Indian trade is mis- 
chievous and demoralizing, and ought to be so amended as to 
protect the Indian and wholly to prevent the possibility of the 
sale of the patrimony of the tribe to satisfy individual debts. 

" Sixth — That it is believed that the history of our dealings 
with the Indians has been marked by gross acts of injustice 
and robbery, such as could not be prevented under cl'.e present 
system of management, and that these wrongs have often 
proved the prolific cause of war and bloodshed. 

* * * ■^ ^' * " We feel that these results cannot be 
secured without much careful thought, and, therefore, request 
you to take such steps as may be necessary to appoint a com- 
mission of men of high character, who have no political ends 
to subserve, to whom may be referred this whole question, in 
order that they may devise a more perfect system for the 
administration of Indian affairs, which shall redress these 
wrongs, preserve the honor of the government and call down 
upon us the blessings of God." 

In these sentiments the press of the country, for the most 
part, heartily concurred, and during President Grant's first 
term of office, the commission asked for in the foregoing peti- 
tion, was appointed, but not until great evils had grown out of 
the old policy, as we shall see. 

We must now go back a few years and bring forward the 
history of the wars between the United States and the Indians 
in regular order. At the close of the war of the rebellion in 
1865-6, the whole territory of the United States was divided 
into five great military districts. The first of these to which 
our attention is directed, and which has, for many years, been 
the center of border warfares, is styled the Military Division 
of the Missouri. This military division embraced, in 1866,. 
the vast region from the Mississippi river to the Rocky Moun- 



512 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

tains, and from the south border of New Mexico to the British 
line on tlie north. In speaking of the condition of this 
imj^ortant and extensive tract of territory in 1866, Gen. W. T, 
Siierraan said: " The land on the eastern border is fertile and 
well adapted to settlement, but the western parts are a prairie, 
with good grasses, but generally devoid of trees or minerals, 
are subject to droughts, and are not inviting to settlers. Next 
in order are the mountainous Territories of Montana, Utah, 
Colorado and New Mexico, composed of high plateaus and 
mountains, containing minerals of every kind, with forests of 
timber and numerous valleys susceptible of high cultivation, 
either by means of the ordinary rains, or the more certain sys- 
tem of irrigation that has been begun within a comparatively 
recent period, and has been pushed with an energy and success 
that promises the best results. These new and mountain ter- 
ritories present a most interesting feature in our future 
■development as a nation, and are, in my judgment, worthy the 
liberal and fostering care of the general government. Between 
these mountain territories and those of the river border lie the 
great plains of America, which have been well mapped and 
described by the hundreds of exj^lorers that have traversed 
them from the time of the expeditions of Pike, and Lewis and 
Clark, as early as 1803, until the present moment. These plains 
can never be cultivated like Illinois, never be filled with inhab- 
itants capable of self-government and self-defense as against 
Indians and marauders, but at best can become a vast pasture- 
field, open and free to all for the rearing of herds of horses, 
mules, cattle and sheep. The mountain territories seem to be 
more rapidly improving and assuming a condition of self-pro- 
tection and defense, because the people can acquii*e fixed 
habitations and their property is generally grouped in valleys 
of some extent, or in localities of mines capable of sustaining 
a people strong enough to guard themselves against the preda- 
tory bands of nomadic Indians. Still, they occupy at this 
time an isolated position, presenting a thinly settled frontier 
in every direction, with a restless people branching out in 
-search of a better place, or of better mines. To defend them 
perfectly is an utter impossibility, and all we can do is to aid 



OR. THE BOKDKR WARS OF TWO OKNTUIilHi*. 51J5 

the people in self-defense, until in time they can take care of 
themselves, and to make the roads by which they travel or 
bring their stores from the older parts of our country as safe as 
the case admits of." 

A review of the condition of the Indians in this military 
division in 1806, will afford us a good starting point for an 
account of the wars that followed. The wandering and war- 
like Sioux, who inhabited the country from Minnesota to 
Montana, and down as tar as the Arkansas, had, for the pre- 
^•ious ten years, been committing acts of hostility, that have 
been jironounced as impossible to foresee or to prevent. In 
like manner, the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, Iviowas, Camanches 
and Apaches, Navajoes and Utalis, though supposed to have 
been restricted to reservations, were, in 1866, unsettled, dissat- 
isfied and beginning to assume a hostile attitude. 

With this unpleasant condition of Indian affairs in the 
military division of the Missouri, something must be done, 
and General Sherman was called upon for his advice. He 
proposed to restrict the Sioux north of the Platte, west of the 
Missouri river and east of the route to Montana which leads 
from Fort Laramie to Yirginia City, by way of Forts Eeno, 
PhiHp, Kearney, Smith, etc. All Sioux found out of this 
reservation, without a proper pass from the military authori- 
ties, were to be duly punished. He further proposed to i-estrict 
the Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Camanches, Kiowas, Apaches and 
JS'avajoes south of the Arkansas and east of Fort Union. 

It will be observed that Sherman's policy would leave to 
settlers the exclusive use of the wide belt, east and west, 
between the Platte and the Arkansas, in which lie the two 
great railroads, and over which at that time, passed all the 
travel to the mountain territories. The Indian wars of the 
previous year had been of such a character as to require such 
steps as General Sherman recommended, which led to the 
hearty co-operation of the war department with his plan. 
Yet after all, when we consider the causes of Indian hostility 
at this period, a feeling of sympathy is awakened. And it is 
unecessary to turn away from official reports to find good 
grounds for this feeling. Gen. Pope, in reporting from Fort 
33 



514 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS". 

Union, New Mexico, in 1866, speaks of the condition of the 
Indians in his department as follows: "The condition and 
feeling of the Ute Indians are unsatisfactory, not to say alarm- 
ing. In addition to other causes of trouble, the southern 
bands of these Indians are suffering for food, many of them, 
indeed, are in a starving condition. Venison has become very 
scarce, and in the several attempts they have made to supply 
their actual necessities by hunting buffalo on the plains, they have 
been beaten in fight by their hereditary enemies, the Camanches, 
Kiowas, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes, and driven back to the 
mountains. The Indian department has refused to supply 
them even with the scantiest food, and it is neither the busi- 
ness of the military, nor, in fact, as matters stand, is it in their 
power to supply these deficiencies. In this state of things, 
the Utes are compelled either to starve to death or supply their 
pressing wants by depredating upon the herds and flocks of 
the nearest settlements. These depredations, although trifling 
in the quantity of stock taken, occasion, of course, great dis- 
satisfaction and uneasiness among the settlers, and have led to 
various violent acts which will very soon culminate in open 
and extensive hostilities, unless something is done to remedy 
this deplorable condition of things. The Indians are anxious 
to be at peace as they have always been, but ihej must kill a 
few cattle and sheep now and then, or starve. For such acts 
I can not consider them at war." 

Here is a case, which has hundreds of parallel cases in the 
history of the American aborigines, where the Indians, having 
been deprived of their hunting grounds, brought upon them- 
selves an avalanche of American bayonets for stealing the 
cattle and sheep of the settlers to prevent starvation. While 
at the same time the government refused to provide them the 
means of subsistence. 



CHAPTER LXIV. 

Indian Troubles in the Military Division op the Missouki in 
1867 — The Horrible Massacre at Fort Phil. Kearney — Indian 
Outbreaks in Montana — Outrage at Smoky Hill, and Along 
THE Route to California — The Peace Commission Policy- 
Inactivity OP THE Military. 

About the close of the year 1866, a wagon train started 
from Fort PhiL Kearney —one of the outposts established the 
previous year to protect the wagon road leading from the North 
Platte to the new mining territory of Montana— after timber 
for the saw mill, and had proceeded but a short distance, with 
an armed escort, when firing was heard, and the alarm given 
that the train was attacked by Indians. 

At this time Col. H. C. Carrington was commanding at 
Fort Kearney, and he immediately sent out a detachment of 
forty-nine men undei- the command of Capt. W. J. Fetterman, 
with orders to overtake the train, escort it back to the fort in 
safety, but not to pursue the enemy. Lieut. Grummond, with 
twenty-seven men, of the Second cavalry, was afterwards dis- 
patched to report to Capt. Fetterman, and reiterate the orders 
he had already received. The detachment was joined by Capt. 
Brown and two citizens, making, in all, three commissioned 
officers, seventy-six enlisted men, and two citizens. This 
detachment, instead of going to the threatened train, diverged 
very considerably to the right, crossed Big Piney creek, and 
passed over a high piece of ground that covered them from 
view. 

Soon after, sharp firing was heard from that direction, which 

lasted about half an hour. Hearing this. Col. Carrington 

dispatched Capt. Ten Eyck with a small detachment, with 

orders to hasten to Fetterman's assistance. He at once set out, 

(515) 



516 TKOITBLE WITH THE WESTKKN INDIANS: 

but arrived too late to be of any service, except to obtain the 
dead and mutilated bodies of the unfortunate detachment. 
Every man in Fetterman's detachment was shot down, not one 
escaping death. In the distance Capt. Ten Eyck observed 
about two thousand Indians retreating in good order. He 
collected the bodies of the dead and carried them back to the 
fort, where they were properly buried. The wagon train 
also returned to the post in safety, and the Indians disappeared. 

Subsequent accounts from the Indians indicated that they 
had expected to draw out and murder the whole garrison, but 
their loss in the conflict with Capt. Fetterman was such that 
they abangloned any further eftbrts. During the same winter 
a strong detachment was sent against these Indians, but the 
weather was so severe that the command was forced to return 
without accomplishing anything. The Indians who perpe- 
trated this bold massacre were the Sioux. 

With the opening of the spring of ISfST, Indian aflairs in 
the Military Division of the Missouri assumed an unpleasant 
attitude. Large bands of hostile Sioux and Grows were pour- 
ing down upon the settlements in the valley of the Gallatian, 
and the inhabitants were fleeing for their lives. About the 
same time, the Indians, both from the north and tlie south, 
began a systematic attack upon the Platte route, while along 
the Arkansas river route to ISTew Mexico, and the Smoky Hill 
route to California, bands of Cheyennes, Kiowas, and Arapa- 
hoes had boldly notified the commanding ofiicers of posts, and 
stage-drivers, and agents, that as soon as the grass grew they 
would insist on their withdrawal from these roads. These 
Indians were also joined by strong bands of Ogalalla and 
Brule Sioux, and were pushing preparations for general hos- 
tilities, having already commenced the work by committing 
several cold-blooded murders. 

Gen. Hancock, with a small detachment, marched against 
these Indians early in the spring of 1867, and after dispersing 
them burnt the principal villages of the Cheyennes and Sioux 
on the Pawnee Fork. But for the most part during the year 
1867, only a defensive Indian war was prosecuted, in order to 
co-operate with the new Peace Commission policy which had 



OK, TITE BORDER WARS OF TWO (JKNTrrRIIvS. 5I7 

been commenced. Therefore, as no decisive blow wus (struck 
against the hostile Indians tliat year, murders and massacres 
were of frequent occurrence, and the settlers, from Montana to 
New Mexico, and from the Mississippi to tiie Rocky Moun- 
tains, were wrought up to a state of exceeding alarm. The 
military authorities in the West, particularly Gen. Sherman, 
were exasperated with the slow and uncertain movements of 
the Commissioners, and with the constant outbreaks of the 
Indians, which, for the most part, went unpunished. Kvcn 
the bold band of hostile Sioux which had massacred tlie detach- 
ment under Fetterman, were still roaming at large, committing 
new depredations, and boasting of the scalps they had taken. 
While at Smoky Hill, and all along the road to California, the 
various bands of the Cheyennes, Kiowas and Arapahoes, joined 
by the Ogalallas and Brule Sioux, were daily committing 
depredations, such as horse stealing, murdering pioneer settlers, 
and carrying women and children into a barbarous captivity. 
And yet, in the face of all these outrages, the military were 
held inactive, being ordered not to engage and punish the 
Indians unless a formidable Indian war should be thrust upon 
them. Thus it will be seen that however much good was des- 
tined to come out of the policy of a Peace Commission, while 
that Board was deliberating at St. Louis, trying to solve the 
Indian question, thousands of hostile savages were invading 
the settlements of the West from countless dii-ections, and 
murdering the defenseless inhabitants, with but a defensive 
opposition, which was incapable of extending itself to but few 
of the settlements. 



CHAPTER LXT. 

Wars with the Indians in the Military Drv ision of the Missouri — 
Operations of the Peace Commission — Councils with the 
Indians — Congress pails to Co-Operate — A Formidable Indian 
War — Breakinc out op Hostilities — Murder, Massacre and 
Horror — A Chapter op Outrages. 

We will continue for the present to follow out the military 
operations in the division of the Missouri, which, as I have 
ah-eady observed, included that vast extent of territory between 
the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, and the southern 
boundary of New Mexico, and the northern boundary of Mon- 
tana. At the time of which I write, 186T-8, the division was 
under the command of Lieut.-Gen. Sherman, and was divided 
into three departments, the Missouri, the Platte, and the 
Dakota, commanded respectively by Gen. Sheridan, Augur, 
and Terry. As stated in a previous chapter the military in 
this whole division had been instructed to prosecute only a 
defensive war, in order to oflPer all possible advantages to the 
plans of the new Peace Commissioners. Indeed, the mov^e- 
ments of the United States forces in this territory were subject 
to the direction of that Board. The Commissioners, after 
long and careful deliberation, had unanimously agreed to 
remove all the Indians in Slierman's division, on reserva- 
tions as far removed as possible from white settlements and 
lines of travel, and that they should be maintained at the cost 
of the United States until they could partially or wholly pro- 
vide for themselves. The two principal reservations indicated 
hy the commission were north of the State of Nebraska, and 
west of the Missouri river, and south of the State of Kansas 
and west of the Arkansas. This general plan was justified by 
the facts existing at the time, and its wisdom has been 
demonstrated by subsequent events. 
(518) 



OK, THE BOEDER WAKS OF TWO CENTURIICS. 519 

For the purpose of obtaining tlie consent of the Indians to 
this plan, the peace commission, during the fall and winter of 
1867, and the spring and summer of 1868, held councils with 
all, or nearly all the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, 
making liberal provision for, and presents to all who came to 
the appointed places of council, according to the forms and 
ceremonies to M'hich they were long accustomed. Formal 
written treaties were made with each separate tribe, signed 
with due formality, and transmitted to the United States for 
ratification. 

It is believed by many that the bloody war which followed 
in 1868 might have been avoided had the Congress of the 
United States promptly co-operated with the peace commis- 
sion, but for some reason this matter was overlooked. The 
treaties with the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Camanches, 
Navajoes, and Crows were duly confirmed, but those with the 
various tribes of the Sioux, Snakes, etc., were not acted upon. 
But the worst blow of all was the failure of Congress to take 
action upon the chief proposition of the commissioners, viz. : 
that which related to the setting apart the two reservations 
already spoken of, and providing governments therefor, which 
was designed to precede any of the treaties, and which was the 
vital principle of them all. It hardly admits of donbt that 
this want of prompt action led, in a great measure, to the 
formidable war with the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Iviowas, and 
Camanches in 1868. 

This war took place in the department of the Missouri, 
\s Inch was then under the immediate command of Gen. Sheri- 
dan, being a part of the military division of the Missouri, 
under the chief command of Lieut.-Gen. Sherman. The 
hostilities of the Indians began with the opening of spring, 
and although Gen. Sheridan did all in his power to promote 
peace, the Kiowos, Camanches, Arapahoes and Cheyennes 
continued their depredations without intermission. Their 
promises were kept only while they were in council. And it 
was impossible to place any reliance upon their engagements. 
About the fourth of July the Kiowas and Camanches arrived 
at Fort Larned, and demanded rations, making many threats 



520 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

of what they would do should they be refused. To prevent 
an outbreak, Gen. Sheridan ordered rations to be issued ta 
them, which, together with the presence of a large cavalry 
force, kept them quiet. 

Soon after, orders were issued to distribute the regular 
annuities to the Cheyennes, withholding guns, pistols, and 
ammunition. This incensed the Indians, Mdio told the agent 
in a very insolent manner, while the teams were hauling the 
goods to their camp, that he could haul them back again, as 
they would have nothing unless they were given their fire 
arms and ammunition. The agent sent for the wagons and 
had them returned to Fort Larned. This took place in the 
latter part of July, 1868. 

Early in August, a mixed party of Cheyennes, Arapahoes- 
and Sioux, organized a war expedition, and proceeded from 
their camp on Pawnee creek, to the Saline valley settlements,. 
north of Fort Ilarker. They were kindly received by the 
farmers living on the outskirts of the settlements, and given 
coffee, etc. After throwing the coffee into the faces of the 
women serving it to them, because it was given to them in tin 
cups, they commenced the robbery of the houses, and insulting 
the women in a brutal manner. After committing countless 
acts of crime among the settlers in the Saline valley, they 
crossed over to the settlements on the Solomon, where they 
were also kindly received and served with coffee, but where 
they repeated the hostile and barbarous acts which they had 
perpetrated in the former place. In the latter town they mur- 
dered thirteen men and two women. At this point they 
divided, a small party passing over to the Eepublican, where 
ithey also murdered several of the settlers. The larger party 
returned to the settlements of the Saline, where they again 
commenced to murder peaceful settlers. Fortunately, however, 
Col. Benteen, with his company of the seventh cavalry, which 
had marched rapidly from Zarah, arrived, routed the Indians 
and ran them about ten miles. 

In speaking of this situation in our Indian history, Lieut.- 
Gen. Sheridan, in his report, says: "Lieut. Beecher, who 
was with his scouts on Walnut creek, hearing there was trouble 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO nCNTURira. 521 

on the Solomon and Saline, but without knowing its nature, 
dispatched Com stock and Grover to the camp of Turkey Leg, 
on the Solomon, to be ready to explain, in case the white people 
were at fault. They were ordered out of Turkey Leg camp, 
and were followed by a party of seven Indians, professing 
friendship; and while conversing with them were both shut 
in the back — Com stock killed instantly, and Grover badly 
wounded; but by lying on the ground, making a defense of 
Comstock's body, he kept the Indians off, and made his escape 
in the darkness of the night. From this time out, and almost 
before information could be communicated by the Indian run- 
ners, people were killed and scalped from the Cimarron river, 
south of the Arkansas, to the Eepublican, and from the settle- 
ments on the Solomon and Saline west of the Rocky Mountains; 
stock run oiF, trains burned, and those accompanying them, in 
some cases, thrown into the flames and consumed. The most 
horrible barbarities were perpetrated on the dead bodies of 
these victims of savage ferocity. There was no provocation 
on the part of the white people during the whole summer, 
although some of them had to abandon their ranches. Friendly 
issues w^ere made at the military posts to the Indians visiting 
them, and large issues made by the Indian department of 
rations and goods." 

As if to make matters worse, the Indian agent, after order- 
ing the wagons containing the Cheyenne annuities back to 
Fort Larned, immediately afterwards distributed them to these 
Indians, with arms and ammunition. They had already been 
insulted by the refusal to their demand for arms and ammuni- 
tion a short time previous, and, goaded on by their principal 
medicine man, they were soon in the front ranks of the most 
hostile tribes. Lieut.-Gen. Sheridan, in closing his report, in 
1868, says: " I am of the belief that these Indians require to 
be soundly whipped and the ringleaders in the present trouble 
hung, their ponies killed, and such destruction of their prop- 
erty as will make them very poor. These Indians are now 
rich in houses, stock and other property suitable for their com- 
fort in their manner of life. From my best information, the 
Cheyennes and Arapahoes will average from twenty to two 



522 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

hundred horses to a lodge of six persons. Most of this stock 
has been accumulated in their periodical wars. Before wars 
became a source of profit to them, they had to pack their dogs 
in moving from place to place. Tliey are now so independent, 
that whether we shall have our people murdered, our mail lines 
and lines of communication interrupted, our soldiers living in 
dug-outs from Hays to Denver, and from the mouth of the 
Little Arkansas to Pueblo, and large expense periodically 
incurred by the go^-ernment, without any adequate chastise- 
ment, seems to depend on the mere whim of the savages." 

It would be difficult to imagine the extent of alarm and 
anxiety that was felt by the settlers in the broad extent of 
country included in the Military Division of the Missouri, in 
1868. Man}' exaggerated reports were on foot, but, for the 
most part, the thrilling accounts borne on the tongues of run- 
ners were only too true. G-en. Sheridan's headquarters at Fort 
Hays was constantly besieged with startling reports, such as 
these: 

On the twenty-fifth of August, Acting Governor Hall, of 
Colorado, reported by telegraph that over two hundred Indians 
were devastating Southern Colorado. On the same day, the 
same person telegraphed to Gen. Sheridan as follows: "The 
Arapahoes are killing settlers, destroying ranclies in all direc- 
tions. For God's sake give me authority to take soldiers from 
Fort Reynolds. The people are arming and will not be 
restrained." A few hours later and the same gentleman 
reported that he was surrounded by hostile Indians. Stages 
were stopped, stock was being taken, and the people were 
organizing volunteer companies to avenge the atrocities com- 
mitted. 

But these were not all; for not an hour passed which did 
not bring the news of some new disaster. Let us glance at the 
authentic reports as they came to Gen. Sheridan's headquar- 
ters at Fort Hays, between the twenty-eighth of August and 
the twenty-first of October, 1868.* Mr. Powers (wood and hay 
contractor) and party, were attacked by a body of Indians, 
three of their number being killed, and all their stock driven ofl", 

* Geu. Sheridan's Report, 18G8. 



OR, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO OKNTURfPS. 523 

Mr. Stickiiey, station keeper at Kiowa Springs, traveling 
with one man in a wagon, about dark, was attacked by fifteen 
or twenty Indians, and the wagon and" five mules captured. 
Mr. Stickney was wounded. The mules were wild and ran 
away. Night coming on they made their escape. 

The sergeant at Lake station reports two employees driven 
in, and also station keeper and stock tender at Reed's Spring- 
driven ofi" from station, and forty head of stock run ofi' from 
Kiowa station. 

Gen. Penrose, commanding Fort Lyon, reports on the twenty- 
third, at mid-day, a band of Cheyennes at Bent's Fort, twenty 
miies distant from Fort Lyon, drove off fifteen head of horses 
and mules and four head of beef cattle. On the twenty-fourth 
Indians chased the stage from the east back. He also states 
from reports, that the Denver stage line, the Smoky Hill, and 
between Forts Lyon and Dodge, are overrun by hostile Indians. 
On the twenty-second of August a train of thirteen wagons, 
belonging to Senor Don Ramirez, was attacked by seventy-five 
or one hundred Indians, eighteen miles from the Arkansas 
river, the oxen killed and the train destroyed, the men in 
chai'ge, twelve in number, escaping to Fort Lyon in the dark- 
ness of night. 

Lieut. T. A. Riley, fifth infantry, reports that Indians ran 
ofi" two hundred horses belonging to the Kansas Stage Com- 
pany and the United States Express Company, and that the 
stage line is interrupted. 

J. H. Jones, agent of stage line, reports one woman and a 
child killed and scalped, and thirty head of stock run ofl' by a 
body of Indians west of Lake station. 

A wagon guarded by tour men of the seventh cavalry was 
attacked by a large body of Indians near Little Coon creek. 
Three of the men were badly wounded. One of their number 
bravely volunteered to go to Fort Dodge for aid, giving his 
arms to his comrades, saying, "• Here, boys, you want them 
more than I do." They were finally relieved by a party from 
Fort Dodge under Lieut. Wallace, of the third infantry. 

Brevet Lieut.-Col. J. G.Tilford, commanding Fort Reynolds, 
reports four persons killed near Colorado City. He is in great 



524 TROUBLE WITH THE WECTEKN INDIANS: 

need of cavalry to pursue hostile Indians. A large body of 
Indians attacked the station at Hugo Springs, firing on the 
guards and circling round, but were repulsed. 

A body of Indians drove oif five head of stock from the 
station at Hugo Springs, and then went off and burned Willow 
Springs. The commanding ofiicer of Fort Reynolds urges, in 
consequence of Indian depredations and outrages, that the 
troops, and especially the cavalry at that post, be not reduced. 
The settlers are clamorous and excited, and ask for arms and 
ammunition, but he has none to give them. He believes that 
if the troops were withdrawn the settlements would be 
devastated. 

The Hon. Schuyler Colfax telegraphs from Denver: " Hostile 
Indians have been striking simultaneously at isolated settle- 
ments of Colorado for a circuit of over two hundred miles. 
Men, women, and children have been killed and scalped daily, 
and hundreds of thousands of dollars of property stolen. 
These atrocities have been mainly near the three great lines 
of travel from this focal point. -^ * * The Territory has 
no means to put volunteers in the field, and is literally defense- 
less," and suggests that a strong cavalry force be sent there, 
and that a supply of arms and ammunition be sent the terri- 
torial authorities. 

Col. H. C. Bankhead, commanding Fort Wallace, reports that 
a body of Indians, twenty-five in number, killed and scalped 
two citizens one and a half miles west of Sheridan. The same 
party drove off between seventy and eighty head of mules from 
Clark & Co.'s train at the hay camp on Turkey creek. 

Maj. Douglas forwards the report of Lieut. D. W. Walling- 
ford, seventh cavalry, sent out to assist a wood train of thirty- 
five wagons, said to be attacked at Cimarron crossing, twenty- 
eight miles west, and fifty men with it. He had been fighting 
Indians for four days; had two men and two horses killed, and 
seventy -five head of cattle run off, and a great many mules 
wounded. Five and a half miles further west the remains of 
a train of ten wagons that had been captured and burned were 
found. Nothing but the iron work remained. There were 
fifteen persons with it, supposed to have been killed, and their 



OR, TIIR BORDKIi \VAR3 OF TWO CKNTURIES. 525 

todies burned with the .train, as the peculiar stench and lar<;je 
quantity of bones found among the debris indicated. 

Mr. C. W. M. Ruggles, of Sheridan, reports that tlie Indians 
burned a ranch and killed its occupants six miles from Sheri- 
dan, on the road to Wallace. The same ranch was also burned 
two weeks before and had been rebuilt. 

Gen. Penrose reports two men killed and one wounded of L 
troop, seventh cavalry, in a fight with hostile Indians. 

Capt. Butler, commanding Fort Wallace, reports the stage 
fired into by Indians four miles east of Lake station. On the 
first of September three men were killed by a band of Indians 
four miles east of Eeed's Spring station. 

Clark & Co., hay contractors, telegraph that they have lost 
eighty-one head of stock, and will have to give up contract 
unless protected. 

Gen. Nichols, traveling to Fort Eeynolds, was attacked by 
Indians, but they drew oft* when they saw the arms of the 
guard. They then ran oft" the stock of Thompson and McGee, 
opposite Bent's Old Fort, then made a raid on a house at Point 
of Pocks, and ran off four head of stock. 

Ellis station was burned and one citizen killed. Gen. Sully 
reports two killed and one wounded of his command. 

Col. Bankhead reports that a body of fifteen Indians fired 
into the Mexican ranch, four miles east of Big Timbers station; 
Acting Governor Hall, of Colorado, telegraphs : " Indians 
more numerous and bold than ever before. It is impossible to 
protect the families and property of the people and fight them 
at the same time. We now find ourselves helpless, exposed 
daily to assaults, accompanied by horrid butcheries." 

Gen. Hazen reports attack on Fort Zarah by about one 
hundred Indians, who were driven oft". They then attacked a 
provision train, killed one teamster and secured the mules from 
four teams; then attacked the ranch eight miles below, and 
drove away all the stock. 

Gen. Sully reports attack by Indians on a train between 
Larned and Dodge. Three citizens were killed and three 
wounded, and over fifty mules run off. 

Maj. Douglas reports : " On Thursday Indians appeared 



526 TROTIBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

under cover of a thick fog, wounded a Mexican at Lime Kiln^ 
three miles off; then attacked a train about ten miles down the 
road, killed two men and wounded two; destroyed stores and 
ran off stock." 

Gen. Penrose reports three hundred Indians on Purgatory, 
on the seventh instant. They killed one Mexican and ran off a 
quantity of stock, 

Brevet-Maj. E. A. Belger rejiorts a party of Indians near Ells- 
worth City. They killed one man and several are missing. 

Lieut. Kaiser, third infantry, reports that a party of Indians 
surrounded and drove off six horses and two mules from citi- 
zens near Zarah. 

Gen. Penrose reports a train attacked by Indians at Sand 
creek, who ran off the cattle and captured Mrs. Blinn and her 
child. These Indians were led by Satanta, chief of the Kiowas. 

Col. Eoyall reports attack by Indians on his camp on Prairie 
Dog creek, killing one man, wounding one, and running off 
twenty-six horses. 

Col. Bankhead reports Col. Carpenter's command of tenth 
cavalry attacked by four hundred Indians on Beaver creek. 
Three men wounded and twg horses killed. 



CHAPTER LXVI. 

Winter CampaiCtN of Lieut. -Gen. Sheridan in 18G8 — A Brilliant 
Triumph over the Indians East of the Rocky Mountains — 
Surrender of the Tribes — They are Placed on the Reserva- 
tions — The Way Opened for the Labors of the Peace Com- 
mission. 

To MEET this hostile force of Indians that was now sweeping 
all before them, Gen. Sheridan had but one thousand two hun- 
dred cavalry, and about one thousand four hundred infantry, 
and this force was distributed throughout JSTew Mexico, Indian 
Territory, Kansas, Upper Arkansas and the State of Missouri 
as garrisons to the different military posts. " With this small 
force," says Gen. Sheridan, "for offensive operations, it was 
impossible to accomplish a gi-eat deal in so extensive a country. 
The Indian, mounted on his hardy pony, and familiar with 
the country, was about as hard to find, so long as the grass 
lasted, as the Alabama on the ocean." 

With the accession to the ranks of the hostile Indians of 
the Kiowas and Camanches, the Indian forces opposed to Gen. 
Sheridan's command amounted to six thousand warriors. This 
force being altogether too strong to be operated against suc- 
cessfully with Sheridan's little army, he called upon the Gov- 
ernor of Kansas for a regiment of one thousand two hundred 
cavalry, which was promptly responded to. 

Gen Sheridan, who had now assumed the duties of com- 
mander-in-chief of the Military Division of the Missouri, in 
place of Gen. Sherman, made preparations in the fall of 1868 
for a winter campaign. This was a bold undertaking, but 
through great effort proved abundantly successful and resulted 
in subduing the most important Indian tribes. It is not 
difficult to judge of the fruits of the peace commission had 
(527) 



528 TKOUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS : 

this campaign not been made. All attempts at effecting a 
peace must have been futile. 

In speaking of the condition of affairs which led to his 
great winter campaign Lieut.-Gen. Sheridan says: 

" The Indians, commencing about the tenth of August, had 
distributed themselves in small parties along the w^estern line 
of the settlements in Kansas, and the eastern line of settle- 
ments in Colorado, and the lines of travel up Smoky Hill 
river to Denver, and on the Arkansas river and Santa Fe 
roads, driving in the settlers, stopping all commercial traffic, 
murdering many defenseless persons in the most brutal man- 
ner, and escaping from the troops sent against them by travel- 
ing at night, or by the swiftness of their hardy grass-fed 
ponies. This kind of work they expected to keep until the 
approach of winter, when the inclemency of the Aveather would 
give them ample security, and they could live on their 
plunder, glory in the scalps taken and the debasement of the 
poor unfortunate women whom they held as j^risoners. 

" The experience of many years of this character of Indian 
depredations, with security to themselves and families in the 
winter, had made them very confident and bold; especially 
was this true of the previous summer and winter. So boldly 
had this system of murder and robbery been carried on, tliat 
not less than eight hundred people had been murdered since 
June, 1862 — men, women and children. To disabuse the 
minds of the savages of this confident security, and to strike 
them at a period at which they were the most if not entirely 
helpless, became a necessity, and the general-in-chief then in 
command of this division authorized a winter campaign, and 
at or about the same time directed that the reservation set 
apart for the Kiowas and Camanches at the Witchita Moun- 
tains should be considered a j)lace of refuge, where, if the 
savages would go and submit, they w^ould be exempt from the 
operations of the troops. The authority for this winter cam- 
paign was received October 9, 1868. At this time the opera- 
tions of the Indians had been mostly transferred to the line 
of the Arkansas river and Santa Fe road, owing to the opera- 
tions of troops under Col. Forsyth, Gen. Bradley, and Gen. 



OR, THE B0RDP:R WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 529 

Carr, north of the Smoky Hill river and on the Republican, 
as well as to the near approach of winter, which caused the 
savages to w^ork in the direction of their families, then sup- 
posed to be on the headwaters of the Red river, immediately 
south of the Antelope Hills." 

Pre])arations were made and Sheridan's forces concentrated 
at Camp Supply. From this point it was expected that the 
main column w^onld strike the Indians either on the head- 
waters of the Washita or still further south, on the Sweet 
Water and other branches of the Red river. Gen. Sheridan 
arrived at Camp Supply on the twenty-first of November, 
where he found the troops under Gen. Sully engaged in the 
construction of a block-house, wells, and store-house, for the 
protection of the supplies. In speaking of the progress of 
his campaign from this point, Lieut.-Gen. Sheridan says: 

" A furious snow storm commenced on the same evening, 
which continued during the night and next day, making the 
situation very gloomy, especially on account of the non-arrival 
of the Nineteenth Kansas, which I had expected would have 
reached Camp Supply about the same time as myself. This 
was a great disappointment to me, as I had expected to unite 
this regiment with the Seventh Cavalry and launch them both 
on the Indians, whom I still supposed to be just south of the 
Antelope Hills. This disappointment was further increased 
by the appearance of Indians on the distant hills as I came 
down, just north of Bluff Creek, and the discovery of a large 
fresh trail by Sully's command — traveling due north ; and I 
thought the discovery of the troops would cause the Indians 
south of Antelope Hills to take to Hight. I therefore, on the 
second day after my arrival at Camp Supply, directed Gen, 
Custer to move his regiment, storm or no storm, on the morn- 
ing of the twenty-third of November. This order was 
responded to with alacrity by the officers and men of the Sev- 
enth Cavalry, and on the morning of the twenty-third the 
regiment moved at daylight, although the snow continued to 
fall with unabated fury. 

" On the evening of the twenty-sixth. Gen. Custer struck 
the trail of the war party before alluded to as having passed 
34 



530 TROUBLE WITH TlIK WESTERN INDIANS: 

north, and wliieli had been seen by Sully's command, and some 
of the same party had been seen by my escort, near Bluif 
Creek. This war party was composed, as I afterward learned 
from Indians, of Black Kettle's band of Cheyennes; also other 
Cheyennes and Araj^ahoes. They had been north, killed the 
mail cuiTi.Ts between Dodge and Larned, an old hunter at 
Dodge, ;;ud two of my expressmen, wliom I had sent back 
with letters from Bluff Creek to Dodge. As soon as Custer 
struck the trail he corraled his wagons, left a small escort with 
them, and followed the Indian trail, which was very fresh and 
well marked in the deep snow, until it led into Black Kettle's 
village. The next morning, before daylight, the Osage Indian 
trailers discovered the village and stock of the Indians, and 
notified Custer, who at once made the most admirable disposi- 
tion of his command for the attack and capture of the village. 
At dawn the attack was made, the village captured and burned, 
eight hundred horses or ponies killed in accordance with my 
positive orders, and one hundred and three warriors killed, 
and fifty-three women and children captured. 

" Wliile this work was going on, all the Indians, for a dis- 
tance of fifteen miles down the Washita, collected and attacked 
Custer. These Indians were Cheyennes, Camanches, Kiowas, 
and Apaches; but were driven down the stream for a distance 
of four or five miles, when, as night was approaching, Custer 
withdrew and returned to a small train of provisions which he 
liad directed to follow up his movements. Our loss at the 
attack on the village was Capt. Louis M. Hamilton, and three 
men killed, and three ofiicers and eleven men wounded; but, 
unfortunately. Major Elliott, of the regiment, a very gallant 
and promising young oflicer, seeing some of the young boys 
escape, followed, with the sergeant-major and fifteen men, to 
capture and bring them in; after capturing them, and while 
on their way back to the regiment, they were surrounded and 
killed. It occurred, I think, in this way: Elliott and his 
party followed the boys shortly after the attack on the village, 
taking a course due south and nearly at right angles to the 
Washita river, which was here very small ; after traveling 
south one mile and a half from the village, a very small branch 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTU Kl MS. 5;^] 

of the Washita was crossed, and an open prairie reached; on 
this prairie the boys were captured and were being brought 
back, when the party was attacked by Indians from below, 
numbering from one tliousand to fifteen hundred; it fought 
its way back toward the small creek before named until within 
rifle range of the creek, when it was stopped by the Indians 
having taken position in the bed of the creek, and picking off 
the men, who had formed a little circle, around wliich their 
dead and horribly mutilated bodies were found. No one, so 
far as I could learn, of those back with the regiment, knew of 
their having followed the Indian boys; no one heard the report 
of their guns, and no one knew of their exact fate until they 
were discovered, some two weeks afterward." 

On the thirteenth of JSTovember, the Nineteenth Kansas 
arrived at Camp Supply, after a long and tedious journey in 
\vhich the regiment lost its way, being thereby delayed. The 
blow that Custer had struck was a hard one and fell on the 
guiltiest of all the bands — that of Black Kettle. It was this 
band, says Gen. Sheridan, that, without provocation, had mas- 
sacred the settlers on the Saline and Solomon, and perpetrated 
crnelties too fiendish for recital. 

But Gen. Sheridan was not satisfied with this victory, but 
continued the pursuit of. the Indians until every hostile band 
in his division surrendered themselves. In this work Gen. 
Sheridan and the officers and soldiers under him rendered theii 
country a service which we cannot commend too highly. 
During the summer preceding his campaign, while the peace 
commission was deliberating as to the best means of civiliz- 
ing and christianizing the Cheyennes, Camanches, Kiowas, 
Apaches, Arapahoes and Sioux, these Indians were committing 
merciless depredations upon the settlements between the Mis- 
sissippi and the Bocky Mountains with the full hope that the 
severity of winter would protect them from just punishment; 
but, as we have seen, they were disappointed in this hope. 
Many of their warriors paid the penalty of their crimes by 
their lives upon the battle-field, while the others were forced 
to submission and compelled to retire to their reservations. 
Thus, thi-ough the courage and foresight of Gen. Sheridan the 



532 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

Indians were thoroughly conquered and the way opened for 
that long, and, in many respects, prosperous peace which has 
followed. The Indians east of the Rocky Mountains have 
given the government but little trouble since this campaign, the 
Western settlements have been protected from a barbarous 
invasion, women and children have been shielded from a fiend- 
ish captivity, and the Indians themselves have fared much 
better than when dependent upon depredations for the means 
of subsistence. For this brilliant service Lieut.-Gen. P. II. 
Sheridan has his reward in the respect and esteem in which 
he is held by the whole people of the United States. 



CHAPTER LXVII. 

Indian Troubles West of the Rocky Mountains — Hokrtble Mas- 
sacre op Indians — Difficulties op Making War on the Savages 
IN THE Wilds of the West — The Peace Commissioners in Ari- 
zona AND California — Curious Speeches op Chiefs. 

Let us now turn our attention to the wars with the Indians 
west of the Rocky Mountains, and more particularly in Ari- 
zona. Here, too, we find the good results of the labors of the 
Peace Commissioners, but not without being preceded by the 
evils consequent upon a change in the Indian policy. Perhaps 
the new peace policy met with more opposition among the 
white settlers west of the Rocky Mountains than in Sheridan's 
military division, east of them. In the former country the 
pioneers of civilization who had suifered all manner of hard- 
ships and cruelties at the hands of the savages, seemed to look 
upon them with a feeling of revenge. This revenge often 
found vent in open hostilities, and sometimes in massacres that, 
for cruelty, equalled the deeds of the Indians themselves. In 
1871 a number of Apaches were murdered on their reservation 
in Arizona, by whites, there being no cause for the outrage 
beyond past hostilities. Lieut. R. E. Whiteman, of the United 
States army, and commander at the post near which the mas- 
sacre took place, gives a very good account of the affair in his 
report: " Many of the men whose families had all been killed, 
when I spoke to them and expressed sympathy for them, were 
obliged to turn away, unable to speak, and too proud to show 
their grief. The women whose children had been killed or 
stolen were convulsed with grief, and looked to me appealingly, 
as though I was their last hope on earth. Children who, two 
days before, had been full of fun and frolic, kept at a distance, 
expressing wondering horror. I did what I could; I fed them, 
(533) 



534 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

and talked to them, and listened patiently to their accounts. I 
sent horses into the mountains to bring in two badly- wounded 
wouien, one shot through the left lung, and one with an arm 
shattered. These were attended to, and are doing well, and 
will recover. Their camp was surrounded and attacked at day- 
break. So sudden and unexpected was it, that no one was 
awake to give the alarm, and I found quite a number of women 
shot while asleep beside their bundles of hay, which they had 
collected to bring in on that morning. The wounded who 
were unable to get away, had their brains beaten out with 
clubs or stones, while some were shot full of arrows after having 
been mortally wounded by gunshot. The bodies were all 
stripped. Of the whole number buried, one was an old man 
and one a well-grown boy — all the rest, women and chil 
dren. Of the whole number killed and missing, about one 
hundred and twenty-five, eight only were men. It has been 
said that the men were not there; they were all there. On the 
twenty-eighth, we counted one hundred and twenty-eight men, 
a small number being absent for mescal, all of whom have 
since been in. I have spent a good deal of time witli them, 
since the affair, and have been astonished at their continued 
unshaken faith in me, and their perfectly clear understanding 
of their misfortune. They say: ' We know there a great many 
white men and Mexicans who do not wish us to live at peace. 
We know that the Papagos would not have come out after us 
at this time unless they had been persuaded to do so.' Wliat 
they do not understand is, while they are at peace, and are con- 
scious of no wrong intent, that they should be murdered by 
government arms in the hands of Papagos and Mexicans. 
One of the chiefs said: ' I no longer want to live; my women 
and children have been killed before my face, and I have been 
unable to defend them. Most Indians in my place would take 
a knife and cut his throat, but I v)ill live to show these people 
that all they have done, and all they can do, shall not make me 
break faith with you, so long as you will stand by us and defend 
us, in a language we know nothing of, to a great governor we 
never have, and never shall, see.' About their captives they 
say: ' Oet them back for us; our little boys will grow up 



OK, TIIK BOUDKK WARS OF TWO (^KNITKIKS. 535 

slaves, and our girls, as soon as they are large enough, will be 
diseased prostitutes, to get money tor whoever owns them 
Our women work hard, and are good women, and they and our 
children have no diseases." ^' ''^' * ■■• •^" •• 

The extract from Lieut. Whiteman's report will not be read 
without feelings of pity for the savages who ^vel•e so shamefully 
treated. Yet after all, they had visited a more cruel and l)ar- 
barous torture, and a more wicked death, u|)on the unfortunate 
whites who had from time to time fallen into their hands, and 
although this fact does not justify the lawless course taken 
in this massacre, it redcces, to some extent, the just indignation 
against the perpetrators. 

We have an additional account of this horrid atfair from the 
pen of one of the post surgeons attached to Lieut. AVhitenuin's 
command. He says: "Lieut. Whiteman ordered me to go to 
the Indian camp to render medical assistance, and bring down 
any wounded I might find. I took twelve men (mounted) and 
a wagon, and proceeded without delay to the scene of the mur- 
der. On my arrival I found that I should have but little use 
for wagon or medicine; the work had been too thoroughly 
done. The camp luxd been fired, and the dead bodies of some 
twenty-one women and children were lying scattered over the 
ground; those who had been wounded in the first instance had 
their brains beaten out with stones. Two of the best looking 
of the squaws were lying in such a position, and from the 
appearance of the genital organs and of their wounds, there 
can be no doubt that they were first ravished and then shot 
dead. ]Srearly all of the dead were mutilated. One infant of 
some ten months was shot twice, and one leg hacked nearly off. 
While going over the ground we came upon a squaw who was 
unhurt, but we were unable to get her to come in and talk, she 
not feeling very sure of our good intentions. Finding nothing 
further could be done, I returned to the post and reported the 
state of affairs to Lieut. Whiteman, commanding post." 

It will be impossible, in view of the space now left for the 
completion of this volume, to enter into a narrative of all the 
petty wars with the Indians on the Pacific slope. From the 
earliest settlement of the country bv the Mexicans, and at a 



536 TROUBLE WITH 'mE VVESTBRN INDIANS: 

little later period by the Americans, down to the Modoc war, 
there was a continuous war with tlie Indian tribes, among the 
most prominent of which were the Apaches, Klamaths, Modocs, 
and other bands. In this country, which was so well adapted 
to the Indian mode of fighting, it was almost impossible to 
defeat the savages, no matter how strong the force commanded 
against them. They could retreat to the mountain recesses, in 
chasms, or among the dark passes in the lava beds, where 
American troops found it impossible to follow. And if, by 
dint of struggle and sacrifice, the summit was gained, or the 
chasm penetrated, it only opened a field of new dangers, and 
exposed them to the deadly fire of a barbarous enemy, which 
could not be efiectually returned. 

But the surging tide of such a war was kept up on the' 
Pacific slope for many years. Long before Col. Fremont pene- 
trated this country with his hardy mountaineers, the sharp 
report of the unerring rifle was heard among the wastes, telling 
of the death of some lurking savage, or unfortunate trapper. 
Bands of hostile Indians, painted for the battle, ranged over 
the deserts, on mountain summits, or among the deep recesses 
of the wild, uneven country, watching the slow progress of 
immigrant trains, and pouncing upon them as soon as a favora- 
ble opportunity presented itself, murdering the men, plundering 
the train, and carrying the women and children into a barbar- 
ous captivity. The pen refuses to write of the horrors which 
surrounded these captive women. Their sufferings were often 
beyond description, and always replete with the most barbarous 
acts. 

But after many years of war between these Indians and the 
whites, with victories first for civilization and then for barbar- 
ity, the peace commission went among them to hold sacred 
councils, and promote the reservation policy. The head chiefs 
of tribes were invited to meet the disciples of peace, and, actu- 
ated by the hope of receiving liberal presents and of deliverance 
from the poverty and bondage into which a long and cruel war 
had forced them, they came in great numbers to shake the 
white chiefs by the hand, and tell the story of their wrongs. 

The deliberations between the commissioners and the Indi- 



OR, THE BORDKK WAIIS OF TWO OKNTURIKS. 53T 

ans were sometimes full of interest, and many of the ablest 
speeches of the chiefs are worthy of preservation in this vol- 
ume, as they will present to the world, to a great ,degree, the 
condition of the Indians at the present day. Howlish-Wam- 
po, head chief of the Caynse, after listening to the address of 
the commissioner, replied in these words: " You talked with 
a good heart when you told me that you believed in God. I 
thought that was good; that is my heart, too, while I stand 
upon this ground. What you have spoken this people have 
heard; all understand what you have said. You came here to 
ascertain what is our mind. This reservation is marked out 
for us. We see it with our eyes, and our hearts, we all hold 
it witli our bodies and with our souls. Right out here are my 
father and mother, and brothers and sisters, and children, all 
buried; I am guarding their graves. My friend, this reserva- 
tion, this small piece of land, we look upon it as our mother — 
as if slie were raising us. You come to ask me for my land. 
It is like as if we, who are Indians, were to be sent away and 
get lost. I look upon all sides. On the outside of the reser- 
vation I see your houses; they have windows, they are good. 
You are bringing up your children well. What is the reason 
you white men who live near the reservation like my land, and 
want to get it? You must not think so. My friends, you 
must not talk too strong about getting my land. I like my 
land, and will not let it go. You have been asking my heart 
about the reservation. This is my heart." 

Wenap-snoot, of the Umatillas, said : " Our red people 
were brought up here, and some one had to teach them as they 
grew. Those who were taught grew up well. I believe the 
man who understands and follows the way he is taught, grows 
up w^ell. I learned from the way in which I was brought up, 
and I am going to have my children taught more, and they 
will grow up better than I am. When my father and mother 
died, I was left here. They gave me rules, and gave me their 
lands to live upon. Tliey left me to take care of them after 
they were buried. I was to watch over their graves. I do not 
wish to part with my land. I have felt tired working on my 
land, so tired that the sweat dropped off me on the ground. 



538 TEOUHLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS! 

Where is all that Governor Stevens and Gen. Palmer said? I 
am very fond of this land that is marked out for me, and the 
rest of the Indians have no more room for their stock than 
they need, and I do not know where I'd pnt them if I had to 
confine myself to a small piece of ground; should I take only 
a small piece of ground, and a white man sit down beside me, 
I fear there would be trouble all the time." 

A chief called William, spoke in these words: "God is 
my Heavenly Father; you are my father from Washington. 
If you look at our houses you will see they are very poor. I 
tell you we are very poor; see the tools we work with (exhib- 
iting a stone hammer and other Indian tools); it is with these 
we have to build our houses; we use a stone for a hammer. 
We are almost all dead, but we are glad to see you. One of 
our employers treats us like dogs ; he uses us like slaves. I 
tell you the truth, he struck an Indian on the face, and the 
blood gushed out. You tell us to talk freely, and I do so. 
The whites cheat us, and some of our agents cheat us. I speak 
to you; I talk in the presence of the God who made us. I 
talk to you as my father. I am glad to see you ; I came from 
one of these tribes. I have no land now\ I am a poor old 
man. God made me; the whites took our land. Here is my 
country below this reservation; near it is the Tulalip. I want 
a paper to keep any white men away when they come. They 
scare the old men and want to kill us." 

Billy Williamson spoke in council as follows: "Since Mr. 
Meacham came, this summer, our eyes have been opened. Our 
saw-mill is almost done, and we expect to have a grist-mill 
sooH. Mr. Brunot comes from Washington, and I want to 
know whether \vliat I said before, and that now, was put on 
paper — did my words go to Washington ? Then the Indians 
were all separated; now they are all here. If you go to see 
their homes, you will find many things they made themselves. 
They learned it from the whites outside. The men on the reser- 
vation did not learn us. When the treaty was made we were 
very poor. For fifteen years we have been talking about what 
was needed. Do they know it at Washington? Some white 
men say we will only get twenty acres. Where I came from I 



OR, 'TUK BOKDKK WAKS OF TWO CKNTURIES. 539 

had not only twenty acres, but a hundred. Everybody knows 
we are poor. I had a cow and a yoke of oxen long ago; that 
is all I have now. I don't want to lie -to God. I don't think 1 
am a very good man. I may tell a lie; 1 am an Indian. I 
speak the truth. I don't drink. I don't do as Indians did in 
old times; I have quit that. We can't do everything in a day. 
If we get our land, we need cows and horses and plows and 
wagons. Then we won't go outside; we will stay here. There 
are a few' half-breeds here. I think nothing about that; they 
have families here. I w^ant to know if money was sent here 
for us. Now we are like white men. You know about God; 
so do these Indians; I speak no bad words. White men and 
Indians are all alike. Some Indians here have been shot and 
whipped by white men for nothing. Two of our people are in 
Salem penitentiary. We want to get them out; they did 
nothing. White men gave them whisky and got them drunk, 
and now they have got them into the penitentiary." 

Such were the men and such the complaints which met the 
members of the Peace Commission in the far West, but while 
these speeches indicate the understanding of wrongs perpe- 
trated upon themselves, they also show that these savages were 
not ignorant of the crimes which they themselves had com- 
mitted. Thus while their complaints beget sympathy on the 
one hand, they elicit indignation on the other. 



CHAPTEE LXYIII. 

History op the Modocs — Horribi^e Massacre op a Party op Immi- 
grants—Ben Wright's Vengeance — Terrible Destruction of 
THE Modocs prom Starvation — Canibalism — The Reservation 
Troubles. 

Perhaps no other portion of this narrative vt^ill be more 
interesting to the general reader than that which now follows,, 
giving a history of the Modoc Indians and their recent wars 
against the whites. Their wild homes among the lava beds of 
Arizona and Northern California, which have been rendered 
famous by the thrilling sketches that have, from time to time, 
appeared through the newspapers and periodicals of the United 
States, have added not a little to the interest felt in these 
peculiar savages. But above all else, the recent Modoc war 
has given this tribe a world-wide notoriety. 

The number of this people when in their primitive glory 
and power, must have been many thousands. The remains of 
their ancient villages, found along the shores of the lakes, the 
streams, and the forest springs, go very far to establish the fact 
of their former greatness. But this greatness has fallen! 
Their power has passed away, and as a nation they are now 
nearly extinct. Only three or four hundred of these brave 
natives now live to tell us the singular traditions of the tril)e. 
These will soon pass on to oblivion, in the dark, mysterious 
way in which all the red men of the American forests ha^'e 
been driven by civilization. 

But there have been sources for the destruction of this peo- 
ple other than that which civilization has produced. I refer 
to the deadly conilicts which have been waged upon them by 
the fierce Indians in the wilds of the neighboring forests, vague 
accounts of which have come to us upon the current of their 
(540) 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 541 

strange traditions. But these were not more etfective of their 
ruin tlian the wars which have taken phice between tliem and 
tlie early settlers of Northern California and Southern Oregon. 
They have ever been an obstinate, unconquerable race, merci- 
less in war, full of treachery and possessed of the blackest 
stratagem. Nor has the romantic country in which they built 
their homes, failed in furnishing them every facility for the 
prosecution of war after their treacherous designs. 

As early as 1847 we find trains of Oregon immigration pass- 
ing through their country. The road was a dangerous one, 
winding through dark canons, and passing under precipitous 
cliffs that afforded secure and impenetrable ambuscade. At 
every opening through the craggy cliffs bands of mounted war- 
riors were revealed, who seemed to be watching for a favorable 
opportunity to capture and plunder the travelers. If, per- 
chance, the train was weak, the warriors would rush upon it, 
slaughter the immigrants and capture the supplies. Such out- 
rages seem to have been, for many years, their chief occupa- 
tion. 

The first in this dark catalogue of which I have any well 
authenticated information was in 1852. In this year a small 
train, comprising only eighteen souls, men, women and children, 
made an attempt to reach central Oregon, by the Rhett Lake 
route. Leaving Pitt Eiver they journeyed for several days 
without molestation, not having observed a single Indian. 
Eeaching the eastern shore of Rhett Lake they encamped under 
a bluff, now called "• Bloody Point." Here the weary travelers 
rested — rested forever from earthly toils. They sat down 
together and began to partake of some refreshments, under the 
great rocks tliat hung in grandeur over them.; and scarcely had 
they begun to congratulate each other upon the unexpected 
quiet of the Indian country, when the air rung out with the 
deafening yells of ferocious savages. In another instant count- 
less painted Indians poured down from the rocks overhead. 
But their bloody work was soon ended. Only one escaped to 
tell the horrors of the massacre. 

In reference to the revenge upon the Indians for this terri- 
ble massacre, William M. Turner, in an able article in the 



542 TROrBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANA : 

Ooerland Ifonthly, says: "The men of early times in tliese 
mountains were brave and chivalrons men. In less than 
twenty-four hours, a mounted force of miners, packers, and 
prospectors — men who feared no living thing — were at the 
scene of the massacre. The remains of the victims were found, 
shockingly mutilated, lying in a pile with their broken wagons, 
and half charred; but not a Indian could be found. It was 
not until the next year that the Modocs were punished for this 
cruel deed. An old mountaineer named Ben Wright — one of 
those strange beings who imagine that they are born as instru- 
ments for tlie fulfillment of the red man's destiny — organized 
an independent company at Yreka, in 1853, and went into the 
Modoc country. The Indians were wary, but Ben was patient 
and enduring. Meeting with poor success, and accomplishing 
nothing but protection for incoming emigrants, he improvised 
an ' emigrant train ' with which to decoy the enemy from the 
cover of the hills and ravines. Winding slowly among the 
hills and through the sage-plains, Ben's canvass covered wagons 
rolled quietly along, camping at the usual watering-places, and 
apparently in a careless and unguarded way. Every wagon 
was filled with armed men, anxious and willing to be attacked. 
The ruse failed, however; for the keen-sighted Indians soon 
perceived that there were no M^omen or children with the train, 
and its careless movements were suspicious. After several 
months of unsatisfactory skirmishing, Ben resolved on a change 
of tactics. Surprising a small party of ModocS, instead of 
scalping them, he took them to his camp, treated them kindly^ 
and making them a sort of Peace Commission, sent them with 
olive-branches, in the shape of calico and tobacco, back to their 
people. E'egotiations for a general council to arrange a treaty 
were opened. Others visited the white camp; and soon the 
Modocs, who had but a faint appreciation of the tortuous ways 
of white diplomacy, began to think that Ben was a very harm- 
less and respectable gentleman. A spot on the north bank of 
Lost Biver, a few hundred yards from the Natural Bridge, 
was selected for the council. On the appointed day, fifty-one 
Indians (about equal in number to Wright's company) 
attended, and, as agreed upon by both parties, no weapons 



OR, THE BOIJDKK WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 543 

were brought to the ground. A number of beeves liad been 
killed, presents were distributed, and the day passed in mutiuil 
professions of friendship ; when Wright — whose quick, restless 
eye had been busy — quietly tilled his pipe, drew a match and 
lit it. This was the pre-concerted signal. As the tirst little 
curling wreath of smoke went up, tifty revolvers were drawn 
from their places of concealment by Wright's men, who were 
now scattered among their intended victims; a few moments 
of rapid and deadly firing, and only two of tlie Modocs escaped 
to warn their people! " 

In giving a sketch of the history of the Modocs, the same 
writer says: '' In 1864, when old Schonchin buried the hatchet 
and agreed to war wnth the pale-faces no more, he said, mourn- 
fully: 'Once my people were like the sands along yon shore. 
Now I call to them, and only the wind answers. Four hun- 
dred strong young men went with me to the war with the 
whites; only eighty are left. We will be good, if the white 
man will let us, and be his friends forever.' And this old 
chief has kept his word — better, perhaps, than his conquerors 
have theirs. The Modocs themselves offer a better reason for 
the great decrease of their people. They say that, within the 
memory of many of this generation, the tribe was overtaken by 
a famine that swept off whole randies, and they speak of it as 
if remembered like a fearful dream. As is usual with savages, 
the chief labor of gathering supplies of all kinds, except those 
procured by fishing and the chase, devolved upon the Modoc 
women. Large quantities of kamas and wocas were already 
harvested, but the ])redatory character of the surrounding tribes 
made it dangerous to store their food in the villages; and it 
was customary to cache it among the sage-brush and rocks, 
which was done so cunningly that an enemy might walk over 
the hiding-places without suspicion. Snow rarely fell in tliis 
reo-ion sufiiciently deep to prevent access to i\\Q caches ; but 
the Modocs tell of one winter when they were caught by a ter- 
rible storm, that continued until the snow was more than seven 
feet in depth over the whole country, and access to their win- 
ter stores impossible. The Modocs, like all other Indians, 
have no chroiiology ; they do not count the years, and only 



■544 TKOUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

reckon their changes by the seasons of summer and winter. 
Remarkable events are remembered only as coincident with the 
marked periods of life; and, judging from the probable age of 
the survivors of that terrible famine, it must have occurred 
•over forty years ago, long before any of the tribe had ever looked 
upon the face of a white stranger. These wild people generally 
regard such occurrences with superstitious horror; they rarely 
•speak of the dead, and even long residence among the whites 
•does not remove a superstition that forbids them to mention 
even a dead relative by name. From those who have lived 
.among the whites since early childhood, the particulars of this 
season of suffering and desolation are obtained; and they say 
that their parents who survived it still speak of that dreadful 
winter in shuddering whispers. 

••' It seems that the young men of the tribe had returned, 
late in the season, from a successful hunt, when a heavy snow- 
storm set in; but these people — like children, in many 
things — had no apprehension, as their present wants were 
■supplied. But the storm increased in fury and strength ; the 
snow fell in blinding sheets, for days and days, till it had cov- 
■ered bush, and stunted tree, and plain, and rock, and mountain, 
and every landmark was obliterated. The survivors tell of fran- 
tic efforts to reach the caches: how strong men returned to their 
villages, weak and weary with tramping through the yielding 
snow, in search of the hidden stores. They tell how the little 
brown faces of the children, pinched with hunger, drove the 
men out again and again in search of food, only to return 
•empty-handed and hopeless ; how everything that would sus- 
tain life — deer and antelope skins, their favorite dogs — even 
•the skins of wild fowl, used as bedding, were devoured: how, 
when everything that could be used as food was gone, famine 
made women out of strong, brave warriors, and a dreadful 
stillness fell upon all the villages. They tell how death crept 
into every house, till the living lay down beside the dead and 
waited. After weeks of pinching hunger, and when in the 
last extremity, an opportune accident saved the largest village 
-on the south'-eastern extremity of Khett Lake from complete 
extinction. A large band of antelopes, moving down from the 



OR, THE BOUDKR WARS OF TWO (JKNTURIES. 545 

hills, probably in search of food, attempted to cross an arm of 
the lake, onh' a short distance from the village, and were 
caught in the breaking ice and drowned. Those who had suf- 
ficient strength left, distributed antelope meat among the fami- 
lies, and it was then that the shocking fact was discovered 
that some of the starving people had been driven to canni- 
balism. In one house, a woman was found with the half-eaten 
foot of her husband concealed beneath her bed. When whole- 
some food was given her, she went raving mad, and confessed 
that she had killed him to save her life and the life of her lit- 
tle one. The survivors tell how, when the spring came, and 
the grass grew green again on the hills, this poor demented 
creature was missing — decoyed away, perhaps, by some friend 
of her husband, and murdered. Some of them, with that fond- 
ness for the supernatural so strong among all savages, aver 
that, even to this day, that woman's voice is heard in mourn- 
ful lamentation, borne on the night-wind from the rugged 
cliffs on the western shore of the lake, often and often; and 
they tell of little piles of rock raised by unseen hands along 
the western mountain — Indian signs of sorrow and mourning. 

"All accounts agree that, at the opening of spring, it was 
found that fully one-half of the people had perished, and that, 
in many houses, there was not a single survivor. The details 
of this fearful fainine are related so circumstantially by dif- 
ferent narrators, that there can be but little doubt of their 
correctness. But the Modoc nation, certainly once so numer- 
ous, is easily counted now, and their days are numbered. The 
spirit of the majority of the ti'ibe is broken; they are content 
to be cooped up within the limits of their reservation, in a 
country where once they were lords, and the suj)erior race 
claims their former possessions by the right of might. They 
are part and parcel of that problem — the red race, created by 
the same power as we, for God's own purposes. Like the rest 
of the red people they are destined to speedy extinction ; and 
the last of the Modocs, powerful as they have been, will 
probably be seen by the present generation of white men." 

And now more particularly as to the Modoc war. In 1864, 
a treaty was made with the Modocs, Snakes and Klamaths, by 
35 



546 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

which it was agreed that these Indians would immediately 
repair to a reservation set apart for them in the southern part 
of Oregon. The Snakes and Klaniaths moved on to the 
reservation conformably to the treaty, as also did a part of the 
Modocs under Chief Schonchin. A strong band of these 
Indians under Captain Jack remained at their old homes near 
Clear Lake, about sixty miles from Klamath, without being 
seriously disturbed until 1869. 



CHAPTER LXIX. 

Quarrels Among the Indians on the Reservation — Departure of 
Captain Jack and His Band for the Lava Beds — The I^roops 
Pursue them in Vain — Fatau Attempts of the Peace Commis- 
sion — Murder op the Commissioners — Execution op the 
Modocs. 

In the year 1869, Captain Jack's band was induced to go 
onto the reservation, but these Indians had not been long in 
their new quarters before the Klamaths picked a quarrel with 
them wliich terminated in disaster. These quarrels on the 
reservation were laid before the authorities at Washington, 
whereupon orders were issued to have the Modocs removed 
to another part of the reservation where they would not come 
in contact with their enemies, the Klamaths; but, unfortu- 
nately, this did not put an end to the hostilities on the reser- 
vation, and soon after Captain Jack's band resolved to depart 
for their old homes among the lava beds. 

Soon after Superintendent Odeneal succeeded in holding a 
council with Captain Jack's band, when they positively refused 
to return to the reservation. Tlie military were now called 
upon and Capt. Jackson, of the United States army, with 
thirty men, was ordered to visit ''Jack's " headquarters with 
instructions not to fight except in defending themselves 
against injury. Capt. Jackson delivered his message to the 
Modocs, and asked them to lay down their arms, but they 
refused. One of the leaders, Scar-Faced Charley, raised his 
gun, and with an oath said lie would kill one officer to begin 
with. He tired at Lieut. Boutelle, who was in front of his 
men, shooting four bullet holes through his coat-sleeve. This 
led to a battle which lasted about two hours, when the Indians 
escaped. Tljeir rage was now excited to the highest pitch, and 
- (547) 



548 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

before the daj closed they murdered eleven citizens. Immedi- 
ately after they retired to the celebrated lava beds, whence they 
were pursued by a strong body of United States troops, but to 
no purpose. Within the secure retreats of this wild country 
they defied the strongest force of troops that could be inarched 
against them, many times charging upon them from their 
ambuscades with fatal results, shooting down soldiers, scalping 
the fallen and then escaping within their chasm, hiding places. 

After the troops had done all they could do, being still 
unable to drive these fierce Indians from their strongholds, 
they turned the matter over to the peace commissioners who 
undertook to settle the difficulty. The commission appointed 
to this duty consisted of Hon. A. B. Meacham, Chairman; 
Hon. Jesse Applegate and Samuel Case, of Oregon. This 
peace board commenced its negotiations on the twentieth of 
February, and after holding several talks with the leaders of 
Captain Jack's band they acknowledged their cause as hope- 
less. At length a new commission was formed consisting of 
Gen. E. E. S. Canby, the Kev. Dr. E. Thomas, a leading 
Methodist divine of California, Mr. A. B. Meacham, Judge 
Rosborough, of California, and Mr. Dyer, of Oregon. 

Soon after, Gen. Canby telegraphed to Gen. Sherman his 
opinion of Modoc affairs in which he said: "I think that a 
system of gradual compulsion, with an exhil)ition of the force 
that can be used against them, if the commission should again 
fail, will satisfy them of the hopelessness of any further resis- 
tance, and give the peace party sufficient strength to control 
the whole band. Time is becoming of the greatest importance, 
as the melting of the snow will soon enable them to live in 
the mountains. This will greatly increase the difficulties we 
have to contend with, as they will then break up into small 
parties, and can more readily make their escape from their 
present location.' 

The new peace commission received the following instruc- 
tions from Secretary Delano, of the Interior Department: 
" The objects to be gained by this Commission are these: First, 
to ascertain the causes which have led to the difficulties and 
hostilities between the troops and the Indians; and, secondly, 




CAPTAIN JACK, THE MODOC CHIEFTAIN, 



OR, THE BOKDKK WARS OF TWO (M-INTIIKIKH. 549 

to devise the most effective and judicious measures for prevent- 
ing tlie continuance of their hostilities and for the restoration 
of peace. It is the opinion of tlie Department, from the best 
information in its possession, that it is advisable to remove the 
Modoc Indians, with their consent, to some new reservation; 
and it is believed that the coast reservation in Oregon, lying 
between Cape Lookout on the north and Cape Perj)etua on 
the south, and bounded on the east by the coast range of 
mountains, and on the west by the Pacific Ocean, will be found 
to furnish the best location for these Indians. The Commis- 
sion will therefore be directed to make an amicable arrange- 
ment for locating the Indians on some portion of this reserva- 
tion, provided it is possible for it to do so, and provided tliat 
said Commission is not of opinion, after fully investigating 
the case, that some other jalace is better adapted to accomplish 
the purpose of the Department; in either of which events the 
Commission will, before finally concluding an arrangement 
with the Indians, hold communication with the Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs and receive further advice. 

"The Commission will in no wise attempt to direct the 
military authorities in reference to their movements. It will 
be at liberty, however, to inform the commanding officer of 
the wish of the Department, that no more force or violence be 
used than in his opinion shall be deemed absolutely necessary 
and proper, it being the desire of the Department in this, as 
well as in all other cases of like character, to conduct its com- 
munication's with the Indians in such a manner as to secure 
peace and obtain their confidence, if possible, and their volun- 
tary consent to a compliance with such regulations as may be 
deemed necessary for their present and future welfare." 

The new Commission succeeded in holding several " talks " 
with Captain Jack and his leading men, but at all of these 
they assumed a defiant attitude, appearing in several instances 
with the scalps of their victims fastened to their belts. On 
the evening of the tenth of April, 1873, Bogus Charley visited 
the camp of the Commissioners, and informed them that Cap- 
tain Jack and several others of the band would meet for a talk 
at the spot near the lake, about three-quarters of a mile froin 
the camD of the Commissioners, on the next day. Bogus 



550 THOUBI,E WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS: 

Charley remained with the Commissioners all night, and early 
on the following morning Boston Charley, also, visited the 
camp, and stated that Captain Jack and the others were pre- 
paring for the council. In a few hours after the peace party, 
composed of Gen. Canby, A. B. Meacham, Dr. Thomas, Mi-. 
Dyer, Riddle the interpreter, and his squaw, with Bogus 
Charley and Boston Charley, went out to the place agreed upon, 
where they met Captain Jack, John Schonchin, Black Jim, 
Schack Nasty Jim, Ellen's Man and Hooker Jim. They had 
no guns, but each was provided with pistols. 

At the place selected, the party sat down in a circle, and Mr. 
Meacham commenced the talk, and told them that the govern- 
ment and people of the United States wanted to do them good. 
He was folloM^ed by Gen. Canby and Dr. Thomas, who said 
much that was calculated to pacify the Indians. When the 
last speaker had iinished, John Schonchin began a reply, but 
he had said but a few words, when, as if they were the signal 
for the attack, the work of treachery began. A dozen shots 
were tired in less than a minute, and the massacre completed. 
The first shot was fired by Captain Jack himself, who shot and 
killed Gen. Canl)y. Mr. Meacham was shot by Schonchin, and 
Dr. Thomas by Boston Charley. Mr. Dyer barely escaped, 
being fired at twice. Kiddle, tlie interpreter, and his squaw, 
also escaped. 

The troops immediately ruslied to the spot, wliere tliey 
beheld the dead bodies of Gen. Canby and Dr. Thomas. Mr. 
Meacham, who was badly wounded by a pistol shot over the 
left eye, was taken back to the camp, where he received the 
necessary medical treatment, but the troops pushed forward 
after the murderers, but the latter reached their reti-eats in the 
lava beds before they could be overtaken, and tlie soldiers were 
forced to return without vengeance. 

At this point the reader will naturally inquire as to the diffi- 
culties wdiich prevented the pursuit of these guilty Indians. 
To this I will answer that the retreats of these savages in the 
lava beds were utterly inaccessible by troops. Only these cun- 
ning Modocs knew the paths leading through the fearful chasms 
in this mountainous country. A more definite description of 
this wild and broken countrv is found in the report of Dr. J. 



OK, THK RORDEE WAES OF TWO CENTURIES. 551 

S. Newbury, geologist, who visited it in 1849, with a surveying 
expedition. He says: "The valley is bounded by walls of 
more than one thousand feet in height, composed of dark, lava- 
like trap or red scoria, the interval between them forming a 
nearly level lava plain, a kind of congealed sea, of whicli the 
surface was e^^erywhere roughened by waves, cooled while How- 
ing; their crests black and ragged, the troughs containing a 
little ash-like soil, which supported a tangled growth of sage 
manzanita. At numerous points of this lava plain we passed 
miniature volcanic vents or chimneys, which had evidently 
been formed by the bursting out of steam or gases from below; 
and, in more than one instance, we noticed subterranean gal- 
leries or caverns having a diameter of fifteen or twenty feet, an 
irregularly circular section, and extending indefinitely in either 
direction. The chimneys to which I have referred probably 
communicated with these passages. Near Wright Lake occurs 
a conical mountain of trap rock, which rises to a height of 
perhaps fifteen hundred feet from the plain on which it stands. 
The south shore of this lake is bordered by a mountain range 
of nearly equal altitude, which has here a course jjearly east 
and west, curving round toward the north. Its western extrem- 
ity terminates in bold headland on the shore of Ehett Lake, 
and is connected by a low ridge with similar hills lying north 
of these lakes. This connecting ridge forms the barrier 
between Hhett and Wright Lakes, is composed exclusively of 
trap, and bears on it a conical hill of blood-red scoria, which 
has evidently, at no distant day, formed a volcanic vent. On 
the eastern shore of the lake is a conical hill, considerably 
removed from the cliffs referred to, but having apparently the 
same structure. Following the boundary line with its initial 
point on the twelfth mile, we reach the high divide of moun- 
tains overlooking Goose Lake, wdiich, almost at our feet, bears 
off some twenty miles to the north and south, with fertile bot- 
tom lands on its east side. On the west side steep ridges put 
down bluff to the water's edge. Still further, the country is 
covered with juniper timber. In the distant horizon, Hhett 
or Tule Lake is l)arely discernible. Much nearer to the south- 
west is Wright or (Jlear Lake. To the southward the country 



552 TROUBLE WITH THE WESTERN INDIANS. 

is streaked with sparse timber, and presents a more broken and 
mountainous appearance. To the west southwest the great 
Shasta Butte towers w^th its bi-capped -peak, whitened with 
eternal snows. Passing west from Goose Lake, a measured 
distance of forty-four miles, the country is timbered and cov- 
ered with masses of broken and loose rocks, cut in various 
directions by deep ravines, through which it would not be pos- 
sible to operate with cavalry. The remains of many old Indian 
fortifications are to be found in this district, in the erection 
and location of which much skill and judgment would appear 
to have been manifested. This region is well watered, and 
there are also numerous small patches of meadows, a few acres 
in extent, covered with luxuriant grass. Here large numbers 
of deer abound, also brown and grizzly bears, and numbers of 
'jackass rabbits.' In tlie lakes and streams are to be found an 
abundance of fish." 

In the following May, Boston Charley gave himself up and 
volunteered to guide the troops to Captain Jack's stronghold. 
This led to the capture of Captain Jack and his whole band, a 
number of whom, while being transported in wagons to head- 
quarters were murdered by Oregon volunteers. These Indians 
were held as prisoners until July, when their trial took place, 
which resulted in the conviction of Captain Jack, Schonchin, 
Boston Charley, Hooker Jim, Broncho, alias One-Eyed Jim, and 
Slotuck, who were sentenced to be hanged. The sentences were 
approved by the President (with the exception of Broncho and 
Slotuck, whose sentences were commuted to hard labor for life), 
and the guilty parties were duly executed at Fort Klamath, on 
the third of October, 1873. Thus ended the Modoc troubles. 
A good deal has been said against the execution of these Indi- 
ans by the clergy and religious press of the United States, but 
time and experience have shown that had they been shot at the 
first outbreak on the reservation, several valuable lives would 
have been saved, and a needless expenditure avoided. Ko band 
of Indians ever so richly merited extermination as the Modocs. 
Their depradations and treachery have resulted in a loss to tlie 
nation, in the untimely death of Gen. Canby and his associates, 
which cannot soon be forgotten. 



CHAPTER LXX. 

The Seminole War — Early Settlers of Florida and Georgia — 
Indian and Negro Slavery — Difficulties Among the Creeks — 
Sea Coffee's Band — Slaves Flee to Florida — Treaty with 
the Creeks. 

And now, in conclusion, let us notice briefly the principal 
features of the Seminole war, which, among the dark annals 
of Southern border warfare, is the only contest that deserves 
particular mention. This will carry us back many years. 

Florida was settled by the Spaniards, in 1558, who were the 
first of the American colonists to engage in the African slave 
trade. The Carolinas were settled about the year 1630, under 
charters which embraced a great portion of the territory of 
Florida. This boundary conflict between the Spanish settlers 
in Florida and the colonists of the Carolinas soon led to open 
hostilities. The Carolinians also held many slaves, among 
whom were many Indians who resided in the vicinity. When 
the boundaries of Florida and South Carolina had been estab- 
lished, "*the colonists found themselves separated by the 
territory now constituting the State of Georgia," which at this 
early day was principally occupied by the Creek Indians. 

The Indian slaves belonging to the Carolinians soon became 
tired of the restraints of bondage, and escaped into the country 
of the Creeks. Their example was soon followed by the Afri- 
can slaves, who also fled into Georgia, and thence witli the 
Indian fugitives to the Spanish State of Florida, where they 
soon became a separate community, protected by Spanish laws. 
In 1736 the numbers of this community were greatly increased 
by the large desertions from the Carolinas, and many of them 
were formed into companies, and relied on by the Floridians as 
allies to aid in the defense of that Territory. Fostered by 

* The Exiles of Florida. 

(553) 



554 STKUOOLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

recognition and protection from the Florida Spaniards, these 
exiles soon increased in numbers and strength, and became 
formidable enemies to their former masters. 

In 1738, the Colonial Governor of South Carolina sent a 
messenger to the Governor of St. Augustine, with a demand 
for the return of the fugitive slaves in Florida, whicli was 
promptly rejected. This was the commencement of a long 
and bloody struggle between these colonies, which soon led to 
the establishment of the colony of Georgia. It was thought 
that this colony, being free, would afford the planters of Caro- 
lina protection against the further escape of their slaves from 
service. These exiles were called by the Creek Indians, 
" Scminoles," the same name that was afterwards given to a 
very strong band of their own nation. The name, in Indian, 
signifies " Eunaways." 

Georgia had not been established a decade when she became 
a slave-holding colony, bringing the slaves of her planters, 
both Africans and Indians, into the very neighborhood of the 
exiles, who had long been free under Spanish laws. In 1750, 
a difficulty arose among the Creek Indians, " which eventually 
becoming irreconcilable, a chief named Sea Coffee, with a large 
number of followers, left that tribe — at that time residing 
within the present limits of Georgia and Alabama — and con- 
tinuing their journey south, entered the Territory of Florida, 
and, under the Spanish colony policy, were incorporated with 
the Spanish population, entitled to lands wherever they could 
find them unoccupied, and to the protection of Spanish laws." 
From that day Sea Coffee and his numerous followers refused 
to acknowledge Ci-eek authority, or be represented in Creek 
councils. They elected their own chiefs, and in all respects 
became a separate tribe, embracing the Michansukies, with 
whom they united, " They settled in the vicinity of the exiles, 
associated with them, and a mutual sympathy and respect 
existing, some of their people intermarried, thereby strength- 
ening the ties of friendshijD, and the Indians having fled from 
oppression, and taken refuge under Spanish laws, were also 
illed the Seminoles, c 

* The Exiles of Florida. 



OR, 'IIIK IJOKDKU \VAK"S OK TWO CKNTUltlKS. 555 

From the time that Georgia became a shive-hoklin<j^ colonj 
to tlie commencement of the Revohitionary War, parties of 
slaves in Georgia and in South Carolina were constantly leav 
ing their masters and joining the Seminoles in Florida. This 
practice was largely increased by the movements of a strong 
faction in Georgia opposed to slavery, and led to tlie exercise 
of the* greatest severity over, and suffering among, the slaves. 
However, the Seminoles enjoyed their liberty among the Span 
iards until after the War of the Revolution, many of them 
becoming rich in flocks and herds. At the close of this war 
the authorities of Georgia began negotiations with the Creeks 
for the return of their fugitive slaves, which soon led to hos- 
tilities, and a long series of complications between the Federal 
government and the local government in Georgia. 

On the first of August, 1790, President Washington, through 
the Secretary of War, Gen. Knox, effected a treaty with the 
Creeks, who were represented by all their chiefs and principal 
men of their tribe in New York. The tiiird article of the 
treaty stipulated that: "The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon 
as practicable, to the commanding officer of the troops of the 
United States stationed at Rock Landing, on the Oconee river, 
all citizens of the United States, white inhabitants or negroes, 
who are now prisoners in any part of said nation; and if any 
such prisoners or negroes should not be so delivered, on or 
before the first day of June ensuing, the Governor of Georgia 
may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in 
order to claim and receive such prisoners and negroes." 
Although the Seminoles were not represented in this council, 
and were in no way parties to this treaty, the Creeks proceeded 
to act for them, and to bind them to deliver their prisoners 
and negroes, or themselves, up to their former persecutors. It 
was a novel treaty for the fathers of our liberty to frame, and, 
as we shall see, produced one of the most horrid border wars 
that has ever been waged between the United States and the 
Indians. 



CHAPTEE LXXI. 

The Seminole War — Difficulties with the Creeks — Their Ina- 
BiLiTY to Return the Fugitive Slaves — Complaints of The 
Slaveholders of Georgia — The Georgians Invade Florida — 
Their Defeat — Cruelty to Settlers — The Second Invasion — 
More Suffering — British Interference and Occupation in 
Georgia and Florida — The Fort of the Exiles — The Fort 
Blown up — Great Destruction of Human Life — Commence- 
MENT op the First Seminole War. 

The Creeks soon found it impossible to keep the treaty 
which they had made. The Seminoles, of course, refused to 
recognize or be bound by it. Tliey claimed to be a separate, 
independent tribe, and declared that the attempt of the Creeks 
and the United States authorities to dictate what they should 
do, or should not do, was an insult to their dignity, and worthy 
only of their contempt. " The Creeks dared not attempt to 
bring back the exiles by force, and the government of the 
United States was unwilling to invade a Spanish colony for the 
purpose of recapturing those who had escaped the bonds of 
oppression and had become legally free." In 1792, when this 
unpleasant state of affairs existed, an agent by the name of 
Leagrone, was sent to Florida for the purpose of negotiating 
with the Spanish authorities for the return of the fugitive 
slaves. The same person had been agent to the Creeks, and he 
well understood their views in regard to the treaty. On reach- 
ing Florida, he found the authorities of that province entirely 
opposed to the surrender of any subjects of the Spanish crown 
to slavery. The Seminoles and the slaves who had become a 
part of their community, were regarded as holding the same 
rights which the white citizens of Florida held; but this was 
not all. The representatives of the King of Spain in Florida 
encouraged both the Seminoles and the exiles or fugitives to 
(556) ■ 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 557 

refuse compliance witli the treaty. Nor were the Creeks united 
ill support of the treaty. Those known as the " Lower Creeks," 
or those residing on the southern border of Georgia, were lialf 
inclined to join the Spaniards, and McGelllvray, their princi- 
pal chief, was already raising his voice against the United 
States. "This man," says Mr. Giddings, "exerted great 
influence with the Indians. He was the son of an Indian 
trader, a Scotchman, by a Creek woman, the daughter of a dis- 
tinguished chief. He had received a good English education; 
but his father had joined the English during the Kevolution, 
and he, having been offended by leading men of Georgia, had 
taken up his residence with the Indians, and became their prin- 
cipal chief, in whom they reposed implicit confidence." 

But the difficulty was not confined to the Indians and the 
United States. The people of Georgia were dissatisfied with 
the treaty, since it ceded some valuable portions of their land 
to the Indians, and they were loud in their expressions of con- 
tempt for the actions of the Federal government. The agent, 
Leagrone, writing from Georgia to the Secretary of War, uses 
these words: "To such lengths have matters gone, that they 
(the Georgians) now consider the troops and servants of the 
United States, who are placed among them, nearly as great 
enemies as they do the Indians." 

With this condition of afiairs, the Governor of Georgia 
raised and equipped a military force, invaded the Creeks, 
destroyed one of their principal villages, and killed several of 
their warriors. But notwithstanding, the Creeks were unable 
to return the fugitive slaves; and in 1794, President Washing- 
ton, in a special message to Congress, announced the failure of 
all efforts to maintain peace between the people of Georgia and 
the Creek Indians. 

It will be observed that the slaveholders of Georgia had 
sustained considerable loss by the escape of their slaves to the 
Seminole community in Florida; and now that the United 
States government had failed to secure the return of these fugi- 
tives by treaty. Congress was called upon to make an appropri- 
ation out of the public treasury, to pacify these much-abused 
slaveholders, but that body was already beginning to see the 



658 STRUGGLES WFIH TUP: SEMINOLES: 

evils of slavery, and wisely refused to make the desired appro- 
priation. 

It would seem that the Semiiioles had taken the fugitive 
slaves under their immediate protection, and being themselves, 
at enmity with the Creeks, from whom they had separated, 
they were firm in their determination to promote the liberty 
which both they and their brothers, the exiles, were enjoying 
under the Spanish laws. From this time until IS 11, the fugi- 
tives remained secure with their friends the Seminoles in 
Florida, although the people and government of Georgia exer- 
cised constant effort to effect their return to bondage. In the 
last mentioned year a law was passed by Congress, in secret 
session, and approved by the President, for taking possession 
of Florida. 

But the movements of the federal government were too slow 
to satisfy the Georgians. " In 1812," says Mr. Giddings, " the 
Executive of Georgia, apparently entertaining the idea that his 
State was competent to declare war and make peace, raised an 
army, which, under the command of the Adjutant-General, 
entered Florida with the avowed intention of exterminating 
the Seminoles who had so long refused to surrender the exiles; 
while the real object was the recapture and re-enslavement of 
the refugees. The Creeks of the Lower Town, howevei-, took 
sides with the Seminoles, in opposing this piratical foray of 
slave-catchers. The army having penetrated a hundred miles 
or more into Florida, found itself surrounded with hostile sav- 
ages. Their supplies were cut off; the men, reduced almost to 
a state of starvation, were compelled to retrace their steps, and, 
with great loss, the survivors reached Georgia. But they 
robbed those Spanish inhabitants who fell in their way, of all 
their provisions, and left them to suffer for the want of food. 
Nor were the Georgians satisfied witli taking such provisions 
as were necessary to support life; they also took with them a 
large number of slaves, owned by Spanish masters, with whom 
they resided." 

Not long after this the Legislature of Georgia, impatient 
with the inactivity of the Federal government, passed an act 
for raising a force " to reduce St. Augustine, and punish the 



OK, TIIK BOKDKK WARS OF TWO CKNTURIKS. 559 

Indians." Another army of hunters, trappers, vagabonds and 
men of desperate fortunes, was raised; numbering five liun- 
dred, and Florida was again invaded. This expedition was 
more successful than the first. Several small Seminole towns 
were burned; corn-fields were destroyed, and large lierds of 
cattle were* captured. However, none of the exiles were 
captured. This state of warfare was continued until 1813, 
when Georgia, being unable to obtain any of her fugitive 
slaves, gave up the contest. These transactions in the South 
excited very little attention at the National Capital, on account 
of the deeper interest felt in the issues of the War of 1812, 
which, as we have seen, was then raging. But if the Ameri- 
can Congress failed to bestow proper attention upon the pend- 
ing Seminole War, the British were not wanting in their regard 
for its possible advantages. In 1814, a hostile fleet under 
Lord Cochran, entered Chesapeake Bay. This British com- 
mander issued a proclamation, inviting all persons, including 
slaves, who desired to leave the United States, to go on board 
his Britannic Majesty's ships of war. The proclamation 
offered them homes in either of the British West India Islands. 
This act created great alarm in Georgia and even in the 
Carolinas. 

About the same time two British sloops-of-war and a num- 
ber of smaller vessels, suddenly appeared in Appalachicola Bay, 
w^ien a body of British troops was landed under Lieut.-Col. 
Nichols, with the avowed intention of protecting the exiles 
and tlie Seminoles. This officer wasted no time in furnishing 
them with arms and ammunition, which they gladly accepted, 
and, at his call, fell into the ranks of his army in great num- 
bers. In November, he built a strong fort on the east side of 
the Appalachicola river, about thirty miles above its mouth. 
This fort came into the hands of the Seminoles and fugitive 
slaves in the spring of 1815, when the British withdrew from 
the South, and was afterwards known as the "Negro Fort." 
In the same year, a part of the American army under the 
immediate command of Gen. Gaines, was sent to the Georgian 
frontiers to maintain peace between the slaveholders and the 
Indians, and the " Negro Fort," as well as the fugitives and 



560 STRUGGLES WITH THE SKMINOLES: 

Seininoles who garrisoned it, soon became an object of con- 
quest. On the sixteenth of May, 1816, Gen. Jackson wrote 
Gen. Gaines, saying: "I have little doubt of the fact that 
this fort has been established by some villains for the purpose 
of rapine and plunder, and that it ought to be blown up 
regardless of the ground on which it stands; and if your mind 
should have the same conclusion, destroy it and return the 
stolen negroes and property to their rightful owners." 

The receipt of this order was all that Gen. Gaines waited for. 
He immediately despatched Col. Clinch, of the regular troops, 
and five hundred friendly Creeks, under their favorite chief 
Mcintosh, with two pieces of artillery, to blow up the "Negro 
Fort." A naval force was sent to co-operate with Col. Clinch, 
and on the morning of the twenty-seventh of July, it anchored 
in the river opposite the fort. The land force had approached 
to within a few hundred yards of the fort three days before, 
and erected a battery from which a heavy cannonade was con- 
stantly kept up, and now, joined by the guns of the naval 
re-enforcements shot and shells were poured in upon the poor 
exiles — men, women and children, to the number of three hun- 
dred — murdering them without mercy. There were also about 
forty Seminole Indians in the fort. 

In speaking of this siege, Mr. Giddings, in his valuable little 
book, says: "Mothers and children now shrieked with terror, 
as the roar of the cannon, the whistling of balls, the explosion 
of shells, the war-whoops of the savages, the groans of the 
wou7ided and dying, foretold the sad fate which awaited them. 
The stout-hearted old men cheered and encouraged their friends, 
declaring that death was to be j^referred to slavery. The 
struggle, however, was not protracted. The cannon balls not 
taking effect upon the embankments of earth, they prepared 
their furnaces and commenced the iire of hot shot, directed at 
the principal magazine. This mode proved more successful. 
A ball, fully heated, reached the powder in the magazine. The 
small size of the fort, and the great number of people in it, 
rendered the explosion unusually fatal. Many were entirely 
buried in the ruins, others were killed by falling timbers, while 
many bodies were torn in pieces. Limbs were separated from 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 561 

the bodies to wliicli tliey liad been attached, and death in all its 
horrid forms was visible within the doomed fortress. Of three 
hundred and thirty-four souls within the fort, two hundred and 
seventy were instantly killed, while of the sixty who remained, 
only three escaped without injury. Two of the survivors — one 
negro and one Indian — were selected as supposed chiefs of the 
allied forces within the fort. They were delivered over to the 
Indians who accompanied Col. Clinch, and were massacred 
within the fort, in presence of our troops; but no report or 
record shows the extent of torture to which tliey were sub- 
jected." Those who survived their wounds, were taken back 
to Georgia and re-enslaved — a fate but little better than that 
of those who had perished in the ruins of the fort. The prop- 
erty captured by the military in this campaign, amounted in 
value to over two hundred thousand dollars. 



CHAPTEE LXXII. 

The First Seminole War — Massacre op Lieutenant Scott — 
Jackson's Army Invades Florida, and Burns Seminole Towns — 
Peace — Purchasing Slaves From Indians With Whisky — A 
Movement to Remove the Seminoles West of the Mississippi — 
Osceola, His Wife, Her Fate, and His Revenge — The Massa- 
cre AT Fort King — Louis, the Guide — Terrible Massacre at 
the Great Wahoo Swamp. 

The massacre of exiles and Seminoles at the " Negro Fort " 
led to the first formidable Seminole war, in which the surviving 
fugitives joined. Early in the spring and summer of 1837, 
Gen. Gaines's scouts brought in the intelligence that the Sem- 
inoles and exiles were preparing for the contest, they having 
purchased arms and ammunition from the Spanish and British 
mei'chants, and being then undergoing the necessary drill. 
Gen. Gaines also began active preparations. Thus matters 
continued until November, when' a boat belonging to the 
United States was ascending the Appalachicola river with sup- 
plies for Fort Scott, " under the escort of a Lieutenant and 
forty men, in company with a number of women and children." 
As soon as the fugitives and Seminoles became aware of the 
approach of the convoy, they raised a band of wai-riors for the 
purpose of revenging the death of their relations who perished 
at the fort-massacre. The party proceeded to the river, and 
drawing this convoy into an ambuscade, massacred Lieut. Scott 
and all his men but six, and all the children, and all the women 
but one. The woman was carried to Suwanee a prisoner, and 
the six soldiers escaped. Forgetting the fort-massacre, where 
so many fugitives and Seminoles were needlessly destroyed by 
the United States troops, the American government, press and 
people, denounced the Massacre of Lieut. Scott's party as 
wholly unprovoked. Gen. Gaines was now ordered to carry 
(562) 



OR, T]IE BORDKK WAFiS OF 'HVO ("KNTU KIKf^. 563 

an offensive war into Florida for the purpose of [)unisliiri<r the 
Seminoles, and Gen. Jackson was sent to the field in person, 
with power to call on the States of Tennessee and Georgia for 
such militia as he might deem necessary for the due prosecu- 
tion of the war. On entering the field he called on the State 
of Tennessee for two thousand troops. He also organized a 
very strong force of Georgia vohmteers. The Creek Indians, 
under their favorite leader, Mcintosh, also joined Jackson's 
force in large numbers. With this army he moved npon the 
Negro and Seminole towns near Lake Mickasukie, defeating 
the allied forces, burning about three hundred dwellings, and 
capturing a considerable supply of provisions. 

The American army, under Gen. Jackson, moved on to St. 
Marks, a Spanish fort situated on the river of that name. 
While Jackson was capturing this fort, the fugitives and Sem- 
inoles concentrated at the " Old Town " of " Suwanee," where 
they prepared to meet the Ameri(;ans in battle. In due time 
Jackson approaclied, and after a severe battle, in which the 
negroes lost many dead upon the field, the allied forces were 
again defeated. The Americans entered the villages and 
burned all the dwellings for several miles on either hand. 
They also captured three hundred women and children, while 
those belonging to the fugitive negroes had been prudently 
removed beyond reach of the invading army. 

After this battle Gen. Jackson, being unable to follow the 
exiles and Seminoles into the Southern portions of Florida, 
withdrew with his army to St. Mark's, where the trial and exe- 
cution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, which has been celebrated 
in history, took place. Soon after this event Jackson declared 
the war at an end, and withdrew from the field to his home in 
Nashville. 

Thus the fugitive negroes, although badly defeated in battle, 
were still at liberty, and the vast expenditure of blood and 
treasure on the part of the United States was unavailing in the 
effort to re-enslave them. This led to many new desertions in 
Georgia, and as a consequence of the latter, revived the dispo- 
sition of the Georgian slave-masters to put an end to Spanish 
rule in Florida. The purchase of Florida now became the all- 



664 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

absorbing theme, and in Februry, 18 19^ a treaty was negotiated, 
and in consideration of five millions of dollars, Florida was 
transferred to the United States, and the Seminoles and fngi- 
tive negroes were brought within the jurisdiction of the United 
States. 

The policy of removing the Seminoles west of the Missis- 
sippi was now introduced, and every means adopted to effect 
their removal. Meantime, slave-catching parties invaded Flor- 
ida and carried off many of the fugitives into bondage. Not 
long previous to the second Seminole war the practice of pur- 
chasing these fugitives from their friends, the Seminoles, 
was protected by the anthorities, which gave rise to inde- 
scribable cruelties. The purchase was generally made with 
whisky and false promises, and the cruelty with which the 
betrayed negroes were treated, was truly shocking. This 
state of things became so notoriously wicked that orders were 
at length issued to suppress the practice. 

Meanwhile the representatives of the United States govern- 
ment had effected a treaty with the Seminoles, in which they 
were made, through the influence of intoxicating liquors and 
bribery, to consent to remove west of the Mississippi, and 
before the treaty was ratified by the Senate, or approved by 
the Seminole nation, the President issued an order to the mili- 
tary for their immediate removal. As soon as the Seminole 
chiefs recovered from the influences which had been brought 
to bear upon them at the council, they denied having made 
such a treaty, and refused to remove from the reservations 
which had been assigned to them by former treaties. This led 
to the second Seminole war. The number of fugitive negroes 
in Florida at this time, including women and children, was 
about twelve or fourteen hundred. 

The Seminoles, who had previously maintained only a 
defensive war, were now excited to fury, and cruel depredations 
followed. " A young and gallant warrior," says Mr. Giddings, 
" named Osceola, was the principal actor in one of these scenes. 
He was the son of an Indian trader, a white man named 
Powell. His mother was the daughter of a Seminole cliief. 
He had recently married a woman said to have been beautiful. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OK TWO CiCNTH KI KS. 5()5 

She was the daughter of a chief wlio liad married one of the 
exiles; but as all colored people, by slave-holding laws, are said 
to follow the condition of the mother, she was called an Afri- 
can slave. Osceola was prond of his ancestry. He hated 
slavery, and those who practiced the holding of slaves, with a 
bitterness that is but little understood by those who liave never 
witnessed its revolting crimes. He visited Fort King in com- 
pany with his wife and a few friends, for the purpose of trading. 
Mr. Thompson, the agent, was present, and while engaged in 
business, the wife of Osceola was seized as a slave. Evidently 
having negro blood in her veins, the law pronounced her a 
slave; and as no other person could sliow title to her, the pirate 
who had got possession of her body, was supposed, of course, 
to be her owner. Osceola became frantic with rage, but was 
instantly siezed and placed in irons, while his wife was hurried 
aM-ay to slave-holding pollution. He remained six days in 
irons, when, Gen. Thompson says, he became penitent, and 
was released. From the moment when this outrage was com- 
mitted, the Florida War commenced. Osceola swore vengeance 
upon Thompson and those who assisted in the perpetration of 
this indignity upon himself, as well as upon his wife, and upon 
our common humanity. * * * Other Indians and exiles 
were preparing for other important operations; but Osceola 
seemed intent, his whole soul was absorbed, in devising some 
plan by which he could safely reach Mr. Thompson, who was 
the object of his vengeance. He, or some of his friends, kept 
constant watch on the movements of Thompson, who was 
unconscious of the danger to which he was exposed. Osceola, 
steady to his purpose, refused to be diverted from his favorite 
object. Thompson was at Fort King, and there were but few 
troops to protect that fortress. But Indians seldom attempt 
an escalade, and Osceola sought an opportunity to take it by 
surprise. With some twenty followers he lay secreted near the 
fort for days and weeks, determined to find some opportunity 
to enter by the open gate when the troops should be off their 
guard. On the twenty-eighth, in the afternoon, as he and 
his followers lay near the road leading from the fort to the 
house of the sutler, which was nearly a mile distant, they saw 



566 • STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

Mr. Thompson and a friend approaching. At a signal given 
by Osceola, the Indians fired. Thompson fell, pierced by four- 
teen bullets; Smith received about as many. The shrill war 
whoop followed the sound of the rifles, and alarmed the people 
at the fort. The Indians immediately scalped their victims, 
and then hastened to the house, where Mr. Rogers, the sutler, 
and two clerks were at dinner. These three persons were 
immediately massacred and scalped. The Indians took as many 
valuable goods as they could carry, and set fire to the build- 
ing." Osceola and his companions escaped, quite satisfied 
with the vengeance they had wrought, but still not compensated 
for the enslavement of Osceola's wife. 

At this point, I have to present to the reader the name of 
Louis, that intelligent slave who became so conspicuous in this 
contest. Major Dade had been ordered to march with his com- 
mand to Fort King. The distance to be traveled was about 
one hundred and thirty miles, through an unsettled forest, 
" much diversified with swamps, lakes and hammocks." No 
white person could be found who w'as able to guide the com- 
mand over the route. On making inquiry for a suitable guide, 
the attention of Major Dade was directed to Louis, the slave 
of a respectable Spanish settler, who resided near Fort Brook. 
Louis was recommended by his master as a faithful, trustworthy 
man, and was engaged to guide the party over the dangerous 
wastes. 

Louis thought the matter over long and carefully. He did 
not wish to betray his new master, yet he felt deep sympa- 
thy for the exiles, and did not wish them to be re-enslaved, and 
with that faith which has enabled many a slave to foresee his 
freedom, he believed that the hour had come for him to strike 
an important blow. He called some of his most trustworthy 
friends together and informed them that Major Dade, with his 
troops, would leave Fort Brook about the twenty-fifth of 
December, for Fort King, and that he was to act as their guide; 
that he would lead them by way of the Great Wahoo Swamp, 
and ])ointed out the proper place for an attack. This informa- 
tion was soon communicated to the exiles and the Seminoles, 
and preparations were at once commenced among them for 



OK, THE BORDEK WARS OF TWO CKNTUKII'iS. oOT 

meeting the troops at the point designated. Thither marched 
a large force determined on striking a fatal hlow upon the 
approaching soldiers. On the twenty-seventh of Deceml:»er, 
Dade's command had reached a point within three miles of the 
Great Wahoo Swamp, where the battle was to be fought. 

Mr. Giddings gives a very pleasing account of this contest 
in his noted little book on the " Exiles of Florida," in these 
words: " At early dawn, the men were paraded, the roll called 
and the order regulating the day's march given. They were 
then dismissed for breakfast, and at eight o'clock resumed their 
march, and proceeded on their way in the full expectation of 
reaching their destination on the evening of that day. But 
an insidious foe had been equally vigilant. They had left tlieir 
island encampment, with the first light of the morning, and 
each had taken his position along the trail in which the troops 
were expected to march. Some thirty or forty yards dis- 
tant each man was hidden behind a tree, which was to be his 
fortress during the expected action. A few rods on the other 
side of the trail, lay a pond of water, whose placid surface 
reflected the glittering rays of the morning sun. All was 
peaceful and quiet as the breath of summer. Unsuspicious of 
the hidden death which beset their pathway, the troops entered 
this defile, and passed along until their rear had come within 
the range of the enemy's rifles, when, at a given signal, each 
warrior fired while his victim was in full view and unpro- 
tected. One-half of that ill-fated band, including the gallant 
Bade, fell at the first fire. The remainder were thrown into 
disorder. The officers endeavored to rally their men into line, 
but their enemy was unseen, and ere they could return an 
effective shot, a second discharge from the hidden foe, laid one- 
half their remaining force prostrate in death. The survivors 
retreated a short distance towards their encampment of the 
previous night, and while most of the exiles and Indians were 
engaged in scalping the dead and tomahawking those who were 
disabled, they formed a hasty breastwork of logs for their 
defense. They were, however, soon invested by the enemy, 
and the few who had taken shelter behind their rude defenses, 
were overcome and massacred by the exiles, who conversed 



568 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

with them in English, and dispatched them. Only two indi- 
viduals besides Louis the guide made their escape. Their 
gallant commander, his officers and soldiers, whose hearts had 
beat high with expectation in the morning, at evening lay pros- 
trate in death; and as the sable victors relaxed from their 
bloody work, they congratulated each other on having revenged 
the death of those who, twenty years previously, had fallen at the 
massacre of Blount's* Fort. The loss of the allied forces was 
three killed and five wounded. After burying their own dead, 
they retired to the island in the swamp, long before nightfall. To 
this point they brought the spoils of victory, which were 
deemed important for carrying on the war. Night had scarcely 
closed around them, however, when Osceola and his followers 
arrived from Fort King, bringing intelligence of the death of 
Thompson and Lieut. Smith, together with the sutler and his 
two clerks. There, too, was Louis, the guide to Dade's com- 
mand. He was now free! He engaged in conversation with 
his sable friends. Well knowing the time and place at which 
the attack was to be made, he had professed a necessity for 
stopping by the wayside before entering the defile, thus sepa-' 
rating himself ft-om the troops and from danger. As soon as 
the first fire showed him the precise position of his friends, he 
joined them, and, swearing eternal hostility to all who enslaved 
their fellow-men, lent his own eflfbrts in carrying forward the 
work of death, until the last individual of that doomed regi- 
ment sank beneath their tomahawks. The massacre of the 
unfortunate Dade and his companions, and the murder of 
Thompson and his friends at Fort King, occurred on the same 
day, and constituted the opening scenes of the second Semi- 
nole war." 

* Previously spoken of as the " Negro Fort." 



CHAPTER LXXIII. 

The Second Seminole War — The Battle of the Witiilacoochee — 
Bravery of Osceola — The Seminoles and Negroes Defeated — 
General Gaines's Fruitless Cajipaign — Osceola Attacks Micon 
OPY — Heii-man's Gallant Defense — The Battle Between 
Peakce and Osceola — Several Severe Battles — The Semi- 
noles Hard to Conquer. 

These massacres fully inaugurated the second Seminole war 
Gen. Clinch, with two thousand regulars and four hundred 
Florida volunteers, under Gen, Call, advanced into Florida, and 
were met at the "Withlocoochee by one hundred and fifty 
Seminoles and fifty exiles under Osceola and Halpatter- 
Tustenuggee, where a deadly battle ensued on the thirtieth of 
December. " As Osceola," says Giddings, " now, for the first 
time, engaged in battle, he felt anxious to distinguisli himself 
by his intrepidity. His voice was heard on every part of the 
field, urging on his troops to deeds of daring. Undaunted by 
the shrill war whoop and the constant report of Indian rifles, 
and the whistling balls around him. Gen. Clinch charged his 
enemy. The allies fell back, and he continually advanced until 
he drove them from the thick hommock into the open forest. 
The gallant general coolly passed along the lines during the 
action, encouraging his men, and stimulating them to effort by 
his presence and bravery. A ball passed through his cap, and 
another through the sleeve of his coat, to which he paid no 
attention, but continued to encourage his men." 

But the exiles were not wanting in bravery. They fought 
with desperation, and their aim was fatal. Eight of the reg- 
ular troops were killed, and forty wounded, of whom more 
than one-third died of their wounds. Several officers were also 
wounded. The loss of the allied forces were two negroes and 
(569) 



570 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

one Indian killed, and three negroes and two Indians wounded. 
The allies drew oiF, leaving Gen. Clinch in possession of the 
field. 

In January, 1836, Maj.-Gen. Scott was ordered to the field 
as Commanding General of the array in Florida, with authority 
to call on the Governors of South Carolina, Georgia, and Ala- 
bama for necessary troops. Gen. Eustis, commanding at 
Charleston, South Carolina, was directed to repair at once to 
Florida with the forces stationed in that city and Savannah, 
and with such volunteers as he might require. On the tenth 
of January Gen. Gaines arrived in Florida from New 
Orleans with a brigade of eleven hundred men ; and in a few 
days, while attempting to cross the Witlilacoochee, encountered 
the allied forces to a considerable number under " Ino," and 
Osceola. Being driven from the river, and being unable to 
retreat. Gen. Gaines dispatched a messenger to Gen. Clinch, 
who was at Fort Drane, directing that officer as soon as pos- 
pible to his relief with such troops as he could at the moment 
bring with him, and retired with his forces into a pine barren 
half a mile from the river, where he threw up a breastwork of 
logs for the protection of his men, and awaited assistance. 
The allies invested his camp for three days, when, seeing Gen. 
Clinch's forces approaching, they dispersed and fled. 

Osceola, after the massacre of Thompson and others at Fort 
King, had become very influential among the Seminoles, and 
his bravery in the several battles in which he had been engaged 
added much to his good name among the allies. He had been 
raised to the dignity of a chief, and " he now conceived and 
executed one of the boldest movements ever made by savages 
against a fortified post manned by regular troops." On the 
ninth of June, with three hundred warriors, about one-quarter 
of whom were negroes, he attacked the fort at Micanopy, 
which was then defended by a garrison of soldiers equal in 
numbers to his own force. The fort was under the command 
of Major Ileilman. " The assault," says Mr. Giddings, " was 
maintained with determined obstinacy for an hour and a half, 
the assailants boldly facing the artillery which was brought to 



OR, THE BOKDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 571 

bear upon them, aud when thej left the scene of action, they 
carried away their dead and wounded." 

A short time previous to this battle, Gen, Scott was with 
drawn from the held and Gen. Jessup appointed to his place. 
The latter had successfully effected the removal of the Creeks 
from Georgia to their reservation in the West, and it was 
hoped bj the government, that he would induce the Seniinoles 
to remove there also. 

On the twelfth of August, Major Pearce, being in command 
at Micanopy, left that jilace with one piece of artillery and one 
hundred and ten regular troops, for the purpose of attacking 
the allies at Fort Drane. In due time he reached this post, 
where he met Osceola with about one hundred followers, ready 
to meet him and give him battle. After an engagement of an 
hour and a quarter. Major Pearce was compelled to fall back, 
and Osceola, being unwilling to pursue him, he retreated to 
Micanopy with a loss of one killed and sixteen wounded. 

"But the Indians and exiles," says Mr. Giddings, "now 
found themselves almost daily threatened in their own fast- 
nesses. Along the Withlacoochee were many small villages 
and plantations occupied almost exclusively by exiles. Large 
crops of corn and other vegetables had been raised there 
during the season, and it was known that stores of provisions 
were located u]3on various islands surrounded by the swamps 
lying along that river, and in the great morass called the 
' Wahoo Swamp;' while it was equally known that many 
families of the exiles were residing in that vicinity. It was 
therefore deemed important to destroy those villages and 
obtain the supplies which they contained. Gen. Armstrong, 
with live hundred mounted men, while marching toward these 
villages on the fourteenth of November, encountered a strong 
force consisting of Indians and exiles. The conflict was 
spirited. In forty minutes, eleven of Armstrong's men fell 
before the deadly aim of the allies. He, however, drove them 
from the field, but they took with them their dead and wounded. 
This fact with savages is regarded the only test of success in 
battle; they never acknowledge defeat while they hold posses- 
sion of their dead and wounded. But the time drew near 



572 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

when they were constrained to acknowledge a defeat. On the 
eighteenth of November, a regiment of Tennesseeans, consist- 
ing of about five hundred, encountered a body of the enemy 
whose numbers are not given by any otiicer or historian 
whom we have consulted. They were posted in a hommock. 
The Tennesseeans were the assailing party. The battle con- 
tinued more than two hours, when the allies fled, leaving upon 
the field twenty-five Indians and Africans slain in battle; while 
the loss of the assailants was still larger. Tliis was the best 
contested battle which occurred during the campaign of 1836, 
and the first in which the allies left their dead in possession of 
our troops. This defeat appears to have tauglit the allies to be 
cautious, and stimulated a desire to wipe out the impression 
which their defeat was calculated to make upon the public 
mind. Gen. Call having formed a junction with Maj. Pearce 
of the regular service, with nearly three hundred regular 
troops under his command, making in all more than one thou- 
sand men, entered the Great Wahoo Swamp on the twenty- 
first of November. Their intention was to obtain the provisions 
supposed to be deposited in the villages situated upon the 
islands in that extensive morass. But they were attacked soon 
after entering the swamp. The fire at first was principally 
concentrated upon the Creek Indians, the mercenary troops 
employed by Gen. Jessup. Major Pearce hastened to their 
relief. The fire then became general. The men were in a 
swamp which was nearly covered with water, and much of it 
with a thick underbrush. After maintaining the battle for a 
time, the Indians fell back, crossed the river and formed 
upon its bank, each man protected by a log or tree. The river 
was turbid and appeared difiicult to pass. As our troops 
approached it, the fire upon them was severe. Capt. Moniac, 
of the Creek warriors, was killed while examining the stream 
to ascertain if it could be forded. Others were wounded. The 
allied force appeared determined to make their final stand upon 
this stream. Behind them were their wives and children, their 
provisions, their homes and firesides. Gen. Call and his troops 
now obtained an opportunity of fighting the enemy; a privi- 
lege which he had long sought, though he embraced it under 



OR, THE BOKDKK WAKS OF TWO CENTURIES. 573 

disadvautageous circumstances. Our troops had great induce- 
ments to advance, but the dangers corresponded with the 
advantages to be gained. Gen. Call, however, concluded to 
withdraw; and after sustaining a heavy loss he retreated and 
left tlie allies in possession of the field. They very correctly, feel- 
ing that their success depended greatly upon the position they 
had taken, did not pursue Gen. Call, who, with his whole force, 
retired to Yolusi to recruit. His loss was fifteen killed and 
thirty wounded. It is certain that the allies manifested great 
skill in selecting their place of attack, and the position for their 
final stand. Tlieir success greatly encouraged them, and the 
gallantry displayed by the exiles served to increase their infiu- 
ence with the Indians. The Creek warriors had showTi 
tliemselves very efiicient in this expedition, but they suflered 
severely; and at no subsequent period did they maintain their 
former character as warriors. They had been greatly stimu- 
lated in this conflict with the expectation of capturing women 
and children, whom they expected to seize and sell as slaves. 
But so far as that object was concerned, their warriors who 
fell in this battle died iugloriously, and the result discouraged 
the survivors." 



CHAPTER LXXIV. 

Conclusion of the Second Seminole War — Several Battles — 
Gen. Jessup's Peace Policy — Hostilities Renewed — Slave- 
Catching Parties — The Seminoles and Exiles persuaded to go 
West — Efforts to Subject them to Creek Authority — Invaded 
BY THE Creeks — Emigration of the Exiles to Mexico. 

In December, 1836, Gen. Jessup entered the field in person. 
He had eight thousand troops well provided with all materials 
of war, which were, to a great extent, concentrated against the 
villages of the exiles on the Withlacoochee. He directed a 
battalion of mounted men, under Major Crawford, accom- 
panied bj two battalions of Creek Indians, to make a sudden 
descent upon them, but most of the settlers, being made aware 
of the approach of this force, made their escape to the swamps. 
Tlie troops, however, seized fifty-two women and children. 

The next eflEbrt, liowever, %vas directed by the allies against 
Fort Mellon, near Lake Monroe. The forces, two hundred and 
fifty strong, were commanded by " Wild Cat " and Lauis. 
The attack was made with great determination, and continued 
for three hours, but the assailants were driven back by superior 
numbers. They sustained no loss, however, while on the side 
of the Americans, Capt. Mellon was killed and several others 
mortally wounded. 

Soon after the allies were defeated at Ahapopka Lake, when 
chief Osuchee and three warriors and nine exiles were killed. 
All of their women and children were taken prisoners. " *A11 
the disposable forces under Gen. Jessup were now put into 
active employ. With the main body of the army he pene 
trated far into the Indian territory." At Tahopkaliga Lake 
he captured seven hundred head of cattle, which afforded sub- 

* Exiles of Florida. 

(574) 



OR, THE BORDEK WARS OF TWO CKNTUKIE.«. 575 

sistence for his army. Near the Cypress Swamp, the enemy 
was attacked and all his horses and baggage captured, witli 
twenty-five Indians and negroes, principally women and chil- 
dren. On the day after the battle, one of the prisoners was 
directed to return to the two principal chiefs, Abraham and 
Alligator, with a message of peace, desiring them to meet the 
commanding general in council. The chiefs complied, and 
visiting the general's camp, arrangements were entered into 
for holding a general council at Fort Dade, on the eighteenth 
of February. 

A successful excursion into the Indian country was also made 
by Lieut.-Col. Henderson, with a strong force of mounted 
men. He captured twenty-three negroes, young .and old ; over 
a hundred ponies, with packs on about fifty of them; together 
with all their clothes, blankets and other baggage. In this 
expedition his loss was two men killed and five wounded. 

Hoping to get the negro and Indian chiefs to assemble in 
council, Gen. Jessnp now ordered a cessation of hostilities, 
and on the sixth of March a few of their principal men assem- 
bled at Fort Dade, among whom were Halatoochie and Jumper. 
After much difiiculty a treaty M^as agreed upon, wherein it was 
stipulated that the Seminoles would go west of the Mississippi 
provided their allies, the fugitives, were allowed the same priv- 
ilege and guaranteed the same protection. " *Abraham now 
entered upon the work of inducing all his brethren, both Indi- 
ans and negroes to go to the Western country, where they 
could be free from persecutions. Those willing to emigrate 
were to assemble within a district of ten miles square, marked 
out for that purpose, near Tampa Bay. Many of the Indian 
chiefs visited that station; spoke encouragingly of the pros- 
pect; that the whole nation would emigrate at no distant day. 
Even Osceola, the most inveterate of all the Seminole chiefs, 
visited Fort Mellon, avowing his intention to emigrate; while 
Abraham made report of a like feeling among the exiles. 
Twenty-six vessels, employed to transport the emigrants to 
New Orleans, were anchored in Tampa Bay. Hundreds of 
Indians and negroes had reached the camp assigned to the 

* Gidding's Narrative. 



576 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES! 

emigrants, near ' Fort Brooke.' Their names were duly reg- 
istered; tliej drew their rations, and made every preparation 
to go West. Gen. Jessup announced the war at an end, dis- 
missed the militia and volunteers, and asked of the Department 
leave to retire from active duty." 

But no sooner had Gen. Jessup made this report, than new 
difficulties began to arise, which soon resulted in renewing hos- 
tilities. The slave interest was dissatisfied, and the people of 
Georgia and Florida demanded the return of their lost slaves, 
and seeing that the fugitives were not to be benefitted by the 
treaty, the Seminoles withdrew from Tampa Bay, and the 
exiles retired to their fastness. In renewing hostilities. Gen. 
Jessup appears to have fully determined on carrying out the 
designs of Gen. Jackson, in 1816, when he directed Gen. 
Gaines to " destroy the fort and return the slaves to their 
owners." From this time forward, says Mr. Giddings, he 
lent his energies, and the power of the army, to the object of 
capturing and returning slaves. He also changed his mode of 
prosecuting the war, and adopted a series of forays for the 
capture and enslavement of the exiles. In the previous year 
he had entered into a contract witli the Creek Indians, by 
which he stipulated to pay them a large pecuniary compensa- 
tion, and to allow them to hold all the plunder (negroes) whom 
they might capture, as jyrojperty. The same inducements were 
held ou^ ,to the militia. The Choctaws and Delawares also 
joined these slave-catching expeditions, while their more 
enlightened brethren, the Cherokees, refused to engage in hos- 
tilities towards the Seminoles, but offered to send a delegation 
of their people among them to advise them to emigrate west of 
the Mississippi. John Eoss, the half-breed, was at this time the 
principal chief of the Cherokee nation. But it will be impos- 
sible, with the limited space now left, to follow out this war of 
detail, on the one hand, or the negotiations of peace on the 
other. The war raged with fury until 1843, up to which time 
more than five hundred persons were seized and enslaved. To 
effect this, forty millions of dollars were supposed to have been 
expended. " *Eighty thousand dollars were paid from the 

* Giclding's Narrative. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 577 

public treasury for the enslavement of each person, and the 
lives of at least three white men were sacrificed to insure the 
enslavement of each black man. The deterioration of our 
national morality was beyond estimate, and the disgrace of our 
nation and government are matters incapable of computation. 
The suffering of the Indians and exiles, amidst such prolonged 
persecution, such loss of life and property, we cannot estimate. 
The friends and families who were separated, the number of 
those who were made wretched for life, the broken hearts, we 
will not attempt to enumerate. ISTearly one-half of the whole 
number were consigned to the moral death of slavery, and 
many to that physical death which was dreaded far less than 
slavery. After wandering in the wilderness thrice forty years, 
they fell under the oppression, the persecution, the power of a 
mighty nation, which boasts of its justice, its honor and love 
of liberty. We lament the sad fate of those who died in that 
struggle; but with deeper anguish, and far keener mortifica- 
tion, we deplore the unhappy lot of those who were doomed to 
drag out a miserable existence, amidst chains and wretchedness, 
surrounded by that moral darkness which hovers over the 
enslaved portion of our fellow-beings in the Southern States. " 

The i-esult of this war was, that the exiles, not re-enslaved 
by capture, were removed to the Cherokee lands west of the 
State of Arkansas. * " They had been removed from Florida 
at great expense of blood and treasure, but they wer^ yet free 
and the object of the administration had not been attained. 
Conscious of the designs of the Creeks, the Seminoles and 
exiles refused to trust themselves within Creek jurisdiction. 
They were tenants at will of the Cherokees, whose hospitality 
had furnished them ^vith a temporary home until the govern- 
ment should fulfill its treaty stipulations, in furnishing them a 
territory for their separate use." 

In this situation the exiles became dissatisfied, and hostil- 
ities being apprehended, a plan was set on foot to place them 
under Creek authority on the Creek reservation. Tliis nation 
had several years previously been removed to a reservation 
west of the Mississippi. 

* Giddincj's Narrative. 



578 STRUGGLES WITH THE SEMINOLES : 

The Creeks and Seminoles had been separated for nearly a 
century, and had lived under governments entirely independent 
of each other. But this is not all. They had, during this 
time, often been at war with each other, and the most deadly 
feuds had been engendered, and still existed among them 
" To unite them with the Creeks, and blot the name of ' Sem- 
inole ' from the page of their future history, in order to involve 
the exiles in slavery, had long been a cherished object with the 
administration of our government. It was now fondly hoped 
that that object would be accomplished without further diffi- 
culty. But at no period had the Seminole Indians regarded 
the exiles with greater favor than they did when remaining on 
the territory assigned to the Creeks. Although many of them 
had int^ermarried with the Seminoles, and half-breeds were now 
common among the Indians ; yet most of the descendants of 
the pioneers who fled from South Carolina and Georgia main- 
tained their identity of character, living by themselves, and 
maintaining the purity of the African race. They yet cher- 
ished this love of their own kindred and color; and when they 
removed on to the Creek lands, they settled in separate villages; 
and the Seminole Indians appeared generally to coincide with 
the exiles in the propriety of each maintaining their distinct- 
ive character. During the summer and autumn both Indians 
and exiles became residents within Creek jurisdiction; and 
the Executive seemed to regard the trust held under the 
assignment made at Indian Spring, twenty-four years pre- 
viously, as now fulfilled. Eegarding the Creeks as holding the 
'equitable or beneficial interest in the bodies of the exiles, under 
the assignment from their owners to the United States, and 
they being now brought under Creek jurisdiction, subject to 
Creek laws, the Executive felt that his obligations were dis- 
charged, and the whole matter left with the Creeks. This 
opinion appears also to have been entertained by the Creek 
Indians; for no sooner had the exiles and Seminoles located 
themselves within Creek jurisdiction, than the exiles were 
claimed as the legitimate slaves of the Creeks. To these 
demands the exiles and Seminoles replied, that the President, 
under the treaty of 1845, was bound to hear and determine all 



OR, THE BORDER WAF4S OF TWO CENTUKIKS. 570 

questions arising between tliem. The demands were, tlicie- 
fore, referred to the proper department for decision. But tin's 
sitting in judgment upon the heaven-endowed right of man 
to his liberty, seemed to involve more personal and moral 
responsibility than was desirable for the Executive to assume, 
and the claims remained undecided. The Creeks became impa- 
tient at delay; they were a slaveholding people, as well as tlieir 
more civilized but more infidel brethren, of the slave States. 
The exiles, living in their own villages in the enjoyment of 
perfect freedom, had already excited discontent among the 
slaves of the Creek and Choctaw tribes, and those of Arkansas. 
The Creeks appeared to feel that it had been far better for 
them to have kept the exiles in Florida, than to bring them to 
the Western country to live in freedom. Yet their claims 
under the treaty of 1845, thus far, appeared to have been dis- 
regarded by the President; they had been unable to obtain a 
decision on them; and they now threatened violence for the 
purpose of enslaving the exiles, unless their demands were 
peacefully conceded. The exiles, yet confident that the gov- 
ernment would fulfill its stipulations to protect them and their 
property, repaired in a body to Fort Gibson, and demanded 
protection of Gen. Arbuckle, the officer in command. He had 
no doubt of the obligation of the United States to lend them 
protection, according to the express language of the articles of 
capitulation entered into with Gen. Jessep, in March, 1837. 
He, therefore, directed the whole body of exiles to encamp 
and remain upon the lands reserved by the United States, near 
the fort, and under their exclusive jurisdiction, assuring them 
that no Creek would dare to set foot upon that reservation with 
intentions of violence towards any person. Accordingly the 
exiles, who yet remained free, now encamped around Fort 
Gibson, and were supported by rations dealt out from the 
public stores. Soon as he could ascertain all the facts. Gen. 
Arbuckle made report to the War Department relative to their 
situation, and the claims which they made to protection under 
the articles of capitulation, together with the rights which the 
Creeks set up to re-enslave them. This state of circumstances 
appears to have been unexpected by the Executive. Indeed, he 



580 STRUGGLES WITO THE SEmNOLES: 

appears from the commencement to have underrated the diffi- 
culties which beset the enslavement of a people who were 
determined upon the enjoyment of freedom ; he seems to have 
expected the negroes, when once placed within Creek jurisdic- 
tion, would have yielded without further eifort. But he was 
now placed in a position which constrained him either to repu- 
diate the pledged faith of the nation, or to protect the exiles 
tn their persons and property^ according to the solemn cove- 
nants which Gen. Jessup had entered into with them. Yet the 
President was disposed to make further efforts to avoid the 
responsibility of deciding the question before him. Gen. Jes- 
sup had entered into the articles of capitulation, and the 
President appeared to think he was competent to give construc- 
tion to them ; he therefore referred the subject to that officer, 
stating the circumstances, and demanding of him the substance 
of his undertaking in regard to the articles of capitulation 
with the Exiles." 

Gen. Jessup's reply was that his understanding of the treaty 
was that the Seminoles were to be separate from and independ- 
ent of the Creeks in every respect, and that the Seminole 
negroes were to be protected from slavery. This explanation 
prevented the Executive from handing the Seminoles over to 
the Creeks, and, for a time, all remained quiet. The prospect 
that the Seminole negroes were to enjoy j^eace in their new 
country, seemed very bright, until an individual, a slave-dealer, 
appeared among the Creeks, and offered to j)ay them one hun- 
dred dollars for each exile they would seize and deliver to him, 
he stipulating to take all risk of title. " This temptation," 
says Mr. Giddings, " was too great for the integrity of the 
Creeks, who were smarting under their disappointment, and 
the defeat of their long cherished schemes, of re-enslaving the 
exiles. Some two hundred Creek warriors collected together, 
armed themselves, and, making a sudden descent upon the 
exiles, seized such as they could lay their hands upon. The 
men and most of the women and children fled ; but those who 
had arms collected, and presenting themselves between their 
brethren and the Creeks who were pursuing them, prepared to 
defend themselves and friends. The Creeks, unwilling to 



OR, TIIE BORDER WARS OF TWO <!KNTUKIKS. 581 

encounter the danger wliicli tlireatened them, ceased from fur- 
ther pursuit, but, turning back, dragged their friglitciied 
victims, who had been already captured, to tlie Creek villages, 
and delivered them over to the slave-dealer, who paid them the 
stipulated price. The Seminole agent, learning the outrage, 
at once repaired to the nearest Judge in Arkansas, and obtained 
a writ of haleas corpus. The exiles were brought before him 
in obedience to the command of the writ, and a hearing was 
had. The agent showed the action of Gen. Jessup; the sanc- 
tion of the capitulation of March, 1837, by the Executive; the 
opinion of the Attorney-General, and the action of the Presi- 
dent, deciding the exiles to be free, and in all respects entitled 
to their liberty. But the Judge decided that the Creeks had 
obtained title by virtue of their contract with Gen. Jessup; 
that neither Gen. Jessup nor the President, had power to eman- 
cipate the exiles, even in time of war; and the Attorney- 
General had misunderstood the law; that the title of the Creek 
Indians was legal and perfect; and they, having sold them to 
the claimant, his title must be good and perfect. No sooner 
was the decision announced, than the manacled victims were 
hurried from their friends and the scenes of such transcendent 
crimes and guilt. They were placed on board a steamboat, 
and carried to New Orleans. There they were sold to different 
purchasers, taken to different estates, and mingling with the 
tide of human victims who are septennially murdered upon 
the cotton and sugar plantations of that State, they now rest 
in their quiet graves, or perhaps have shared the more unhappy 
fate of living and suffering tortures incomparably worse than 
death." 

******^*a Tliere yet remained some hun- 
dreds of exiles in that far-distant territory unsubdued, and 
enjoying liberty. They had witnessed the duplicity, the treach- 
ery of our government often repeated, towards themselves and 
their friends — they had, most of them, been born in freedom 
— they had grown to manhood, had become aged amidst per- 
secutions, dangers and death — they had experienced the constant 
and repeated violations of our national faith; its perfidy was 
no longe'r disguised; if they remained, death or slavery would 



682 Sl'KUGOLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

constitute their only alternative. One, and only one, mode of 
avoiding such a fate remained — that was, to leave the territory, 
the jurisdiction of the United States, and ilee beyond its 
power and influence. Mexico was free/ No slave clanked his 
chains under its government. Could they reach the Rio 
Grande — could they place themselves safely on Mexican soil, 
they might hope yet to be free. A council was held. Some 
were connected with Seminoles of influence. Those who were 
intimately connected with Indian families of influence, and 
most of the half-breeds, feeling they could safely remain in the 
Indian territory, preferred to stay with their friends and com- 
panions. Of the precise number who thus continued in the 
Indian country, we have no certain information; but some 
three hundred are supposed to have determined on going to 
Mexico, and perhaps from one to two hundred concluded to 
remain with their connections in the Indian country. Abra- 
ham had reached a mature age; had great experience, and 
retained influence with his people. Louis Pacheco, of whom 
we spoke in a former chapter, with his learning, his shrewd- 
ness and tact, was still with them, and so were many able and 
experienced warriors. Wild Cat, the most active and ener- 
getic chief of the Seminole tribe, declared his unalterable 
purpose to accompany the exiles; to assist them in their 
journey, and defend them, if assailed. Other Seminoles vol- 
unteered to go with them. Their arrangements were speedily 
made. Such property as they had was collected together, and 
packed for transportation. They owned a few Western ponies. 
Their blankets, which constituted their beds, and some few 
cooking utensils and agricultural implements, were placed upon 
their ponies, or carried by the females and children; while the 
warriors, carrying only their weapons and ammunition, marched, 
unencumbered even by any unnecessary article of clothing, 
prepared for battle at every step of their journey. After the 
sun had gone down (Sept. 10),"their spies and patrols, who had 
been sent out for that purpose, returned, and reported that all 
was quiet; that no slave-hunters were to be seen. As the 
darkness of the night was closing around them, they com- 
menced their journey westwardly. Amid the gloom of the 



OR, THE BORDER WA1{S OE TWO CENTURIES. 583 

evening, silent and sad tliey took leave of their Western homes, 
and fled from the jurisdiction of a people who had centuries 
previously kidnapped their ancestors in their native homes, 
brought them to this country, enslaved them, and during many 
generations had persecuted them. Many of their friends and 
relatives had been murdered for their love of liberty by our 
government; others had been doomed to suffer and languish 
in slavery — a fate far more dreaded than death. At the period 
of this exodus, their number was probably less than at the close 
of the Ee volution. When the slaveholding Creeks learned 
that the exiles had left, they collected together and sent a war 
party in pursuit, for the purpose of capturing as many as they 
could, in order to sell them to the slave-dealers from Louisian? 
and Arkansas, who were then present among the Creeks, 
encouraging them to make another piratical descent upon the 
exiles for the capture of slaves. This war party came up with 
the emigrants on the third day after leaving their homes. But 
Wild Cat and Abraham, and their experienced warriors, were 
not to be surprised. They were prepared and ready for the 
conflict. With them it was death or victory. They boldly 
faced their foes. Their wives and children were looking on 
with emotions not to be described. With the coolness of des- 
peration, they firmly resolved on dying, or on driving back the 
slave-catching Creeks from the field of conflict. Their nerves 
were steady, and their aim fatal. Their enemies soon learned 
the danger and folly of attempting to capture armed men who 
were fighting for freedom. They fied, leaving their dead upon 
the field; which is always regarded by savages as dishonorable 
defeat. The exiles resumed their journey, still maintaining 
their warlike arrangement. Directing their course south- 
westerly, they crossed the Eio Grande, and continuing nearly 
in the same direction, they proceeded into Mexico, until they 
reached the vicinity of the ancient but now deserted town of 
Santa Eosa. In that beautiful climate, they found a rich, pro- 
ductive soil. Here they halted, examined the country, and 
finally determined to locate their new homes in this most 
romantic portion of Mexico. Here they erected their cabins, 
planted their gardens, commenced plantations, and resumed 



584 STRUGOLES WITH THE SEMINOLES: 

their former habits of agricultural life. Tliere they yet remain. 
Forcibly torn from their native land, oppressed, wronged and 
degraded, they became voluntary exiles from South Carolina 
and Georgia." 

By the foregoing incomplete sketch of the Seminole war, 
the reader has been able to understand some of the hardships 
that befel the Indians of the South who attempted to shield 
the negroes from slavery. It is useless to follow the fate of 
the Seminoles farther. Their name was applied to both Indi- 
ans and negroes, and, although in the Indian language it has a 
distasteful significance, it has become justly celebrated in his- 
tory and honored as belonging to a people whose gallant deeds 
hastened emancipation. The Seminole negroes lied from a 
tyrannical bondage, which they could no longer bear, hoping to 
find freedom and protection under the Spanish laws. In this 
they were actuated by one of the noblest impulses of human- 
ity — a desire for liberty. The Seminole Indians fled into the 
same country on account of their displeasure of their brothers, 
the Creek Indians; and, through a wise providence, became 
instrumental in protecting the fugitive negroes from re-en- 
slavement. Such was the first war against slavery, and to the 
honor of the savages, be it said, it was waged by that tribe ol 
Indians known as the Seminoles. 



CHAPTEK LXXV. 

The Indian Wars of the Southern States — Tribes, Etc. — Kino 
ToNMOHicHi and His Queen — Bosomworth AND Mary — A Thril- 
LING Incident — A General War— Gen. Jackson's Campaign — 
Terrible Massacres — Hard Fought Battles— Complete Sub- 
jugation OF the Indians — Bravery op the Celebrated Weath- 
erford. 

Que short and somewhat incomplete narrative of the Semi- 
nole war, has created a demand for a brief account of the 
Indian tribes and Indian wars of the Southern States, and for 
our information in this regard we will again turn to Mr. 
Brownell's "Indian Kaces of Korth and South America." 
The Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasawas, Catawbas, 
lichees, etc., were, by early English colonists, all held under a 
common name — the Creeks. These tribes were pretty much 
alike in all the general characteristics, and were affected by the 
same political events and changes, and should, therefore, be 
considered collectively. 

The Catawbas dwelt between the Carolinas and the country 
of the Cherokees, and had, in 1750, through intercourse with 
the whites, become more degraded than other tribes of the 
same nation. They were a numerous and warlike people when 
South Carolina was first settled, numbering about fifteen hun- 
dred warriors; but small-pox and the use of ardent spirits 
reduced them to a few scattering bands. As mentioned in the 
opening chapter of this volume, they were the ancient enemies 
of the Six Nations, with whom they had waged long and sav- 
ao-e wars. - One writer says of these Indians that, " by some- 
fatality they were much addicted to excessive drinking, 
and spirituous liquors distracted them so exceedingly, that 
they would even eat live coals." The Upper Cherokees inhab- 
ited the high and mountainous region of the Appalachian 
(585) 



586 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS: 

range, and that upon the upper portions of the Tennessee. 
The lower tribe occupied the country around the head waters 
of tlie Savannah and Chatahoochee, to the northward of the 
Muscogees or Creeks proper. In the year 1735, they were 
computed by old traders to number six thousand fighting men. 
They had sixty-four populous towns. In 1738, nearly half of 
them perished by small-pox. Like all the other untaught 
nations of America, they were driven to perfect desperation by 
the ravages of this disease. The cause to which they ascribed 
it, and the strange remedies and enchantments used to stay its 
progress, are alike remarkable. One course was to plunge the 
patients into cold running water, the result of which operation 
was speedily fatal. *A great many killed themselves; for, 
being naturally proud, they are always peeping into their look- 
ing-glasses — by which means, seeing themselves disfigured, 
without hope of regaining their former beauty, some shot 
"themselves, others cut their throats, some stabbed themselves 
with knives, and others with sharp-pointed canes ; many threw 
themselves with sullen madness into the fire, and there slowly 
expired, as if they had been utterly divested of the native 
power of feeling pain. One of them, when his friends had 
restrained these frantic efforts, and deprived him of his weapons, 
went out, and taking a thick and round hoe-helve, fixed one 
end of it in the ground, and repeatedly threw himself on it till 
he forced it down his throat! when he immediately expired. 
^ " These tribes were formerly continually at war with the Six 
i^ations, at the North, and with the Muscogees at the South; 
but previous to their war with the English colonies they had 
been for some time comparatively at peace, and were in a thriv- 
ing and prosperous condition. They were excellently well 
supplied with horses, and were ' skillful jockies, and nice in 
their choice.' The lower settlement of the Muscogees or 
Creeks, was in the country watered by the Chatahoochee and 
Flint; the upper Creeks dwelt about the head waters of the 
Mobile and Alabama rivers. Their neighbors, on the west, 
were the Choctaws and Chickasaws. The Creeks were a nation 

* Adair's Narrative. 

f Brownell's Indian ttaces. 



OR, THE BORDKR WARS OF TWO CENTUR1I<S. 587 

formed by tlie union of a number of minor tribes with the 
Muscogees, who constituted the nucleus of the combinations- 
About the middle of the eighteenth century, they were com- 
puted to number no less than three thousand five hundred men 
capable of bearing arms. They had learned the necessity of 
secluding those infected with the small-pox, so as to avoid the 
spread of the contagion, and their general habits and usages 
were such tliat they were fast increasing, instead of diminish- 
ing, like all the surrounding tribes. While the Floridas were 
in possession of Spain, the Creeks were surrounded by bellig- 
erent powers, both native and European, and they appear to 
have adopted a very shrewd and artful policy in their inter- 
course with each. There was a French garrison in their 
country; the English settlements lay to the north and east, and 
those of the Spaniards to the south ;^ and the old sages of the 
tribe being long informed by the opposite parties of the differ- 
ent views and intrigues of those foreign powers, who paid 
them annual tribute under the vague appellation of presents, 
were become surprisingly crafty in every turn of low politics. 
The French were very successful in their eftbrts to conciliate 
the good-will of the Muscogees, and in alienating them from 
the English. The country of the Choctaws extended from that 
of the Muscogees to the Mississippi, reaching northward to 
the boundaries of the Chickasaws; the lower towns on the 
river were about two hundred miles north of New Orleans. 
Adair gives these people a very bad character, as being treach- 
erous, dishonest, ungrateful and unscrupulous; but he bears 
witness to their admirable readiness of speech. They were 
^ ready-witted, and endued with a surprising flow of smooth, 
artful language on every subject within the reach of their 
ideas.' The strange custom of flattening the head, prevalent 
among some other American tribes, obtained with the Choc- 
taws. The operation was performed by the weight of a bag of 
sand kept upon the foreheads of the infants before the skull 
had hardened. This process not improbably aflected the powers 
of the mind; at all events, Adair says: 'Their features and 
mind exactly correspond together; for, except the intense love 
* Brownell's Narrative. 



588 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS t 

they bear to their native country, and their utter contempt of 
any kind of danger in defense of it, I know no other virtue 
they are possessed of; the general observation of the traders 
among them is just, who affirm them to be divested of every 
property of a human being, except shape and language.' The 
French had acquired great influence over the Choctaws, as^ 
indeed, over nearly every tribe in ITorth America with whom 
they had maintained friendly intercourse. Adair enlarges upon 
the artful policy with which they conciliated and bribed the 
leaders and orators of the nation. Besides this, he says: 'the 
masterly skill of the French enabled them to do more with 
those savages, with trifles, than all our experienced managers 
of Indian afiairs have been able to efiect by the great quanti- 
ties of valuable goods they gave them with a very profuse 
hand. The former bestowed their small favors with exquisite 
wisdom; and their value was exceedingly enhanced by the 
external kindly behavior and well-adapted smooth address of 
the giver.' The nation of the Chickasaws, at the time of which 
we are speaking, was settled near the sources of the Tombigbee, 
a few miles eastward of the head waters of the Tallahache. 
They numbered about four hundred and fifty warriors, but were 
greatly reduced since their ancient emigration from the West. 
They were said to have formerly constituted one family with 
the Choctaws, and to have been able to bring one thousand men 
into the field at the time of their removal. Due allowance 
must of course be made for mistake and exaggeration in these 
early traditions. The Chickasaws were ever inimical to the 
French and friendly to the English colonists. It was by their 
efforts that the neighboring tribe of the Natchez was stirred 
up to attack the French settlements, in 1729. The French had,, 
unadvisedly, imposed a species of tax upon the Natchez, 
demanding a dressed buck-skin from each man of the tribe, 
without rendering any return; but, as some of that people 
afterwards reported to Adair, ' the warrior's hearts grew very 
cross, and loved the deer-skins.' The Chickasaws were not 
slow to foment a disturbance upon intelligence of this proceed- 
ing, and sent messengers, with presents of pipes and tobacco, 
to counsel an attack upon the exercisers of sueli tyranny. 



OK, THE BOEDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 589 

Nothing SO strongly excites an Indian's indignation as any 
attempt at taxation, and the Natchez were easily persuaded 
that the French had resolved to crnsh and enslave them. It 
took about a year to ripen the plot, as the Indians are ' slow in 
their councils on things of great importance, though equally 
close and intent' It was in the month of November (1729,) 
that the Indians fell upon the French settlement. The com- 
mandant had received some intimation of the intended attack 
from a woman of the tribe, but did not place sufficient depend- 
ence upon it to take any efficient steps for the protection of his 
charge. The whole colony was massacred; men, women and 
children, to the number of over seven hundred — Adair says 
fifteen hundred — perished by the weapons of the savages. The 
triumph of the Natchez was, however, but of short duration. 
The French came upon them in the following summer with a 
large army, consisting of two thousand of their own soldiers 
and a great array of their Choctaw allies. The Natchez were 
posted at a strong fort near a lake communicating with the 
Bayou D'Argent, and received the assailants with great resolu- 
tion and courage. They made a vigorous sally, as the enemy 
approached, but were driven within their defenses, and bom- 
barded with three mortars, which forced them to fly off different 
ways. The Choctaws took many prisoners, some of whom 
were tortured to death, and the rest shipped to the West Indies 
as slaves." 

The Natchez survivors fled for safety to the Chickasaws, 
which resulted in a war between the French and that tribe, in 
which the Indians were the conquerors. In one engagement, 
says Adair, the French and their Indian allies had surrounded 
the Chickasaw settlements in the night, with the exception of 
one which stood at some distance from the rest, called Ama- 
lahta. The besiegers beset every house, and killed all who 
came out; but at the dawn of day, when they were capering 
and using those flourishes that are peculiar to that volatile 
nation, the other town drew round them, stark naked, and 
painted all over red and black; thus they attacked them, killed 
numbers on the spot, released their brethren, who joined them 
like enraged lions. The Indians belonging to the French party 



590 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS: 

lied, but the whites were all killed except two, an officer, and 
a negro, who faithfully held his horse till he mounted, and then 
ran along side of him. A couple of swift runners were sent 
after them, who soon came up with them, and told them to 
live and go home, and inform their people, that as the Chicka- 
saw hogs had now a plenty of ngly French carcasses to feed 
on till next year, they hoped then to have another visit from 
them and their red friends; and that, as messengers, they 
wished them safe home. 

In 1733 when James Edward Oglethorpe commenced the 
settlement of Georgia, the Creeks laid claim to the whole ter- 
ritory southwest of the Savannah. Hoping to avoid a war 
with these Indians he employed a half-breed woman named 
Mary Musgrove, who could speak English, and by her influence 
effected a conference with the chiefs of the Savannah Indians. 
Tliis Mary had formerly married a white trader from Caro- 
lina. She had great influence over her tribe, and afterwards 
became a source of danger and annoyance to the English. 

At the council which was held at the infant settlement of 
Savannah in 1733, were fifty celebrated Creek chiefs, who were 
presided over by their King, Tomochichi. The latter made an 
eloquent speech. "A treaty," says Mr. Brownell, " was con- 
cluded, subject to the ratification of the English crown, by 
which the Indians were to consider themselves the subjects of 
tne king, and to live in peace and friendship with his white 
colonists. The lands lying between the Savannah and Alta- 
maha, were made over to the English, with all the islands on 
that coast, except St. Catharine's and two others, which were 
reserved for the use of the Indians as bathing and fishing sta- 
tions. A tract was also set apart for them to encamp upon 
when they visited their white friends, a little above the Yama- 
craw bluff, where Savannah now stands." 

In 1734 Mr. Oglethorpe visited England, taking with him 
Chief Tomochichi, his Queen, and several other Indians. 
They were presented to the king, " and every pains was taken 
to produce a strong impression upon their minds of the Eng- 
lish power and magnificence." 

Mr. Brownell, in his book, gives the following curious 



OR, TITE BORDER WARS OF TWO OENTURIES, 591 

acoount: ''The year 1749 was memorable for a most audacious 
attempt on the part of one Thomas Bosom worth to aggrandize 
himself by attaining a supremacy over the Creeks. lie had 
been formerly a chaplain in Oglethorpe's regiment, and had 
married Mary Mnsgrove, his half-breed interpreter. In 
December, 1747, this man fell in with a company of chiefs, 
belonging to the nation, then on a visit to Frederica; and per- 
suaded them to sign certain articles, acknowledging one of 
their number, named Malatche Opiya Meco, as righftul king- 
over the whole Creek nation. Bosomworth then procured 
from Malatche a conveyance, for certain considerations — among 
other things, a large quantity of ammunition and clothing — 
of the islands formerly reserved by the Indians, to himself and 
his wife Mary, their heirs and assigns, ' as long as the sun shall 
shine, or the waters run in the rivers, forever.' This deed w^as 
regularl}^ witnessed, proved before a justice of the peace, and 
recorded in due form. Bosomworth made someeiforts to stock 
and improve these islands, but, his ambition becoming aroused 
by success in his first intrigue, he entered upon one much more 
extensive. By his persuasions, his wife now made the extra- 
ordinary claim that she was Malatche's elder sister, and enti- 
tled to regal authority over the whole Creek territory. A 
great meeting of the tribe was procured, and, whatever of 
truth Mary's claims might be founded upon, she appears to 
have succeeded in persuading large numbers of the Creeks to 
espouse her cause, and acknowledge her as an independent 
queen. Accompanied by a strong force of her adherents, she 
proceeded incontinently to Savannah, sending emissaries before 
ner to demand a surrender of all lands south of the Savannah 
river, and to make known her intention of enforcing her claim 
3y the entire destruction of the colony, should her demands 
be resisted. The militia were called out by the president 
and council, and the Indians were kept quiet by a display of 
confidence and firmness, that matters might be fully discussed 
by their leaders and the colonial authorities. 'Bosomworth,' 
says McCall, ' in his canonical robes, with his queen by his 
side, followed by the kings and chiefs, according to rank, 
marched into town on the 20th of July, making a most for- 



592 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS: 

midable appearance. The inhabitants were struck with terror 
at the sight of tliis ferocious tribe of savages.' Lengthy dis- 
cussions ensued, between Bosomworth and Mary on the one 
hand, and the president and council on the other. The fickle 
and impressible savages leaned alternately to either opinion 
according as they were harangued by their new leaders, or list- 
ened to the explanations of the other party. They were told 
that Mary's claims to royal descent were entirely false; that 
she was the daughter of a white man by a squaw of no note, 
and that the mad ambition of her reprobate husband had led 
to the whole movement. They expressed themselves convinced, 
but no sooner had Mary obtained another opportunity to com- 
municate with them, than she succeeded in inflaming and 
bewildering their minds. It was found necessary to confine 
her and her husband before the savages could be quietly dis- 
persed. Before this was accomplished, the town was in a 
situation of the most imminent danger, as the Indians vastly 
outnumbered the whites; and a very slight matter might have 
so roused their fury that the whole colony would have been 
annihilated. Tlie intriguing chaplain had a brother, Adam 
Bosomworth, agent for Indian affairs in Carolina, who after- 
wards espoused his interests, so far as the claim to the islands 
of St. Catharine, Ossabaw, and Sapelo was concerned. This 
coadjutor visited the Creek nation, procured anew conveyance, 
and prosecuted the claim before the courts of Great Britain. 
The case proved almost as tedious and complex as that of the 
celebrated Mohegan land question in Connecticut. Bosom- 
worth and his wife obtained a decision in their favor, in 1759, 
by virtue of which they took possession of St. Catharine's 
island, and resided upon it the remainder of their lives. Ossa- 
baw and Sapelo were decreed to be sold for the benefit of the 
successful parties, but further litigation arose from the claims 
of one Isaac Levy, to whom they had sold, as was asserted, a 
moiety of that portion of the grant." 

In the early border wars between the settlers of West Yir- 
ginia and the Delaware Indians, the Southern Indians were 
engaged on the side of the English, and upon the evacuation 
of Fort Duquesne, numbers of these warriors, whose services 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CENTURIES. 693 

were no longer required, set out upon their return home. As 
they were passing through Virginia, they possessed themselves 
of such horses as they found grazing in the woods. For this 
act the German settlers fell upon them, and murdered and 
scalped a considerable number. These outrages, and the intiu- 
ence of the French, combined to stir up a war, and the Cherokees 
determined upon immediate retaliation for the massaci"*es by 
the Germans. A party, bound on this errand, after killing two 
soldiers near Fort Loudon, spread themselves among the west- 
ern settlements of I^orth Carolina, killing such of the whites 
as fell in their power. " It was their first intention," says Mr. 
Brownell, " to take scalps only equal in number to that of their 
murdered kinsmen, but, once having their hand in, they could 
not resist the temptation of going much farther." The same 
author further informs us that " William H. L^'ttleton, Gover- 
nor of South Carolina, set himself strenuously both to prepare 
for the defense of the colonies, and to bring about an adjust- 
ment of difficulties. At Fort St. George, on the Savannah, he 
held a conference with six Cherokee chiefs, on the twenty-sixth 
of December (1T59), and formed a treaty of peace, secured by 
the delivery of thirty-two Indian hostages. These were placed 
in close confinement in a small and miserable hut, and the 
governor returned to Charleston. According to the^ ,nsual 
course of events, the Cherokees denied the authority of the 
chiefs who had concluded the above treaty, and hostilities broke 
out afresh. The two most celebrated chiefs and leaders among 
them, at this time, were old Attakullakulla, a promoter of peace, 
and long the fast friend of the English, and Occonostota, a 
noted war-chief. Capt. Coytmore, commandant at Fort St. 
George, was an object of the bitterest hatred on the part of 
the Indians, and a large body of them, led by Occonostota, 
besieged the fort in February of 1760.* The place was too 
strong to be taken by assault, but the Indian chief managed to 
entice Coytmore out of the defenses into an ambush, where he 
was shot dead, and Lieuts. Bell and Foster, who accompanied 
him, were wounded. The hostages who were confined within 
the works, shouted to encourage their friends without, and 
* Brownell's Narrative. 



594 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS: 

when an attempt was made to put them in irons, resisted man- 
fully, stabbing one soldier, and wounding two others. Upon 
this, a hole was cut in the roof over their heads, and the cow- 
ardly garrison butchered them by shooting down from above. 
This war now commenced in earnest, and Indian ravages 
extended far and wide upon the frontier. Troops were ordered 
from ]^ew York by Gen. Amherst, commander-in-chief of the 
British forces in America; and the neigliboring colonies apj^ro- 
priated liberal sums for tlie purpose of buying the aid of the 
Creeks, Chickasaws and Catawbas. Col. Montgomery reached 
Carolina in April (1760), and hastened, in command of the 
regulars and provincials, to make an effective inroad upon the 
hostile Indians. His progress through the lower Cherokee 
country was marked by the entire destruction of the Indian 
towns. The first place attacked, called Keowee, was sur- 
rounded, and the men of the town were put to the sword. 
Estatoe, containing two hundred houses, with great quantities 
of provisions, was entirely destroyed; but the inhabitants 
were saved by a timely flight. ' Every other settlement east of 
the Blue Ridge,' says McCall, ' afterwards shared the same 
fate.' The army made some stay at Fort Prince George, and 
useless endeavors were put forth to bring about a pacification 
with the upper portion of the Cherokees. In the month of 
June the troops were again on their advance into the wilder- 
ness of the interior. Kear the Indian town of Etchoe, the 
native warriors prepared a most skillful ambuscade to check 
the advancing forces. It was in a deep valley, through which 
ran a muddy stream, with steep banks ; on either side of which 
the way was completely choked with tangled brushwood. 
Some hard fighting took place at this spot, in which twenty of 
the whites were killed and seventy-six wounded. The loss on 
the side of the Indians was much less, and, although driven 
from the spot where the first stand was made, they intrenched 
themselves a little farther on. Under these circumstances, 
Montgomery determined to secure the safety of his troops, and 
to provide for the requisite attention to his wounded men, hy 
a retreat. He soon after sailed for IS'ew York, leaving four 
companies of regulars, undei- Major Hamilton, for the protec- 



OK, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO OKNTtlKrKP. 596 

tion of the frontier. The garrison at tlie isolated Fort h^udoi) 
was now in a state of imminent peril. The provisions of the 
place were nearly exhausted, and the redoubtable Oeconostota 
was laying close siege to it with his fierce and em-aged warriors. 
After suffering great extremes of privation, and experiencing 
disappointment in all tlieir hopes of relief, the two hundred 
men stationed at tliis place were obliged to capitulate, and trust 
to the honor of their savage enemy. Capt, Steuart, an officer 
greatly in favor with all the friendly Indians, arranged the 
terms upon which the fort should be evacuated. The troops 
were to be allowed a free and unmolested passage to Virginia, 
or Fort Prince George, and a detachment of Indians was to 
accompany them for the purpose of supplying provisions by 
hunting. The p:arrison marched out on the seventh of Auijust 
(1760.) Occonostota himself, with a number of other natives, 
kept company with the whites, during the first day's march of 
fifteen miles; but these all disappeared when they reached the 
place of encampment, near an Indian town called Taliquo. On 
the next morning, just before day (the time generally selected 
by Indians for a surprise, as men sleep more soundly then than 
at any other hour,) a large body of armed savages, in war- 
paint, were seen by a sentinel, creeping through the bushes 
and gathering about the camp. Hardly was the alarm given 
when the attack was made; twenty-six of the feeble and half- 
starved soldiers were killed outright, and the rest were pinioned 
and marched back to the fort.* Capt. Steuart was among the 
prisoners, but his evil fortune was alleviated by the stauncli 
friendship of the benevolent Atakullakulla. This chief, as soon 
as he heard of Steuart's situation, hastened to Fort Loudon, 
and purchased him of the Indian who took him, giving him 
his rifle, clothes and all that he could command by way of ran- 
som ; he then took possession of Capt. Demere's house, where 
he kept his prisoner as one of his family, and humanely shared 
with him the little provisions his table afforded, until an oppor- 
tunity should offer of rescuing him. A quantity of ammuni- 
tion was discovered by the Indians, buried in the fort, and 
Occonostota determined to proceed at once to lay siege to Fort 
* Brownell's Narrative. 



596 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS: 

Prince George. Capt. Steuart was informed that the assist- 
ance of himself and his men would be required in the 
management of the great guns, and that, furthermore, if the 
garrison should refuse to capitulate, all the prisoners now in 
the hands of the Indians should, one by one, be burned in 
sight of the fort. Perceiving the diflficulty of his situation, 
the captain begged his kind old proprietor to assist him in 
effecting an escape, and AttakullakuUa readily lent his aid. 
Upon pretense of taking his prisoner out for a hunt, he left 
Fort Loudon, with his wife and brother, and two English sol- 
diers, and took a direct course for the Virginia frontier. After 
a most toilsome and dangerous march, they fell in with a party 
of three hundred men, sent out for the relief of such of the 
garrison at Fort Loudon as might have effected their escape. 
Being now in safety, Capt. Steuart dismissed his Indian friends 
with handsome rewards, to return and attend to the Avelfare of 
his former fellow-prisoners. Such of them as had survived 
were afterwards ransomed and delivered up at Fort Prince 
George." 

In 1762 a general agent and superintendent of Indian 
affairs at the South was appointed in the person of Captain 
John Steuart. Upon entering on the discharge of the duties 
of his office Capt. Steuai-t assembled the chiefs of all the 
Southern tribes in council and explained to them how the 
French had been conquered, and that thenceforth they could 
look only to the British for support and protection. He com- 
mended those tribes who had fought in the English cause and 
excused those who had allied themselves to the French. The 
Southern Indians remained quiet from that time until 1811, 
when the great Shawanoe Chief, Tecumseh * "in pursuance 
of his bold and extensive plans for a universal association of 
the Indians against the whites, made a tour among the south- 
ern triljes. His eloquent appeals, and the overpowering 
energy which distinguished this truly great man, proved suc- 
cessful in the winning over to his views of no small num1:>er 
of the Indian warriors, even among those who had long main- 
tained a friendly intercourse witli the Americans and the gov- 

* Browuell's narrative. 



OR, THE BORDER WARS OF TWO CKNTURII*. 597 

ernment of the United States. At the time of the declaration 
of war with England, (June 18th, 1812,) the whole western 
border of the United States was in a position of tlie greatest 
danger and insecurity. The machinations of Tecum seh and 
the Prophet had roused an extensive flame of vindictive 
ferocity throughout the Indian nations, while British agents, 
it is said, were widely dispersed, and, by munificent promises 
and artful persuasions, had still farther widened the breach 
between the savages and their white countrymen. Frightful 
scenes of depredation and murder called for a prompt and 
decisive check. Many minor forays are recorded, but the 
destruction of Fort Mimms in the Tensau settlement of Mis- 
sissippi, in the summer of the year following, may be con- 
sidered the first important part taken by the southern tribes 
in the wars of this period." 

I shall not, however, with the few pages that are now left, 
undertake to give a complete account of the part taken by the 
Southern Indians in the memorable war of 1812. A few of 
the principal points must suffice. 

Tecum sell's visit to his southern neighbors was not in vain. 
Under his forcible teachings a confederacy was established over 
which the celebrated Weatlierford gained nearly as much dis- 
tinction as did the renowned Shawanoe in the North. Weath- 
erford was, beyond question, * " possessed of noble and com- 
manding qualities, but these were combined with cruelty, 
avarice, and degrading vices. A party of about one thousand 
warriors, led by this popular chief, fell upon the devoted Fort 
Mimms, on the^ 30th of August, 1813. The post was garri- 
soned by one hundred and sixty efficient soldiers; the rest of 
its occupants, to the number of one hundred and fifteen, con- 
sisted of old men, women and children. The forces M'ere 
under the command of Major Beasly. No regular prepara- 
rations had been made for the reception of so powerful an 
enemy, and although the soldiers did their duty manfully, they 
were overpowered, and all slain except seventeen. The women 
and children having ensconced themselves in several block 

* Brownell's Narrative. 



598 THE SOUTHERN INDIANS". 

houses, met with a more terrible fate. Tlie savages set fire to 
the buildings, and consumed them, together with theii 
inmates." 

The war in the South now became general and Gen. Jackson 
took the field in person. Col. Coffee invaded the country of 
the hostile Indians and, with a considerable force encountered 
the enemy at Tallussahatchee Creek. The savages fought 
boldly and desperately, but were defeated and driven into their 
buildings, when one hundred and eighty-six of their number 
perished in the struggle. Eighty-four women and children 
were taken prisoners, and a number were killed during the 
contest. This battle took place in November, 1813. Soon 
after Jackson's army encountered the Indians at Talladega, 
where after a most bloody contest, three hundred Indians were 
left dead upon the field. Many more were killed while trying 
to escape, and their total loss was nearly six hundred. The 
Americans lost only fifteen killed and eighty wounded. 

The war was continued until all the hostile nations of the 
South were subdued and until the confederacy which Tecum- 
seh instigated was well nigh broken up. The most noted 
battles fought during the campaign were at Autossee, where 
some two hundred were massacred, on the twenty-ninth of 
November, and that of the Horse-shoe Bend in the Talla- 
poosie. At this latter point the Indians fortified themselves 
for a last desperate battle. Their number exceeded one thou- 
sand. On the twenty-seventh of March, 1814, Gen. Jackson, 
with a force three times the number of the enemy, commenced 
operations against their fortification. " Gen. Coftee, with 
most of the cavalry and Indian allies, was directed to sur- 
round the bend, in order to cut off all retreat across the river. 
The place was then carried by storm, under a heavy fire from 
within. More than half the Indians were killed at the fort, 
and an unknown number perished in tlieir endeavors to escape 
by crossing the river, beset as it was by the assailants. Some 
have asserted that probably not more than twenty ever reached 
a place of safety. At a time when it was evident that the 
fortune of the day was decided. Gen. Jackson sent a messenger, 
with a flag of truce, to invite a surrender, but, from ignorance 



OR, THE lioHDKR WARS OK TWO (^KNTUKIKS. 599 

or desperation, the savages Hred upon the bearer of the flag. 
After tliis, no mercy was shown; until night put an end to tlie 
work of destruction, they were shot or cut down wherever 
they could be found, and even on tlie foHowing morning, a con- 
siderable number were ferreted out from the 'caves and reeds,' 
where they had sought concealment, and remorsely put to 
death. Several hundred women and children were made cap- 
tives. The loss of the attacking army, in this battle, was fifty- 
five killed, and one hnndred and forty-six wounded." 

On the following April the surviving tribes sued for peace, 
and Gen. Jackson stipulated that before their proposals could 
be entertained their celebrated Chief Weathersford inust be 
delivered np for punishment. On hearing this the great chief, 
seeing that his cause was hopeless, gave himself up to the 
American commander. He said: " I am in your power. Do 
with me as you please. I am a soldier. I have done the whites 
all the harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them 
bravely. If I had an army, I would yet fight. I W(:)uld con- 
tend to the last; but I have done; my people are all gone. I 
can only weep over the misfortunes of my nation." 

He was told that he was at liberty to depart but that no 
mercy would be shown him or his nation until they should 
submit to whatever terms the whites should see fit to impose. 
To this he replied, " Yon can safely address me in such terms 
now. There was a time when I could have answered you. 
There was a time when I had a choice. I have none now. I 
have not even a hope. I could once animate my warriors to 
battle, but I cannot animate the dead. My warriors can no 
longer hear my voice. Their bones are at Talladega, Tallus- 
shatchee, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. * * * * yon are a 
brave man. I rely upon your generosity. You will exact no 
terms of a conquered people but such as they should accede 
to." This interesting incident closed the campaign. The 
Indians retired to the reservations assigned to them, without a 
murmur. They were subsequently removed west of the 
Mississippi. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGK. 

The Indian Tribes of the Lake Region — General Characteristics — Tri- 
bal Divisions — Mode of Government — Myths and Legends — Their 
Eloquence and Sagacity — Dwellings, Villages, and Forts — The 
War Path — Festivals and Pastimes — Religious Faith 9 

CHAPTER II. 
The English in the West — Pontiac Standing in their Way — He Con- 
sents to let them occupy his Country — The English take Possession 
of Detroit 22 

CHAPTER III. 
The Wilderness and its Inhabitants at the Close of the French War- 
Travel and Adventure — The Outposts of Civilization — The High- 
ways of the Wilderness - - - - - 27 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Indians Preparing for War— Pontiac and his Ambassadors— The 
Council at the River Ecorces — Plan for the Reduction of Detroit — 
The Conspiracy 33 

CHAPTER V. 
A Glimpse at Fort Detroit in 1703- The Conspiracy— The Treachery 
of Pontiac — His Plot Revealed — The Savages BaflBed — Murder of 
English Settlers — The Siege Commenced — The Assault— Glad wyn 
Offers Peace — Pontiac Refuses — Departure of Major Campbell to 
the Ottawa Camp — His Warning - 42 

CHAPTER VI. 
Pontiac's Treachery— Campbell and McDougal made Prisoners — 
Scarcity of Provisions in the Fort — Perilous Situation of the Gar- 
rison—Continuation of the Siege — Pontiac Summons the Garrison 
to Surrender — Gladwyn Refuses — Complaints of the French — 

Pontiac's Policy - ^ 

(600) 



CONTENTS. 001 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Siege of Detroit — Fate of Cuyler's Detachment — Bravery of tlie 
Wyandots — Indian Carouse — Massacre and Murder — Horrible 
Fate of tlie Western Outposts — Fall of Sandusky, Presque Isle, 
etc. — The Forests Growing Black with Indian Warriors 56 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Description of Fort Michilimackinac — The Indians in the Vici- 
nity—Preparations for the Massacre — The Warning — Adventures 
of English Traders — The Night Before the Slaughter 67 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Massacre — The Game of Ball — Slaughter of the Garrison — Indi- 
ans Drinking the Blood of Englishmen — Hairbreadth Escape of an 
English Trader 75- 

CHAPTER X. 
Adventures of English Traders at Michilimackinac — They are Res- 
cued by the Ottawas — Treatment of the Prisoners — Henry's 
Escape — Cannibalism — Reduction of all the Western Outposts 
except Detroit 81 

CHAPTER XI. 
Continuation of the Siege of Detroit — Adventures of a Schooner on 
the Detroit River — Defeat of the Indians — Pontiac Appeals to the 
French for Assistance — Horrible Death of Capt. Campbell — The 
Wyandots and Pottawatomies Sue for Peace 88 



CHAPTER XII. 
Approach of Dalzell's Detachment — The Battle of Bloody Run — 
Slaughter of the English — The Fatal Retreat — Adventures of the 
Schooner Gladwyn — Bravery of her Crew — The Indians Sue for 
Peace - - 94 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Frontier Settlements and Forts — Alarms at Fort Pitt — Slaughter of 
Traders — Narrow Escape of a Garrison — Destruction of Forts — 
The War Raging to the Highest Pitch — Danger Thickening Around 
Fort Pitt.. 1 ..: 103 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The War on the Borders— The March of Death — The Terrified 
Inhabitants Fleeing to the Older Towns — Bouquet's Army at 
Carlisle — Adventures of Volunteers — Burning Settlements — The 
Battle of Bushy Run — Distress and Danger of the Troops- The 
Victory US 



602 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XV. 
Disaster at the Devil's Hole — Fate of Wilkins' Detachment — The 
Frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania — Slaughter of the Settle- 
ments — Terrible Scenes and Incidents of Border Warfare — Deso- 
lation — The Defenses - - - 123 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Moravian Missions — Their Removal — Difficulties in Philadel- 
phia — Advance of the Paxton Men — Great Excitement — The 
Quakers Volunteering to Enter the Army — The Difficulty Settled.. 129 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Bradstreet's Expedition — The Council at Niagara — Peace Treaties — 
Bradstreet at Detroit — Council with the Indians — Peace Con- 
eluded — Canadians Punished — Michilimackinac Garrisoned — Fate 
of Capt. Morris — Bradstreet Returns 133 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Bouquet's Army in the Indian Country — He Subdues the Delawares 
and Shawanoes — Scenes at the English Camp — Two Hundred 
Prisoners Given up — Return of the Expedition 138 

CHAPTER XIX. 
Groghan's Expedition — Murder of Indians — Expedition Against the 
Indians — Battle of Point Pleasant — Dunmore Retires from the 
•VyTest — Fort Erected at Boonsborough — Conspiracy to Unite the 
Indians .- - 147 

CHAPTER XX. 
The Conquest of Illinois — Colonel George Rogers Clark- His Expe- 
dition against the Posts in Illinois — A Bloodless Conquest — Singu- 
lar Stratagem— Colonel Clark's Speech to the Indians — Interesting 
Incidents l-^'^ 

CHAPTER XXI. 
Conquest of Illinois Continued — Bravery of George Rogers Clark — 
Re-taking of Post Vincennes by Col. Hamilton — Courage of Capt. 
Helm — Clark's Expedition against Hamilton — Hamilton taken 
Prisoner — Results of Clark's Campaign 170 

CHAPTER XXII. 
Borders of Kentucky — Boone's Salt Expedition — His Capture — His 
Defense of Boonsborough — Invasion of the Country of the Six 
Nations — Indian Troubles - - IBO 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
Expedition Against Moravian Indians — The Massacre — Terrible 
Fate of Colonel Crawford — Attack of Bryant's Station — Defeat 
of the Frontier Men - - 186 



CONTENTS. 603 

CHAPTEK XXiy. 
The Northwest Territory — Sketch of Arthur St. Clair — Review of tlie 
Treaties with the Indians — Indian Speeches 194 

CHAPTER XXV. 
The Englisli, tlie Indians, and the Americans — Harmar's Expedi- 
tion — Harmar's Defeat — Measures for Subduing the Indians — 
Proctor's Mission a Failure — Jealousy of the Englisli 204 

CHAPTEPv XXVI. 
Proctor's Peace Mission — Its Failure — Orders for St. Clair's Cam- 
paign — St. Clair Marches into the Indian Country — His Defeat — 
Account of the Disaster 213 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Results of St. Clair's Defeat — The Americans, the English, and the 
Indians — Brant Invited to Philadelphia — Horrifying Scenes on 
St. Clair's Battle Field — The Peace Makers — Their Instructions — 
Americans Desire Peace — The Indians for War 225 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
Fate of the Peace-Makers — Great Council of the Maumee — Propo- 
sitions of Peace Rejected by the Indians — Wayne Marches into 
the Indian Country — The Skulls on St. Clair's Battlefield — Fort 
Recovery Established 231 

CHAPTER XXIX. 
Gen. Wayne's Battle on the Banks of the Maumee — Position of the 
American and Indian Forces — The Victory — New Forts Erected — 
Destruction ot^ Indian Dwellings — The Indians Sue for Peace— The 
Treaty of Greenville 237 

CHAPTER XXX. 
The Indians Cede their Lands — Tecumseh and the Prophet — The 
New Indian Confederacy — Its Objects — Curious Speech of the 
Prophet — The Approaching War — The Prophet Declares his 
Innocence 247 

CHAPTER XXXI. 
Tecumseh and the Prophet Uniting the Savages for War — Trouble in 
the Council at Vincennes — Governor Harrison Denounces Tecum- 
seh and Orders him to Leave the Village — The Battle of Tippe- 
canoe — Harrison's Victory 253 

CHAPTER XXXII. 
Tecumseh's Anger — He Joins the British — Hull's Inglorious Cam- 
paign — Surrender of Detroit — Surrender of Mackinac — Triumph 
of the British — Hull's Incapacity 260 



L_ 



604 CONTENl-S. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
Chicago — Its Early Settlement — Its Condition in 1812 — Order for 
Evacuation — Council with the Indians — Tlieir Promises and their 
Treacliery — The Massacre — Heroism of Women — Account of Mrs. 
Helm and Others — Thrilling Incidents 265- 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Raising an Array to Conquer the English in the Northwest — Early 
Settlements in Illinois — Expedition under Governor Edwards and 
Col. Russell — Siege of Fort Harrison — Capt. Taylor's Defense — 
The Army under Harrison, Winchester and Tupper 279' 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

The War of 1812 — Defeat atFrenchtown — Groghan's Heroic Defense 
of Fort Stephenson — Defeat of the Americans — Preparations for 
a New Campaign — Perry's Victory — Harrison's Triumph — The 
Indians Subdued — The English Defeated — Close of the War 284 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 
The Life and Times of Black Hawk — Black Hawk Distinguishes 
Himself as a Warrior — Black Hawk Joins the British — The Sacs 
Driven Beyond the Mississippi — Black Hawk Remonstrates — 
Description of the Principal Sac Village at Rock River 292' 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 
Difficulties between Black Hawk and the Settlers at Rock River — A 
Military Force Called out to Remove the Sac Indians West of the 
Mississippi — Sketch of Keokuk — His Bravery, Sagacity and 
Eloquence 299 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
Commencement of the Black Hawk War— The Sacs Violate their 
Treaty — They are Ordered to Return West of the Mississippi — 
They Refuse — Pursued by American Troops — Black Hawk and his 
Band Victorious— Desolation in the Border Settlements of Illinois- 
Black Hawk Defeated — Starvation among the Savages 305 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 
Black Hawk's Defeat — He and His Band are Driven into the Missis- 
sippi—Terrible Indian Slaughter — The War Ended — Black Hawk 
Captured, and with other Chiefs Confined in Irons— He Visits 
Washington and the Eastern Cities — His Reception 313 

CHAPTER XL. 
Ceremonies of Liberating Black Hawk — Keokuk's Triumph — Black 
Hawk's Anger — He will not Conform to the Councils of Keokuk — 
His Speech — He Departs to his Squaws — Interesting Incidents at 
Rock Island - 320 



CONTENTS 



606 



CHAPTER XL I. 
Indian Tribes West of tlie Mississippi — Tlie Mandans, '.lieir Dwelliligs, 
Manners and Customs — Tlieir Traditions of the Flood — Tlieir 
Singular Ceremonies — How they were Destroyed — Their Supposed 
Ori^^in - - 330 

CHAPTER XLII. 
:Sketch of the Sioux Indians — How they Nursed their Infants — 
Leaving tlieir Old and Inlirm to Die from Starvation — The Pecu- 
liarities of the Red -Pipe Stone Quarry — Superstitions of the Sioux 
Regarding the Pipe Stone — The Buifalo Hunt 338 

CHAPTER XLII I. 
The Crows and the Blackfeet — Their Myths and their Wars — Char- 
acteristics of these Tribes — Interesting Incidents 342 

CHAPTER XLIV. 
The Indian Tribes of *he Far West — The Pierced-Noses — The Walla- 
wallas — The Flat-Heads — Peculiarities of this Tribe — Their 
Canoes, etc - - - 347 

CHAPTER XLV. 

The Shoshonees — The Root-Diggers — Description of the Snake 
Indians — The Utahs and Apaches — The Navajos and the Moques. 350 

CHAPTER XLVI. 

■Col. Fremont and Kit Carson — Kit Goes as Guide with Fremont's 
Expedition — The Buflalo Hunt — Adventures in a Prairie Dog- 
Village — Crossing the South Fork — Immense Buffalo Herds 354 

CHAPTER XLVII. 

Division of Fremont's Party — Thrilling Incidents of the Journey to 
Fort Laramie — Description of Fort Laramie — Frightful Rumors 
of Indian Hostili^}' — Fremont Determines to Continue — Kit Car- 
son Resolves to Follow Him — Bravery and Cowardice 363 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 
Journey of Fremont's Expedition from Fort Laramie to Fremont's 
Peak, in the Rocky Mountains — Hardships of Col. Fremont — His 
Description of the Wild Scenery in the Rocky Mountains — Fre- 
mont Thirteen Thousand Feet Above the Level of the Sea — The 
Return 871 

CHAPTER XLIX. 
'Sketch of Kit Carson — His Early Adventures — His First Visit to the 
Far West — He Distinguishes Himself as a Hunter, Guide, and 
Scout — Plis Adventures on the Sacramento — Mr. Young's Trap- 
ping Party 379 



606 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER L. 
Sketch of Kit Carson Continued — Description of tlie Mountain 
Parks — Pursuing Horse Tliieves — Nine Hunters Defeat Fifty 
Indian Warriors — Kit Carson Wounded — Tlie Duel 385 

CHAPTER LI. 
Slietcli of Kit Carson Continued — His Adven*;ures — He Again Joins 
Fremont's Expedition — Description of Fremont's Second Expedi- 
tion — Its Adventures - -- 391 

CHAPTER LII. 

Adventures of Fremont's Second Expedition Concluded — Kit Carson 
in New Mexico — Description of Taos and the Settlements of New 
Mexico — Interesting Incidents of Smuggling — The Fandango 408 

CHAPTER LIII. 

Col. Fremont's Third Expedition — Peculiar Qualities of Kit Carson — 
Fremont Attacked by the Mexicans — Fremont Visits Klamath Lake 
and the Lava Beds — Three of his Party Killed — The Revenge 416 

CHAPTER LIV. 
Fremont as a Conqueror — The War in Northern California — Heroisn 
of the Mountaineers — Indian Hostilities — Fremont and his Fol- 
lowers Conquer Northern California — His Triumphal Entry into 
Montery — California Saved from the English 420 

CHAPTER LV. 
Insurrection in Southern California — Fremont Subdues the Walla- 
wallas- The War in Southern California — Description of Southern 
California — Pico Defeated — The Peace 426 

CHAPTER LVI. 
Gen. Kearney and Col. Doniphan — The Conquest of New Mexico — 
Battle of the Sacramento — Chihuahua Taken — Glorious Victory 
of the Missourians — Triumphal Entry into the Ancient Capital. . 432 

CHAPTER LVII. 
War between the United States and Mexico — Gen. Taylor Proceeds 
to Point Isabel with an Army — He is Ordered to Leave the Country 
— He Refuses— His Danger at the River Fort — The Battle of Palo 
Alto -- --- 439 

CHAPTER LVIII. 
The Battle of Resaca de la Palma — A Desperate Struggle — Bravery 
of the Mexicans — The Dead and Dying — Gen. Taylor's Victory — 
Matamoras Taken — Gen. Taylor's Diflaculties — The Siege of 
Monterey — The Victory 445 



CONTENTS. GOT 

CHAPTER LIX. 
Gen. T.aylor at Monterey — Saltillo Taken — Gen. Santa Anna — 
Victoria Taken — Scott Supercedes Taylor — The Battle of Buena 
Vista 46G 

CHAPTER LX. 
Gen. Scott's Campaign — The Siege of Vera Cruz — Victory of Cerro 
Gordo — Capture of Puebla — Advance on Mexico — Battle of the 
Contieras — The Victory — Other Battles — Battle of Churubusco — 
The Armistice 477 

CHAPTER LXI. 
Termination of the Armistice — The Battle of Molinos del Rey — The 
Siege of the Capital — The City of Mexico Occupied — The Amer- 
ican Flag Floating from the Mexican National Palace 492 

CHAPTER LXII. 

Wars with the Indians in New Mexico — The Massacre of the White 
Family — Brutality of the Apaches — The Wars with Utahs and 
Apaches — The Settlement in New Mexico Invaded by Hostile 
Indians — A Brilliant Company — Seven Battles — Peace 497 

CHAPTER LXI 1 1. 
The Navajo Indians Join the Rebels — Their Hostile Attitude — Car- 
son Leads an Army against them — Ten Thousand Indians taken 
Prisoners — Advocates of the New Reservation Policy — The Mili- 
tary Division of the Missouri — Its Extent — Condition of the 
Tribes in this Division in 1866.. 509 

CHAPTER LXIV. 
Indian Troubles in the Military Division of the Missouri in 1867 — 
The Horrible Massacre at Fort Phil. Kearney — Indian Outbreaks 
in Montana — Outrage at Smoky Hill and along the Route to Cali- 
fornia — The Peace Commission Policy — Inactivity of the Military. 515 

CHAPTER LXV. 
Wars with the Indians in the Military Division of the Missouri — 
Operations of the Peace Commission — Councils with the Indians — 
Congress Fails to Co-Operate — A Formidable Indian War — Break- 
ing out of Hostilities — Murder, Massacre and Horror — A Chapter 
of Outrages 518 

CHAPTER LXVI. 

Winter Campaign of Lieut.-Gen. Sheridan in 1868 — A Brilliant 
Triumph over the Indians East of the Rocky Mountains — Sur- 
render of the Tribes — They are Placed on the Reservations — The 
Way Opened for the Labors of tlie Peace Commission 527 



■*)0S CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER LXVII. 
Indian Troubles West of the Rocky Mountains — Horrible Massacre 
of Indians — Difficulties of Making War on the Savages in the 
Wilds of the West — TI:3 Peace Commissioners in Arizona and 
California — Curious Speeches of Chiefs 533 

CHAPTER LXVIII. 

History of the Modocs — Horrible Massacre of a Party of Immigrants 

— Ben Wright's Vengeance — Terrible Destruction of the Modocs 
from Starvation — Canibialism — The Reservation Troubles 540 

CHAPTER LXIX. 
Quarrels among the Indians on the Reservation — Departure of CapL 
Jack and his band for the Lava Beds — The Troops Pursue them in 
Vain — Fatal Attempts of the Peace Commission — Murder of the 
Commissioners — Execution of the Modocs 547 

CHAPTER LXX. 

The Seminole War — Early Settlers of Florida and Georgia — Indian 
and Negro Slavery — Difficulties among the Creeks — Sea Cofiee's 
Band — Slaves Flee to Florida — Treaty with the Creeks 553 

CHAPTER LXXI. 

The Seminole War — Difficulties with the Creeks — Their Inability 
to Return the Fugitive Slaves — Complaints of the Slaveholders of 
Georgia — The Georgians Invade Florida — Their Defeat — Cruelty 
to Settlers — The Second Invasion — More Suffering — British Inter- 
ference and Occupation in Georgia and Florida — The Fort of the 
Exiles — The Fort Blown Up — Great Destruction of Human Life — 
Commencement of the First Seminole War 556 

CHAPTER LXXII. 

The First Seminole War — Massacre of Lieut. Scott — Jackson's Army 
Invades Florida, and Burns Seminole Towns — Peace — Purchasing 
Slaves from Indians with Whisky — A Movement to Remove the 
Seminoles West of the Mississippi — Osceola, His Wife, Her Fate, 
and His Revenge — The Massacre at Fort King — Louis, the Guide 

— Terrible Massacre at the Great Wahoo Swamp 562 

CHAPTER LXXIII. 

The Second Seminole War — The Battle of the Withlacoochee- 
Bravery of Osceola — The Seminoles and Negroes Defeated — Gen. 
Gaines's Fruitless Campaign — Osceola Attacks Miconopy — Heil- 
man's Gallant Defense — The Battle between Pearce and Osceola — 
Several Severe Battles — The Seminoles Hard to Conquer 569 

CHAPTER LXXIV. 
Conclusion of the Second Seminole War — Several Battles — Gen. 
Jessup's Peace Policy — Hostilities Renewed — Slave -Catching 
Parties — The Seminoles and Exiles Persuaded to Go West — Efforts 
to Subject them to Creek Authority — Invaded by the Creeks — 
Emigration of the Exiles to Mexico - - - 574 

CHAPTER LXXV. 
The Indian Wars of the Southern States — Tribes, Etc. — King Ton- 
mohichi and His Queen — Bosomworth and Mary — A Thrilling 
Incident — A General War — Gen. Jackson's Campaign — Terrible 
Massacres — Hard Fought Battles — Complete Subjugation of the 
Indians — Bravery of the Celebrated Weatherford ' 585 



